<?xml version='1.0' encoding='UTF-8'?><?xml-stylesheet href="http://www.blogger.com/styles/atom.css" type="text/css"?><feed xmlns='http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom' xmlns:openSearch='http://a9.com/-/spec/opensearchrss/1.0/' xmlns:georss='http://www.georss.org/georss' xmlns:gd='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005' xmlns:thr='http://purl.org/syndication/thread/1.0'><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5083983548447711491</id><updated>2011-04-21T10:53:01.317-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Research Data for RM700</title><subtitle type='html'>ข้อขัดแย้งไทย-กัมพูชา : การณีเผาสถานทูตไทย ปี พ.ศ. 2546</subtitle><link rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#feed' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://tkrm700.blogspot.com/feeds/posts/default'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default?max-results=100'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://tkrm700.blogspot.com/'/><link rel='hub' href='http://pubsubhubbub.appspot.com/'/><author><name>ตรัยรัตน์ แก้วเกิด</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/04836047754532497609</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='32' height='24' src='http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_NU-332ak8BY/SYJZSrnvqlI/AAAAAAAAC2s/vqm86ALf3zE/S220/IMG_1144.JPG'/></author><generator version='7.00' uri='http://www.blogger.com'>Blogger</generator><openSearch:totalResults>19</openSearch:totalResults><openSearch:startIndex>1</openSearch:startIndex><openSearch:itemsPerPage>100</openSearch:itemsPerPage><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5083983548447711491.post-3734169587737920173</id><published>2009-01-01T23:58:00.000-08:00</published><updated>2009-01-01T23:59:41.698-08:00</updated><title type='text'>19.Assembly opens</title><content type='html'>Judgment day for Cambodia - September 26, 2003Tomorrow is the day the Cambodian Assembly opens. However, for weeks, political parties have been deadlocked. Hun Sen's CPP party did win a majority, but not enough to form a government alone. The Sam Rainsy and Funcinpec parties formed a block which refuses to form a government with the CPP. They also demand that Hun Sen not head the new government. Observers have been expecting action from Hun Sen, who is known for decisive strong-arm tactics, and last week there were rumors of a coup that never materialized. Cambodia opposition groups have been wondering what will happen tomorrow and who might make the decisive move in the power struggle.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/5083983548447711491-3734169587737920173?l=tkrm700.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/3734169587737920173'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/3734169587737920173'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://tkrm700.blogspot.com/2009/01/19assembly-opens.html' title='19.Assembly opens'/><author><name>ตรัยรัตน์ แก้วเกิด</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/04836047754532497609</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='32' height='24' src='http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_NU-332ak8BY/SYJZSrnvqlI/AAAAAAAAC2s/vqm86ALf3zE/S220/IMG_1144.JPG'/></author></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5083983548447711491.post-1400493823888742309</id><published>2009-01-01T23:13:00.000-08:00</published><updated>2009-01-01T23:21:24.639-08:00</updated><title type='text'>18. Kampuchea Krom</title><content type='html'>-&lt;a href="http://www.khmerkrom.org/"&gt;Khmers Kampuchea-Krom Federation official web site&lt;/a&gt; - May 5, 2002"...activities have concentrated on many fronts to alert the human rights abuse in Kampuchea Krom (converted to the name of South Vietnam at Indochina war and after) under the Vietnamese leaders...Prey Nokor was one of the most important commercial cities of all in Kampuchea-Krom, but the name was first changed to Saigon and then to Ho Chi Minh City by the Vietnamese Communist in 1975." "Our mission is through the use of peaceful measures and the international laws, to seek freedom, justice and the right to self determination for Khmer Krom people who are living under the oppression of the Vietnamese Socialist government." They have an interesting map that incorporates the southern Vietnam area into Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-The "menace" of Vietnam and/or China - May 5, 2002 One of the polital undercurrents of Cambodian politics is the idea that Cambodia is slowly being taken over by Vietnam or China (Cambodia is said to be, for some reason, the "apple of China's eye"). At the same time, some Cambodians claim the entire southern part of Vietnam for Cambodia. Here's some intersting text from a newsletter (apprently translated from French) from Khemara Jati, Montreal, Quebec, and dated April 4, 2002. See also the &lt;a href="http://www.khmerkrom.org/"&gt;Khmers Kampuchea-Krom Federation official web site&lt;/a&gt;5 / Precisions of our Compatriots and readersa / The vietnamisation of Cambodians of Kampuchea Krom is possible by the using of the only French and Vietnamese languages in the administration and school. Louis Malleret, in 1946 (3), pled in vain the using also of the Cambodian language in the cities and villages where Cambodians are in majority. Thus the vietnamisation was done and is done by the disappearance of the Cambodian language. Especially the written language is the fundamental support of the cultural identity.Let us recall that on the French arrival, Cambodians were majority in many provinces of Cochin-China. But the forced vietnamisation, political and cultural, imposed by the colonial authorities which, gradually, made possible to the Vietnameses to become majority .....&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-The demise of Cambodian donut shops - LA Times, May 5, 2002....For more than two decades, Cambodian immigrants, in particular, have made a mark in the doughnut business, which requires few English-language and technical skills. Drawing on the money and support of family and friends who paved the way, many ascended to the middle class by cultivating this particular retailing niche in their adopted homeland, just as thousands of Vietnamese newcomers gravitated to the nail salon business and many Thai immigrants opened neighborhood restaurants.Now, Cambodian immigrants, who operate an estimated 75% of California's nearly 2,500 doughnut shops, are struggling, especially in Southern California, the epicenter of the nation's most intense doughnut wars. They and other independent operators must grapple with a resurgent Winchell's Donut House, which is renovating stores and has boosted its advertising budget, and the exploding popularity of Krispy Kreme Doughnuts, which has attracted a cult-like following and has grand expansion plans for the Southland........Ning Yen, who supplies 1,600 doughnut shops in Southern California, the nation's most crowded market. Just a few years ago, Cambodians and other immigrants called on him for advice on how to operate and get financing for doughnut shops. The "godfather" of Cambodian doughnut makers would freely dispense words of wisdom to fledgling entrepreneurs, who in turn would buy sugar, dough and icing from his company, B&amp;amp;H Distributors.His telephone isn't ringing as much now, except for queries from financially strapped customers who are seeking more time to pay him.... (from A Hole in Their Dreams, Los Angeles Times, April 7, 2002)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-&lt;a href="http://www.phnompenhpost.com/TXT/current/stories/paradis.htm"&gt;Vietnamese island of Phu Quoc&lt;/a&gt; - Phnom Penh Post, 06:46, April 28, 2002 To Cambodians the island is still wistfully known by its Khmer name "Koh Tral". While the island has never had a Khmer administration, it has long been claimed by Cambodia. Some of the country's more strident nationalists still regard the island as part of Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;-&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/5083983548447711491-1400493823888742309?l=tkrm700.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/1400493823888742309'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/1400493823888742309'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://tkrm700.blogspot.com/2009/01/18-kampuchea-krom.html' title='18. Kampuchea Krom'/><author><name>ตรัยรัตน์ แก้วเกิด</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/04836047754532497609</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='32' height='24' src='http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_NU-332ak8BY/SYJZSrnvqlI/AAAAAAAAC2s/vqm86ALf3zE/S220/IMG_1144.JPG'/></author></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5083983548447711491.post-1711450615306176160</id><published>2009-01-01T23:10:00.000-08:00</published><updated>2009-01-01T23:11:25.467-08:00</updated><title type='text'>17.SRP -MPR revenue</title><content type='html'>Call back and net services debated in the National Assembly - May 23, 2002&lt;br /&gt;From a press release from the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP): During the debate on the government draft law on the Post from May 13 to May 17, National Assembly Members from the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) raised the issue of the Internet and the use of a new type of telephone service through the Internet, as well as the legality of the callback system in the classical telephone network.International telephone calls that pertain to the classical telephone services under the control of the Ministry of Post and Telecommunications (MPTC) are an essential source of revenue for the Government in an industry with no real competition and where prices are up to ten times higher than in most other countries. In order to protect its revenues and to preserve a de facto monopoly based on kickbacks and under-the-table payments, the Government has banned the callback system as well as new telephone services through the Internet, while stifling competition among a restricted number of Internet service providers.SRP Members of Parliament publicly denounced the present telephone system based on government corruption, the lack of competition, the obsolete equipment in use, the poor quality of the service, the exorbitant and unacceptable fees, which are a serious hindrance to foreign direct investment and therefore contribute to increasing unemployment and poverty. They insisted on transparency and fairness in the granting of licenses for Internet services providers, so as to open up the market, promote information technology, help develop human resources through Internet-based research, and lower telephone cost through new systems such as the Voice On Internet Protocol (VOIP) developed by Yahoo, which has allowed a dramatic reduction in telecommunications fees in neighbouring countries.Following a heated debate, MPTC Minister So Khun announced that his ministry would henceforth allow all telephone users to use the callback system, and Internet shops to offer Internet telephone services, especially international calls, without any restrictions. He also announced that a full license for offering Internet services, which had been so far issued “free of charge” to three Internet services providers (Camnet/MPTC, Bigpond/Telstra, Telesurf/Mobitel), would be issued free of charge to all legitimate applicants, including the non-government and non-profit organization Open Forum, which had been established as the Internet pioneer in Cambodia since 1994. - SRP Members of Parliament&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/5083983548447711491-1711450615306176160?l=tkrm700.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/1711450615306176160'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/1711450615306176160'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://tkrm700.blogspot.com/2009/01/17srp-mpr-revenue.html' title='17.SRP -MPR revenue'/><author><name>ตรัยรัตน์ แก้วเกิด</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/04836047754532497609</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='32' height='24' src='http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_NU-332ak8BY/SYJZSrnvqlI/AAAAAAAAC2s/vqm86ALf3zE/S220/IMG_1144.JPG'/></author></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5083983548447711491.post-4510358550325807141</id><published>2009-01-01T23:08:00.001-08:00</published><updated>2009-01-01T23:08:57.200-08:00</updated><title type='text'>16. King sorry for land grabs</title><content type='html'>King says sorry for land-grab inaction - The Straits Times, Friday, May 24, 2002Cambodia's King Norodom Sihanouk apologised to his subjects yesterday for his political inability to act against land grabs made by Thais and Vietnamese within Cambodia's borders. He said that he had received a series of complaints from his constituents over alleged land grabs in the border areas of eastern and western Cambodia, but under the constitution the king cannot act. 'The king reigns but does not rule,' he said in an open letter. He said that any action against Vietnamese and Thai squatters was the responsibility of the government and the parliament.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/5083983548447711491-4510358550325807141?l=tkrm700.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/4510358550325807141'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/4510358550325807141'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://tkrm700.blogspot.com/2009/01/16-king-sorry-for-land-grabs.html' title='16. King sorry for land grabs'/><author><name>ตรัยรัตน์ แก้วเกิด</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/04836047754532497609</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='32' height='24' src='http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_NU-332ak8BY/SYJZSrnvqlI/AAAAAAAAC2s/vqm86ALf3zE/S220/IMG_1144.JPG'/></author></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5083983548447711491.post-7646260085905223802</id><published>2009-01-01T23:04:00.001-08:00</published><updated>2009-01-01T23:04:57.528-08:00</updated><title type='text'>15.ShinSat&amp;Cambodia</title><content type='html'>In volatile regional markets, straight dial tones are safer - Far Eastern Economic Review, May 30, 2002Satellites and politics have often proved a volatile mix for Thailand's Shin Corp. in regional markets. In the early 1990s, Shin landed a controversial 99-year concession to operate a television service in neighbouring Cambodia. But when pre-election programming in 1993 was deemed biased in favour of the Hun Sen-led government that awarded Shin the contract, Norodom Ranariddh's newly elected administration quickly cut the licence to 30 years.In a bizarre twist, Cambodian officials later implicated a group of Thai nationals, including current Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and other then-Shin Corp. employees, in a botched coup attempt in July 1994. Thaksin has always denied the charges, but soon thereafter dropped the Cambodian television venture altogether.Shin executives say the experience spurred a corporate rethink. Now Shin Satellite, or Sattel, only ventures into pure satellite or telecoms services in regional markets, far above the potential political fray of broadcasting. "We found the TV business is very sensitive, politically and culturally," says Shin Satellite executive chairman Dumrong Kasemset."Straight dial tones are reasonably harmless."And increasingly profitable. Soon after Hun Sen retook power in a 1997 putsch, Shin won a new Cambodian deal, a 35-year build-opeate-transfer wireless-telecoms licence. That concession - held by Sattel's 100%-owned subsidiary Cambodia Shinawatra, or Camshin - is now proving quite a coup for the company.Last year, Camshin booked a tidy 88 million baht ($2.1 million) in profits from its nearly 50,000 Cambodian subscribers. New subscriptions were up 240% in the first quarter of this year, lifting revenues 23% year on year. Merrill Lynch expects Camshin and Lao Telecom to contribute 21% and 29% to Shin Satellite's total earnings in 2002 and 2003 respectively.Cambodia's young mobile-telecoms market is already a competitive free-for-all. Five different operators compete for a mere 300,000 customers, though analysts believe the market will double in size this year. because Sattel also provides the satellite network for its Cambodian competitors, including market leader Mobitel, Cambodia has finally become a win-win battlefield for Shin. Barring, of course, another change in government.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/5083983548447711491-7646260085905223802?l=tkrm700.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/7646260085905223802'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/7646260085905223802'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://tkrm700.blogspot.com/2009/01/15shinsat.html' title='15.ShinSat&amp;Cambodia'/><author><name>ตรัยรัตน์ แก้วเกิด</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/04836047754532497609</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='32' height='24' src='http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_NU-332ak8BY/SYJZSrnvqlI/AAAAAAAAC2s/vqm86ALf3zE/S220/IMG_1144.JPG'/></author></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5083983548447711491.post-7579839145638962424</id><published>2009-01-01T20:51:00.000-08:00</published><updated>2009-01-01T20:52:22.434-08:00</updated><title type='text'>14. Land in Pailin and Poipet</title><content type='html'>SRP oppose land grabs in Pailin and Poipet - Phnom Penh, May 31, 2002 From a SRP press release: On June 1, opposition Members of Parliament Sam Rainsy, Sun Kim Hun and Lon Phon will be in Pailin to help some 600 families resist their eviction by the city authorities that are seizing their lands for the implementation of a dubious development project involving businessmen from Thailand. SRP controls the only seat representing Pailin at the National Assembly.On June 2, Sam Rainsy and several other SRP lawmakers will be in Poipet to help find a solution for some 1,000 villagers who are being expelled from their lands because of another dubious development project involving Thai businessmen engaged in land speculation, gambling and illicit activities. Following the last commune council election, the mayor of Poipet is from the Sam Rainsy Party.In addition to pushing for the implementation of the land law, showing their support to victims of land grabs and helping oppose abuses by local authorities and businessmen, SRP lawmakers have decided to:1- Write to Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra asking him to use his influence to convince Thai businessmen to refrain from engaging in activities that bring about serious social problems in Cambodia.2- Organize a demonstration of landless farmers and homeless people from all over the country on June 19 when donor countries start their annual meeting in Phnom Penh in order to draw the attention of donor representatives to the need for a land reform if poverty reduction means anything.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/5083983548447711491-7579839145638962424?l=tkrm700.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/7579839145638962424'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/7579839145638962424'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://tkrm700.blogspot.com/2009/01/14-land-in-pailin-and-poipet.html' title='14. Land in Pailin and Poipet'/><author><name>ตรัยรัตน์ แก้วเกิด</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/04836047754532497609</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='32' height='24' src='http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_NU-332ak8BY/SYJZSrnvqlI/AAAAAAAAC2s/vqm86ALf3zE/S220/IMG_1144.JPG'/></author></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5083983548447711491.post-7017778576934966116</id><published>2009-01-01T20:50:00.000-08:00</published><updated>2009-01-01T20:51:09.033-08:00</updated><title type='text'>13.Monk</title><content type='html'>Monks, pagodas near Cambodia's Angkor Wat can stay, senior official says - Associated Press, Saturday, June 22, 2002Several hundred monks and nuns living in Buddhist pagodas near Angkor Wat are no threat to tourists and should be allowed to stay, a senior official at the world famous tourist attraction said Saturday.Local officials have complained that some of the monks and nuns harass tourists, and the authorities also claim they could potentially loot the ancient sites.But Bun Narith, director of the Apsara Authority - the government agency that oversees Angkor Wat temple complex, said the allegations were unfounded. He said the presence of the monks and nuns enhances the experience of tourists visiting the dozens of 9th-14th century Buddhist and Hindu temples surrounding the quaint town of Siem Reap in northern Cambodia.....There are about a dozen functioning Buddhist pagodas among the ruins of the ancient Angkor temple complex, Apsara Authority officials say. Two are more than 60 years old and four are recognized by U.N. conservationists, Bun Narith said....&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/5083983548447711491-7017778576934966116?l=tkrm700.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/7017778576934966116'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/7017778576934966116'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://tkrm700.blogspot.com/2009/01/13monk.html' title='13.Monk'/><author><name>ตรัยรัตน์ แก้วเกิด</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/04836047754532497609</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='32' height='24' src='http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_NU-332ak8BY/SYJZSrnvqlI/AAAAAAAAC2s/vqm86ALf3zE/S220/IMG_1144.JPG'/></author></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5083983548447711491.post-2524108011365298703</id><published>2009-01-01T20:48:00.000-08:00</published><updated>2009-01-01T20:49:51.094-08:00</updated><title type='text'>12.Vietnam-Cambodia</title><content type='html'>TELL ME WHERE YOU COME FROM, I WILL TELL YOU WHO YOU ARE - SRP Members of Parliament, June 29, 2002[It's always interesting to the dispatches from Cambodian parties. Just remember, the Vietnamese (and sometimes the Chinese) are always trying to take over Cambodia.]Yesterday, June 28, the Cambodian People's Party (CPP) celebrated the 51st anniversary of its founding in 1951. It was a pompous ceremony attended by CPP President Chea Sim and Prime Minister (and CPP Vice-President) Hun Sen.How was the situation in Cambodia in 1951? We were a French colony within the French Indochina. We were a weak country and had no real significant force of our own. With the support of communist China and the former Soviet Union, the powerful Vietminh (or Vietnamese communist forces under the leadership of Ho Chi Minh) were waging an intensive independence war against the French and had occupied large portions of Laos and Cambodia under the pretext to help us get rid of the French. The Vietminh claimed they were fulfilling their "internationalist duty" but in fact they were pursuing the Ho Chi Minh dream of an "Indochinese Federation" under the direction of Vietnam led by the Vietnamese-controlled Indochinese Communist Party.For tactical and propaganda reasons, the Indochinese Communist Party and its Vietnamese leaders decided to set up a local branch in Cambodia that could be presented, at least on paper, as a distinct entity from the Vietnamese Communist Party. They gathered a few local puppets and created the Cambodian People's Revolutionary Party (CPRP), which later on dropped the word "Revolutionary" because of its dubious consonance in the ears of more moderate people the communists wanted to attract.The Khmer Rouge (this name was given later on by King Norodom Sihanouk to Cambodian Communists in the 60's) including Pol Pot, Ieng Sary and Nuon Chea very soon joined the CPRP. They were followed by Chea Sim, Hun Sen, Heng Samrin and most of the present CPP leaders in Phnom Penh. All these people fought together the American-backed Lon Nol regime, which they defeated on April 17, 1975 when they triumphal entered Phnom Penh.Following bloody internal purges under the China-backed Pol Pot regime, the Cambodian communist leaders split from mid-1977, with a group led by Chea Sim, Heng Samrin and Hun Sen fleing to Vietnam to ask support from their very first master and protector. Thanks to Vietnamese support this latter group defeated Pot Pol on January 7, 1979 with another triumphal entry to Phnom Penh.All this batch of Communist leaders (some people call them "la creme de la crasse") share a very heavy past marked by two important dates: June 28, 1951 and April 17, 1975. June 28 has been celebrated every year in Phnom Penh under any communist regime from Pot Pot to Hun Sen. April 17 was celebrated in Phnom Penh, of course by Pol Pot when he was in power, but also by Chea Sim, Heng Samrin and Hun Sen until the late 80's because these pro-Vietnamese leaders also claimed April 17, 1975 as the day of their victory over the "imperialist Americans". Only two or three years before the signing of the Paris Peace Accords in 1991, in order to make their propaganda consistent with the new political situation and because they needed money from the West, especially from their former American foes, the current Phnom Penh leaders gave up any reference to April 17. Fortunately, there is still June 28 that can be preserved because 1951 is a long time ago and few people know what this is about. Never forget your roots, comrades. Long live June 28! -SRP Members of Parliament&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/5083983548447711491-2524108011365298703?l=tkrm700.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/2524108011365298703'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/2524108011365298703'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://tkrm700.blogspot.com/2009/01/12vietnam-cambodia.html' title='12.Vietnam-Cambodia'/><author><name>ตรัยรัตน์ แก้วเกิด</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/04836047754532497609</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='32' height='24' src='http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_NU-332ak8BY/SYJZSrnvqlI/AAAAAAAAC2s/vqm86ALf3zE/S220/IMG_1144.JPG'/></author></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5083983548447711491.post-4202850742225129612</id><published>2009-01-01T20:47:00.000-08:00</published><updated>2009-01-01T20:48:07.510-08:00</updated><title type='text'>11. Hun Sen urges</title><content type='html'>Hun Sen urges rivals to cancel ceremonies on coup anniversaryAssociated Press, Tuesday, July 2, 2002 Prime Minister Hun Sen on Tuesday urged Cambodia's No. 2 and No. 3 parties to cancel ceremonies honoring those killed in a coup he orchestrated five years ago to seize full control of the government....Hun Sen, who was the second prime minister, seized control of the government after soldiers in his Cambodian People's Party (CPP) routed Funcinpec troops in street battles on July 5-6, 1997, forcing Ranariddh into a nine-month exile. Death tolls were never announced by the government but diplomats and military officials estimated at least 100 combatants were killed in two days of fighting in the capital....&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/5083983548447711491-4202850742225129612?l=tkrm700.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/4202850742225129612'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/4202850742225129612'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://tkrm700.blogspot.com/2009/01/11-hun-sen-urges.html' title='11. Hun Sen urges'/><author><name>ตรัยรัตน์ แก้วเกิด</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/04836047754532497609</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='32' height='24' src='http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_NU-332ak8BY/SYJZSrnvqlI/AAAAAAAAC2s/vqm86ALf3zE/S220/IMG_1144.JPG'/></author></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5083983548447711491.post-5610529760289693313</id><published>2009-01-01T20:46:00.001-08:00</published><updated>2009-01-01T20:46:54.438-08:00</updated><title type='text'>10. Malaysian logging company</title><content type='html'>Malaysian logging company kicked out of Cambodia - &lt;a href="http://www.globalwitness.org/"&gt;Global Witness&lt;/a&gt; June 26, 2002In March 2002 Global Witness conducted an aerial survey of Malaysian logging company GAT International's forest concession in Kompong Thom Province. The flight showed widespread illegal logging by GAT in violation of the Cambodian government's January 1st 2002 moratorium. A subsequent field inspection carried out by Global Witness and government officials confirmed the aerial findings. On the 16th June 2002 the Cambodian Prime Minister, Samdech Hun Sen, signed a Sub-Decree cancelling both of GAT's concessions."This is the first time that the government has cancelled a commercially viable timber concession, and the Prime Minister in particular should be applauded for such decisive action," said Jon Buckrell of Global Witness.In 1995 corrupt elements at the very highest levels of the Royal Government of Cambodia secretly awarded all of Cambodia's unallocated forest, 35% of Cambodia's total land area, as concessions to logging companies. These companies have been ruthless in their exploitation of political instability, weak government institutions and the forest itself, cutting as much timber as possible as quickly as possible and, more often than not, failing to pay for it. The impunity that these companies have enjoyed led Global Witness to label them the "Untouchables" in 1999."The Cambodian government has set the standard for other countries in the region, blighted by the illegal operations of forest concession companies; if Cambodia can cancel logging deals so can they. If a company as well connected as GAT can be cancelled, all the concessionaires are vulnerable," said Buckrell.The concession system of forest management is not unique to Cambodia. All over the world logging companies, in league with corrupt politicians and civil servants, have taken over vast tracts of land to the detriment of the environment, the countries' economies and the rural poor. More often than not the international donor community either does nothing or, as is the case with the World Bank, actively supports such a damaging state of affairs."The World Bank's support for the concession system in Cambodia has been misguided, wrong and entirely detrimental to Cambodians. It appears that the Bank would rather appease a handful of corrupt ministers than make decisions in the forest sector that would actually benefit poor people in the countries where it operates," said Jon Buckrell.In September 2001 South East Asian countries together with Japan, China, the UK, the USA and the European Union met in Bali for the ministerial level Forest Law Enforcement and Conference. All countries present signed up to what has become known as the Bali Declaration, a blueprint for tackling illegal logging in the region. Malaysia was notable by its absence, at a time when destructive Malaysian logging companies are all pervasive in the industry."Forests throughout South East Asia, Africa and Latin America are crawling with Malaysian logging companies. Hopefully the GAT cancellation will cause Malaysia to take stock and start acting responsibly in the international fight against illegal logging and conflict timber," said Buckrell.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/5083983548447711491-5610529760289693313?l=tkrm700.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/5610529760289693313'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/5610529760289693313'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://tkrm700.blogspot.com/2009/01/10-malaysian-logging-company.html' title='10. Malaysian logging company'/><author><name>ตรัยรัตน์ แก้วเกิด</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/04836047754532497609</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='32' height='24' src='http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_NU-332ak8BY/SYJZSrnvqlI/AAAAAAAAC2s/vqm86ALf3zE/S220/IMG_1144.JPG'/></author></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5083983548447711491.post-622352802549450708</id><published>2009-01-01T20:42:00.000-08:00</published><updated>2009-01-01T20:45:04.748-08:00</updated><title type='text'>9. King's Succession</title><content type='html'>&lt;a href="http://straitstimes.asia1.com.sg/asia/story/0,1870,134266,00.html"&gt;Hun Sen vows to block new law on King's succession&lt;/a&gt; - The Straits Times, July 28, 2002&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a href="http://home.kyodo.co.jp/all/contents.jsp?news=none&amp;amp;dt=20020708&amp;amp;an=20020708153#20020708153"&gt;Prince Ranariddh backs Prince Sihamoni as successor to throne&lt;/a&gt; - Kyodo News Service, July 8, 2002Prince Norodom Ranariddh said Monday he will support his half-brother Prince Sihamoni as the successor to King Norodom Sihanouk, 79....In the long-standing succession issue, candidates who have been named are Prince Sihamoni, currently ambassador to UNESCO, Prince Ranariddh, head of the FUNCINPEC party and president of the National Assembly, Queen Monineath Sihanouk and Prince Sirivudh, the half-brother of the king....Constitutionally, the king of Cambodia must be at least 30 and a member of the royal family and descended from King Ang Duong, King Norodom or King Sisowath, and should be a man. But government officials have hinted at possible amendments to the Constitution because of Queen Monineath's gender and the fact that she is not from the royal family. According to the Constitution, the new king shall be chosen by the Royal Council of the Throne within seven days after the death of a king. The council consists of nine members -- the presidents of the National Assembly and the Senate, the prime minister, leaders of the country's two largest religious sects and the first and second vice presidents of the two chambers.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/5083983548447711491-622352802549450708?l=tkrm700.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/622352802549450708'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/622352802549450708'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://tkrm700.blogspot.com/2009/01/9-kings-succession.html' title='9. King&apos;s Succession'/><author><name>ตรัยรัตน์ แก้วเกิด</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/04836047754532497609</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='32' height='24' src='http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_NU-332ak8BY/SYJZSrnvqlI/AAAAAAAAC2s/vqm86ALf3zE/S220/IMG_1144.JPG'/></author></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5083983548447711491.post-4160571895938375187</id><published>2009-01-01T20:40:00.000-08:00</published><updated>2009-01-01T20:41:38.571-08:00</updated><title type='text'>8. Update Land dispute</title><content type='html'>UPDATE -Land dispute resolved - Press release from the SRP Members of Parliament, July 27, 2002We have just received information according to which a satisfactory solution has been found to the land dispute opposing some 200 families and the Koh Kong provincial authorities over a 300-hectare area in Pak Klong commune, Mondol Seima district, near the Thai border (see SRP statement dated July 23, 2002 posted on SRP website www.samrainsyparty.com).Following Sam Rainsy’s visit to the area on July 22, Thai businessman Ly Yong Phat confirms that he is prepared to buy all the villagers’ land at a price of Bath 100 per square meter and that he has already given Bath 300,000,000 to the Koh Kong provincial authorities to buy all the 300 hectares for him (1 hectare = 10,000 square meters). The provincial authorities took the money but forced villagers to sell their land at a price of only Bath 10 per square meter.Now, the problem is settled with all the villagers accepting to sell their land at a price of Bath 100 (US$ 2.5 or Riel 10,000 per square meter). Sam Rainsy has not decided yet whether he would re-sell the parcel of land he symbolically bought from a villager on July 22 to Ly Yong Phat.Sam Rainsy buys land to defend farmers - Press release from the SRP Members of Parliament, July 23, 2002Opposition leader Sam Rainsy spent the last three days visiting poor villagers in Kompong Speu, Kompong Som and Koh Kong provinces.Yesterday morning, he led a demonstration of villagers in Neang Kok village, Pak Klong commune, Mondol Seima district, Koh Kong province, to protest against a government project to seize more than 300 hectares of land near the border with Thailand from some 200 families under the pretext of establishing a “development zone”, according to a sub-decree signed by Prime Minister Hun Sen earlier this year. In fact, Hun Sen gave power to the Koh Kong provincial authorities to illegally chase farmers who have been living in that area for many years (sometimes up to 20 years) in order to take their land and sell it to Thai businessmen who intend to build a golf course next to existing casinos and to indulge in land speculation.Many Thai businessmen who are extending their interests in Cambodia are Mafiosi who have bought Cambodian passports, such as ringleader Ly Yong Phat. They are involved in drug and human trafficking, illegal logging and fishing, gambling and money laundering, and land grabbing. They are tools for Thailand to infringe on Cambodia’s territory as evidenced by continuous border encroachments. They provide large amounts of corruption money to the Hun Sen government, which turns a blind eye to the plunder of Cambodia’s natural resources and the sufferings of the Cambodian people. Koh Kong is not far from being already a Thai colony where more and more Cambodians are becoming landless and destitute people.Ly Yong Phat and other Thai businessmen have asked the Koh Kong provincial authorities led by Thai-born Governor Yuth Phouthang to chase Cambodian farmers and fishermen from a large area between the Thai border and a Thai-built bridge linking, on Cambodian territory, the commune of Pak Klong and the commune of Dang Tung. Besides, the Thai army is building a road from the Thai border to the city of Sre Ambel, about 200 kilometres eastward.In order to smoothen the eviction of Cambodian farmers and fishermen from the above-mentioned Neang Kok area, Thai businessmen have proposed a compensation of Bath 100 (or $2.5) per square meter for the present land owners. They have asked the Koh Kong provincial authorities to negotiate a deal with the present land owners and to make all the necessary administrative arrangements (transfer of property deeds). But the Koh Kong provincial authorities are forcing the present owners to sell their lands for a price of only Bath 10 (or $0.25) per square meter. They threaten the present owners that if they don’t accept the deal, their lands will be taken for nothing. They have sent police and military police forces to dismantle or demolish many villagers’ houses. Villagers are afraid and they know that the court is corrupt and will never render justice to them. “Small people can never win over big people”.Before such a situation Sam Rainsy yesterday afternoon bought a parcel of land from a farmer named Seng Kim Meng, in Neang Kok village. The parcel has a size of 630 square meters and the price paid by Sam Rainsy was Bath 63,000 (or $1,575) corresponding to a price per square meter of Bath 100 (or $2.5), meaning ten times higher than the price proposed by the provincial authorities.As a Member of Parliament not afraid to confront the provincial authorities or even the central government, Sam Rainsy will refuse to re-sell his newly acquired parcel of land at a price lower than Bath 100 (or $2.5 or Riel 10,000) per square meter and he appeals to other land owners to resist eviction under the unfair terms and conditions arbitrarily set by the Koh Kong provincial authorities.In order to stall similar illegal and unfair eviction plans, other Members of Parliament from the Sam Rainsy Party will also start to buy small parcels of land in areas all over the country where poor villagers are threatened to be chased from their lands.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/5083983548447711491-4160571895938375187?l=tkrm700.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/4160571895938375187'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/4160571895938375187'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://tkrm700.blogspot.com/2009/01/8-update-land-dispute.html' title='8. Update Land dispute'/><author><name>ตรัยรัตน์ แก้วเกิด</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/04836047754532497609</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='32' height='24' src='http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_NU-332ak8BY/SYJZSrnvqlI/AAAAAAAAC2s/vqm86ALf3zE/S220/IMG_1144.JPG'/></author></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5083983548447711491.post-7038350149986265219</id><published>2009-01-01T20:37:00.000-08:00</published><updated>2009-01-01T20:38:51.359-08:00</updated><title type='text'>7.What's behide the Sok Yoeun case?</title><content type='html'>What's behind the Sok Yoeun case? - Khmerintelligence.orgSok Yoeun is a Cambodian opposition figure who has been held by the Thais for some time. Now he's being &lt;a href="http://www.mcot.org/query.asp?id=19816"&gt;sent back&lt;/a&gt; to Cambodia. Cambodian PM Hun Sen wants him for an alleged assassination plot and virtually everyone else (Cambodian opposition, Amnesty International, the international press, etc.), seems to feel the charges were manufactured. For their part, the Thais have broadcast Sok Yoeun's allegedly coerced confession on TV. Now comes some tidbits about the case from &lt;a href="http://www.khmerintelligence.org/"&gt;khmerintelligence.org&lt;/a&gt; that gives some insight you might not find elsewhere. We have not been able to determine who is behind the website. The info seems correct and insightful. The English is edited to a higher standard than is usual for these kinds of sites. Other than that, like almost everything else on the net, it is rather anti-Hun Sen. Khmerintelligence.org: If Sok Yoeun is recognized innocent, Chaowalit would definitely lose face and some unpleasant aspects of Thai politics would be exposed. An unusual deal between Thaksin Shinawatra and Hun Sen might have also played a role in the Sok Yoeun’s case. Earlier this year, a kind of conciliatory meeting between the two prime ministers took place in Bangkok during which the Thai premier reportedly recognized his involvement in the July 1994 coup d’etat against his Cambodian counterpart. Thaksin was then only a businessman frustrated by the situation in Cambodia where his business did not thrive the way he wanted. He reportedly showed his intention to put things right with Hun Sen for the 1994 incident and promised the latter a friendly cooperation from now on. The cooperation may have expanded to include the repatriation of Sok Yoeun, which is badly needed by Hun Sen to weaken his political opponents before the 2003 parliamentary election. Hun Sen can also count on the support of many Thai businessmen involved in dubious activities (gambling and money laundering, land confiscation and speculation along the border) and the plunder of Cambodia’s riches (deforestation and abusive mining and fishing).Some background info: a &lt;a href="http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/DK20Ae01.html"&gt;good balanced article&lt;/a&gt; on Hun Sen (a rarity in the press) / a &lt;a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A5715-2002Mar22.html"&gt;good balanced article&lt;/a&gt; on Thaksin&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/5083983548447711491-7038350149986265219?l=tkrm700.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/7038350149986265219'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/7038350149986265219'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://tkrm700.blogspot.com/2009/01/7whats-behide-sok-yoeun-case.html' title='7.What&apos;s behide the Sok Yoeun case?'/><author><name>ตรัยรัตน์ แก้วเกิด</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/04836047754532497609</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='32' height='24' src='http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_NU-332ak8BY/SYJZSrnvqlI/AAAAAAAAC2s/vqm86ALf3zE/S220/IMG_1144.JPG'/></author></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5083983548447711491.post-3271635188464752070</id><published>2009-01-01T20:25:00.000-08:00</published><updated>2009-01-01T23:55:53.890-08:00</updated><title type='text'>6. Border Casino</title><content type='html'>-When will the 2003 general election be held?July 2003 - Prince Norodom Ranariddh, president of the National Assembly, said Monday that Cambodia will hold its next general election in July 2003. Speaking to reporters, the prince said he heard the election date from Prime Minister Hun Sen. Under Cambodian law, the date for an election must be officially announced at least nine months in advance... Cambodia holds a general election every five years. (Kyodo News Service, April 29, 2002)Cambodia holds legislative elections every five years, with the date set by the prime minister.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-Earlier this year when the border casinos were in the news, we asked for photos to show what they actually looked like. 'John G' sent in a few shots of the Poipet area casinos. It is no Las Vegas, but it gives an idea of what the area is like.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-&lt;a href="http://www.casinocitytimes.com/news/article.cfm?contentID=151682"&gt;New bets on Thai casinos&lt;/a&gt; - Casino City Times, June 27, 2005As reported by the Australian: "The prospects for Australia's gaming tycoons of new opportunities in Thailand have improved, with the Thai Government pushing for a referendum on legalising casinos."The moves follow a series of raids on illegal casinos last week, prompting Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra to call for a debate on the issue."…Mr Shinawatra said a vote on the issue could be held at the next election."The debate will be closely watched by Kerry Packer's Publishing &amp;amp; Broadcasting Ltd and Victorian gaming giant Tabcorp - both of whom are expected to be among many gaming operators keen on any Thai casino licence."…PBL is expected to be well positioned for any change as Mr Packer already knows Mr Shinawatra - a popular leader who made his fortune building a telecommunications empire before entering politics."…PBL has an Asian gaming joint venture with Melco International Development, a company chaired by Macau's former gambling monopolist, Stanley Ho, through which they are committed to pursuing further Asian gaming opportunities…"&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-&lt;a href="http://www.rgtonline.com/Article.cfm?ArticleId=56221&amp;amp;CategoryName=Gaming%20Life"&gt;Thais visit Cambodian casinos for New Years&lt;/a&gt; - Rolling Good Times, April 13, 2005"…Pol. Lt. Col. Niruti Ruengjintana, deputy superintendent of the Aranya Prathet immigration office, said that he expected around 5,000 Thais to cross over into the Cambodian border town of Poi Pet this morning, and that more were likely to follow in the afternoon…"&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-&lt;a href="http://angkor.com/2bangkok/2bangkok/media/post.shtml"&gt;Ban on building material for border casino complex - Construction violates agreement, says army&lt;/a&gt; - Bangkok Post, July 29, 2004A ban has been put on the movement of building materials from Thailand to a new casino complex under construction in Cambodia, adjacent to the Chong Sa-ngam border checkpoint in Si Sa Ket province...&lt;br /&gt;-&lt;a href="http://angkor.com/2bangkok/2bangkok/media/post.shtml"&gt;New casino at border upsets army&lt;/a&gt; - Bangkok Post, July 28, 2004...A source said the casino was expected to be completed in the next few months. It was being built by an affiliate of Star Vegas Co, which operates another casino in Cambodia's Poipet town opposite Ban Klongluek in Sa Kaeo's Aranyaprathet district. Thai businessman Sombun Charoensukkraisri, owner of Star Vegas Co, had invested in the 300-million-baht casino opposite Si Sa Ket in partnership with a Cambodian military officer, Lt-Gen Tia Sot.&lt;br /&gt;-&lt;a href="http://203.150.224.53/page.arcview.php3?clid=3&amp;amp;id=90904&amp;amp;usrsess=1"&gt;Border casinos: Thaksin acts to stem exodus of New Year gamblers&lt;/a&gt; - The Nation, December 23, 2003"Beware! You may lose your money out there, and even if you win and bring back a lot of money, your cash could be seized. The videos will record your movements," Thaksin said... Niranuj Sawatkamthon, manager of the Holiday Palace casino in Poi Pet, said yesterday that the stricter screening procedure at the checkpoint had delayed travellers and prompted complaints from many foreign tourists.This is a direct blow against Thai police and military men behind the casinos and a further indication of Thaksin's power and confidence.&lt;br /&gt;-&lt;a href="http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/ED17Ae01.html"&gt;Border casinos open again&lt;/a&gt; - April 17, 2003 Does any reader have a photo of these casinos? The one-kilometer-long gambling strip, with its well-watered and immaculately manicured lawns, luxury hotels, air-conditioned shopping centers, massage parlors and brothels, has seven casinos, with an eighth under construction. "More than 1,000 Thais cross the border every day," said Wanchai Topan, police chief in Aranyaprathet district of Thailand's Sa Kaew province, just across from Poipet...The building of the casinos also caused a population boom in the frontier town. According to Poipet's new commune clerk San Seang Hou, appointed by the Ministry of Interior, the town's population has increased to more than 100,000 from 9,244 families in 1998 census. BTW: Gambling News also &lt;a href="http://www.gamblingmagazine.com/managearticle.asp?c=280&amp;amp;a=6250"&gt;carries this story&lt;/a&gt;, but has edited out some material including the last paragraph that mentions "the social costs" of gambling.&lt;br /&gt;-&lt;a href="http://straitstimes.asia1.com.sg/asia/story/0,4386,177916,00.html"&gt;2 casino moguls 'helped Cambodia pay riot bill'&lt;/a&gt; - The Straits Times, March 19, 2003Gambling kingpins Kok Ahn and Pad Supapa contributed to Monday's payment to hasten the diplomatic normalisation process and revive their business fortunes, the Bangkok Post reported, citing a Thai military intelligence source.&lt;br /&gt;-&lt;a href="http://www.nationmultimedia.com/page.arcview.php3?clid=4&amp;amp;id=75481&amp;amp;usrsess=1"&gt;Outcry over casino trucks&lt;/a&gt; - The Nation, March 13, 2003 The border with Cambodia is closed--except for trucks carrying materials to build Thai casinos. The transportation of construction materials was temporarily halted for two hours due to concern among Cambodian authorities over the presence of foreign journalists. Cambodian villagers living near the border expressed discontent over the permit granted to the convoy. Many in the border town have been facing a severe food shortage since the closure of the border...&lt;br /&gt;-&lt;a href="http://www.bangkokpost.com/311202_News/31Dec2002_news17.html"&gt;No Cambodians allowed&lt;/a&gt; - Bangkok Post, December 31, 2002What's going on at the Chong Chom checkpoint in Kap Choeng district: When a request to open the checkpoint was submitted to the government, the reason given as ``cross-border trading''. But the reality is quite different, with gamblers instead of traders using the checkpoint. The nearest town on the Cambodian side of the border _ Samrong _ is miles away on a bumpy road....Cambodian citizens are banned from entering the casino, except those employed as waitresses and cleaners. It is a pretty good article detailing how much things cost and what goes on around the checkpoint. Does anyone have photos of the casinos?&lt;br /&gt;-Pailin's casinos - October 2, 2002From "Irony is News" journalism: Pailin, once the heart of Khmer Rouge territory, is now full of Thai casinos. The troops have been replaced by armies of croupiers in red waistcoats and short black skirts on their way to work at the Caesar International Casino, an aircraft hangar-style monstrosity offering "Disco, Dance, Karaoke, Restaurant, Massage." Interesting to note that when this article is used in a Canadaian newspaper it has the title: &lt;a href="http://www.globeandmail.com/servlet/ArticleNews/PEstory/TGAM/20020930/UCAMBN/International/international/internationalAsiaHeadline_temp/3/3/5/"&gt;"Cambodia's jungle Klondike thrives"&lt;/a&gt; but direct from Reuters, it has the title &lt;a href="http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/SP123708"&gt;"Las Vegas overruns Pol Pot's rural idyll in Cambodia."&lt;/a&gt;A past article on Thai casinos in Cambodia is &lt;a href="http://www.bangkokpost.com/150902_News/15Sep2002_news12.html"&gt;here&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;-More on Thai casinos in Cambodia - July 26, 2002From a &lt;a href="http://angkor.com/AngkorMain.shtml"&gt;Sam Rainsy Party press release&lt;/a&gt;: Ly Yong Phat and other Thai businessmen have asked the Koh Kong provincial authorities led by Thai-born Governor Yuth Phouthang to chase Cambodian farmers and fishermen from a large area between the Thai border and a Thai-built bridge linking, on Cambodian territory, the commune of Pak Klong and the commune of Dang Tung. Besides, the Thai army is building a road from the Thai border to the city of Sre Ambel, about 200 kilometres eastward.And an earlier article: &lt;a href="http://angkor.com/news.shtml#grab"&gt;SRP oppose land grabs in Pailin and Poipet&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-Cambodian border casinos - AFP, February 17, 2002 Banned from most forms of gambling in their own country, cashed-up Thais are frittering away tens of millions of dollars every year at gaudy border casinos. After roaring up the highway from Bangkok, they park their luxury German or Japanese sedans in tightly guarded car parks opposite miserable frontier towns like Poipet, in Cambodia..."Legally speaking we might be in Cambodia, but practically speaking it is in fact Thailand," said one of the casino managers. Just about everyone milling around the Holiday Palace, the Golden Crown Casino and the Star Vegas is Thai and the only currency accepted is the baht. The 5,000 Cambodian employees are expected to only speak Thai.The casinos are owned by investors from Thailand, Cambodia, Malaysia, Indonesia and China. The management task force also counts Americans, Britons, Australians and French -- in all more than a dozen nationalities. (from Cambodian border casinos, AFP, February 17, 2002)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-More SRP comments on Thai casinos in the western part of the country - May 25, 2002From a SRP press release: The Sam Rainsy Party today issued a statement signed by all its National Assembly Members and Senators supporting His Majesty the King Norodom Sihanouk for the royal message to the Government and the Parliament calling for a proper defense of Cambodia's territorial integrity against serious and continuous border encroachments by Vietnam and Thailand, while condemning the Hun Sen Government for its negligence and complicity with foreign countries allowing the latter to annex Cambodian territories in exchange for political or financial support for the current anti-national Phnom Penh regime.SRP reiterates its condemnation of the border agreements and treaties that the puppet Hun Sen regime signed with communist Vietnam in 1979, 1982, 1983 and 1985, which illegally gave large portions of Cambodian land and sea territories to Vietnam. SRP also denounces the authorization given more recently by the corrupt Hun Sen regime to Thailand to push border marks deeper and deeper into the northern and western part of Cambodia. We condemn Hun Sen's criminal links with the Thai mafia, which has taken control of Koh Kong province, Pailin, Poipet and O' Smach with their casinos, smuggling and drug trafficking activities, while plundering Cambodia's riches (timber, fish, gems) and grabbing Cambodian farmers' land. We denounce the latest and scandalous deal made by traitor Hun Sen with Thai maffiosi led by Li Yong Phat: a bridge and a road built by Li Yong Phat in Koh Kong province in exchange of Cambodian passports for Thai maffiosi and the right for the latter to be the new masters of all Cambodia's provinces.We appeal to all patriotic forces to respond to the call of His Majesty the King and to unite in order to liberate Cambodia from the foreign-subservient, undemocratic and backward Hun Sen regime.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-&lt;a href="http://sg.news.yahoo.com/020217/1/2i23d.html"&gt;Cambodian border casinos&lt;/a&gt; - AFP, February 17, 2002 Banned from most forms of gambling in their own country, cashed-up Thais are frittering away tens of millions of dollars every year at gaudy border casinos. After roaring up the highway from Bangkok, they park their luxury German or Japanese sedans in tightly guarded car parks opposite miserable frontier towns like Poipet, in Cambodia..."Legally speaking we might be in Cambodia, but practically speaking it is in fact Thailand," said one of the casino managers. Just about everyone milling around the Holiday Palace, the Golden Crown Casino and the Star Vegas is Thai and the only currency accepted is the baht. The 5,000 Cambodian employees are expected to only speak Thai.The casinos are owned by investors from Thailand, Cambodia, Malaysia, Indonesia and China. The management task force also counts Americans, Britons, Australians and French -- in all more than a dozen nationalities.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-The bridge that gambling built - 21:19, April 4, 2002 AFP - &lt;a href="http://sg.news.yahoo.com/020404/1/2nhfe.html"&gt;Cambodia opens its longest bridge, links with Thailand&lt;/a&gt;From the &lt;a href="http://www.bangkokpost.com/News/03Apr2002_news14.html"&gt;Post website&lt;/a&gt; - A new bridge linking Trat province with Ko Kong in Cambodia will be opened by Supreme Commander Narong Yuthawong, representing the defence minister, and Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen tomorrow.... The 200-million baht bridge spans the Krang Kruen river. Construction was funded by Pat Supapa, owner of Casino Koh Kong International.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/5083983548447711491-3271635188464752070?l=tkrm700.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/3271635188464752070'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/3271635188464752070'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://tkrm700.blogspot.com/2009/01/6-border-casino.html' title='6. Border Casino'/><author><name>ตรัยรัตน์ แก้วเกิด</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/04836047754532497609</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='32' height='24' src='http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_NU-332ak8BY/SYJZSrnvqlI/AAAAAAAAC2s/vqm86ALf3zE/S220/IMG_1144.JPG'/></author></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5083983548447711491.post-3676247697902467745</id><published>2009-01-01T20:23:00.000-08:00</published><updated>2009-01-01T20:25:14.829-08:00</updated><title type='text'>5.From the National Election Committee - June 11, 2003</title><content type='html'>From the National Election Committee - June 11, 2003Questions and Answers - issue #14Q 1. What is the objective of the National Electoral campaign? A. Pursuant to the electoral Law, the objective of the electoral campaign is to allow political parties and candidates to convey their political platforms to voters.&lt;br /&gt;Q 2. What is the period of the national electoral campaign? A. The electoral campaign starts thirty one (31) days before the polling day. The process of the electoral campaign will last for a period of thirty (30) days, which starts from June 26 until July 25, 2003 and all activities of the electoral campaign end 24 hours before polling day.&lt;br /&gt;Q 3. What activities of the electoral campaign are restricted 24 hours before polling day and on polling day? A. Activities of the electoral campaign that are restricted 24 hours before polling day and on polling day are as follows: - Public meetings of political parties and candidates; - Any rally or march or procession either by foot or means of transport of all kinds or house by house propaganda to support a political party and/or its policy or an expression of opinion in order to garner voters; - Dissemination on radio or television channels or newspapers to support or criticize any candidate or any political party’s policy or platform; - Dissemination through airwaves or shouting of short slogans through loud speakers or tape recorders, which enable voters to hear political messages; - Dissemination through displaying videotapes in public theaters or public parks. - Posting of propaganda posters at public places; - Distribution of party’s leaflets, money or valuable gifts to convince voters to vote for his/ her political party; - Distribution of caps, clothes, T-shirts or other printed materials to support any political party and/ or candidate; - Putting up of banners at any public place and notice boards in order to post a political platform; - Orchestration of concerts in the form of a procession or at any particular place or singing propaganda songs or orchestrating election propaganda related music in order to make publicity to support any candidate or political party or to criticize a political party’s policy or platform. Q 4. Can civil servants, military personnel, policemen and court officials on duty participate in the electoral campaign of any political party? A. Civil servants, military personnel, policemen and court officials on duty cannot actively take part in the electoral campaign of any political party and they are not allowed to gather into state buildings or offices to convince voters. Q 5. What is prohibited active participation of any civil servants, military personnel, policemen and court officials on duty? A. Prohibited active participation of civil servants, military personnel, policemen and court officials on duty shall be defined as follows: - Being members of the Permanent Committee for Information and Media or the Commission for Electoral Campaign of any political party; - Participating in a procession, meeting and march to voice support and/ or criticize any political party or candidate; - Conducting opinion polls for any political party or candidate; - Distributing materials to voters in order to support a political party and/ or candidate; - Making public statements in support of a political party and/ or candidate; - Orchestrating music in support of a political party and/ or singing songs and/ or disseminating various political messages through loud speakers to support any political party and/ or candidate&lt;br /&gt;Q 6. When can civil servants, military personnel, policemen and court officials participate in electoral campaign activities for political parties? A. Civil servants, military personnel, policemen and court officials can participate in electoral campaign activities to support any candidate or political party only after having completed their working hours, but they can not wear uniform or carry weapons.&lt;br /&gt;Q 7. What are the roles of International NGOs operating in the Kingdom of Cambodia? A. The National Election Committee has called for and encouraged International NGOs operating in the Kingdom of Cambodia to actively collaborate in the public education campaign relating to the electoral process to assist in its effectiveness.&lt;br /&gt;Q 8. What shall International and National NGOs do, regarding the content of materials for educating voters?A. Voter education materials produced by International and National NGOs must be neutral and impartial. They should not suggest support or denigrate of political parties and must comply with the electoral Law and regulations and procedures of the National Election Committee.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/5083983548447711491-3676247697902467745?l=tkrm700.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/3676247697902467745'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/3676247697902467745'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://tkrm700.blogspot.com/2009/01/5from-national-election-committee-june.html' title='5.From the National Election Committee - June 11, 2003'/><author><name>ตรัยรัตน์ แก้วเกิด</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/04836047754532497609</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='32' height='24' src='http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_NU-332ak8BY/SYJZSrnvqlI/AAAAAAAAC2s/vqm86ALf3zE/S220/IMG_1144.JPG'/></author></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5083983548447711491.post-3946491193307911551</id><published>2009-01-01T20:22:00.000-08:00</published><updated>2009-01-01T20:23:33.376-08:00</updated><title type='text'>4.U.S. Department of State Report</title><content type='html'>&lt;a title="http://www.state.gov/p/eap/rls/rpt/20565.htm" href="http://www.state.gov/p/eap/rls/rpt/20565.htm"&gt;U.S. Department of State Report&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Report to the Congress on the Anti-Thai Riots in Cambodia on January 29, 2003&lt;br /&gt;Released by the Bureau of East Asian and Pacific AffairsMay 14, 2003&lt;br /&gt;This report is submitted pursuant to the following request by the House and Senate Appropriations Committees in the Conference Report accompanying the Consolidated Appropriations Act for FY 2003 (P.L. 108-7), section 560 on April 24, 2003:&lt;br /&gt;The managers condemn the recent riots in Cambodia and are concerned with the Cambodian government's failure to protect foreign embassies and foreign-owned businesses in Phnom Penh. The managers note that in a statement issued on February 6, 2003, the State Department stated that the United States was "particularly concerned by indications that the government is using the situation to target the political opposition and independent media." The managers request that within 60 days of enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State report to the Committees on Appropriations on the complicity of the Cambodian government in the riots (including an explanation of the failure of Cambodian authorities to respond to the riots in a timely and effective manner), and steps taken by the governments of Thailand and Cambodia to credibly investigate the riots. The managers encourage the administration to continue to forcefully and publicly condemn election-related violence and intimidation in the run up to the July parliamentary elections.&lt;br /&gt;Summary&lt;br /&gt;Cambodian demonstrators broke into and burned the Thai Embassy on January 29, 2003, then moved on to methodically attack other Thai businesses, including the Samart and Shinowatra telecommunications firms. The demonstrators also burned down the Royal Phnom Penh Hotel and vandalized the Juliana Hotel. Damage to the embassy and Thai businesses has been estimated at about USD 50 million, although business claims for compensation are subject to negotiation with the Cambodian government. No Cambodian businesses were attacked and no Thai citizens were seriously injured, although many were threatened.&lt;br /&gt;These acts of violence caused great damage to Thai-Cambodian relations and even more damage to Cambodia's international reputation and economic development. This report describes the events leading up to the January 29 riots and the role of the Royal Government of Cambodia (RGC), focusing particularly on its slow response to the riots. This report also reviews the subsequent investigations of the riots conducted by the governments of Thailand and Cambodia, which have not yet concluded.&lt;br /&gt;The Department concludes that, based on the available evidence, the Cambodian government authorities were irresponsible with nationalistic rhetoric and incompetent in handling the unfolding crisis, and bear responsibility for having failed to take decisive action to protect Thai diplomatic premises and commercial property once peaceful demonstrations turned violent.&lt;br /&gt;I. A Brief Chronology&lt;br /&gt;In the days prior to January 29, Cambodians became increasingly incensed over alleged remarks by a Thai actress, Suwanan Kongying, who had supposedly commented in a cable television interview that she would perform in Cambodia only after Cambodia returned the Angkor Wat temples to Thailand. Circulated by word-of-mouth through Cambodia for months, her alleged remarks were first reported by the Cambodian media on January 18 in a small pro-government newspaper, Reaksmei Angkor. We have seen no independent confirmation of these remarks, and she denied making them. On January 27, Prime Minister Hun Sen commented in a widely televised public ceremony that Suwanan was not even worth the "blades of grass" at Angkor Wat. Student demonstrators later quoted Hun Sen's remarks as justification for their activities. Anti-Thai leaflets were distributed to students in the days prior to the demonstrations. These actions exploited long-standing Cambodian wariness of the Thai, based on a widespread perception that Thais look down on Cambodians.&lt;br /&gt;Students made up the bulk of demonstrators at the Thai Embassy during the daylight hours of January 29, when the demonstration was peaceful. However, in the late afternoon, according to eyewitnesses, the demonstration was taken over by the "Pagoda Boys," ostensibly an organization of male students in their twenties from the provinces, that the municipal authorities had previously used to break up anti-government demonstrations. Throughout the day, Thai Embassy officers, including the Ambassador, appealed to their RGC contacts to provide additional security to the embassy. Eventually, Prime Minister Thaksin contacted Prime Minister Hun Sen to request protection for the embassy and Thai businesses. Between 5:00 and 6:00 p.m. the demonstrators burned a Thai flag and then automobile tires. Unfounded rumors that the Cambodian Embassy in Bangkok had been burned and Cambodian diplomats killed by Thai protesters exacerbated the situation. At about 6:00 p.m., approximately 50 demonstrators scaled the embassy fence and entered the embassy compound. There were only around ten national police officers present at that time, who took no action. They were subsequently reinforced by 10 to 20 additional policemen. Within minutes, more demonstrators entered the compound and at about 6:30 p.m., the mob entered the chancery, looting and setting fires. These fires gutted the embassy and ambassador's residence. Most of the embassy staff, including the ambassador escaped out the back of the embassy, climbing over a fence at the rear of the building. Only one embassy staffer was hurt, in a fall from the fence, although several diplomats narrowly escaped injury as they sought refuge in the Royal Phnom Penh Hotel and elsewhere. Reports indicate some attempted assaults against Thais, but none resulting in serious harm.&lt;br /&gt;Following the burning of the embassy, the demonstrators systematically moved from one Thai-owned business to another, joined by motorcyclists, looting some businesses, burning others. At about 8:30 p.m., two hours after the demonstrators burned the Thai Embassy, Military Police appeared on the streets and began to suppress the demonstrations, firing their weapons in the air to intimidate the mobs and deploying armored personnel carriers. Sporadic fighting and gunshots took place throughout the night. A few demonstrators appeared to have sustained gunshot wounds, but no deaths were reported.&lt;br /&gt;Royal Thai Government Response&lt;br /&gt;The Royal Thai Government (RTG) reacted swiftly and angrily to the January 29 sacking of its Embassy and Thai-owned businesses in Phnom Penh. As early as January 28, Thai Ambassador Chatchawed Chartsuwan had requested additional security protection for his Embassy from the Cambodian authorities. The RGC provided only assurances. As the demonstrators grew more agitated on January 29, the Ambassador's requests became more urgent and were reinforced, as noted above, by telephone calls from Prime Minister Thaksin. Other Bangkok-based government and military officials called their Cambodian counterparts, still to no avail.&lt;br /&gt;In the aftermath of the rioting, PM Thaksin ordered a military air evacuation operation for Thai diplomatic personnel and nationals (which was carried out successfully on January 30). The RTG recalled its diplomats, downgraded Thai-Cambodian diplomatic relations to charge d'affaires level, and suspended its program of technical and economic cooperation with Cambodia. In Bangkok, on January 30 angry demonstrators gathered outside the Cambodian Embassy. The King of Thailand called on the demonstrators to disperse, and the police maintained order, thus defusing the situation.&lt;br /&gt;In its Aide Memoire of January 30 to the Cambodian Ambassador, the RTG set three basic conditions for restoration of normal relations: 1) full explanation by the RGC for its failure to respond to Thai requests for protection; 2) full compensation for all losses incurred by the RTG, its diplomatic personnel and Thai nationals; and, 3) justice for the perpetrators of the violence and those instigators responsible for it.&lt;br /&gt;Diplomatic Efforts to Resolve the Crisis&lt;br /&gt;In the ensuing months, the Thai government sent several teams to Phnom Penh for preliminary investigations, joined a bilateral Committee for the Normalization of Thailand-Cambodia Relations, and began negotiations to determine damages and compensation. However, tensions remained high, and for a period land borders were closed on both sides (but have now been reopened). Diplomatic efforts to resolve the problems continued.&lt;br /&gt;II. Cambodian Government Involvement&lt;br /&gt;The RGC has revealed little about its decision-making on January 29, but the government clearly bears major responsibility for having failed to prevent or moderate the violence. Circumstantial evidence permits some conclusions to be drawn. A number of RGC leaders, including Prime Minister Hun Sen, have commented publicly that they did not expect the demonstrations to get out of hand so quickly and turn violent. As events unfolded on January 29, the RGC leadership was monitoring the situation closely. Hun Sen remarked on February 3 that senior RGC officials met throughout the night at his residence and that he listened to police radio communications. Other senior officials monitored the situation by means of cellular phone calls from observers at the scene. Moreover, both the Ministry of Interior, which controls the national police, and the ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP) headquarters are in the same block as the Thai Embassy.&lt;br /&gt;Despite awareness of developments, authorities were slow to react. Some Cambodian leaders, including the Prime Minister, have suggested that the police could not suppress the demonstrations because to do so would have involved firing on them. Others have suggested that confused lines of authority between the national police and military police contributed to the paralysis.&lt;br /&gt;Was the slow response deliberate? Students involved in this and other demonstrations have remarked that, unlike in previous demonstrations, there were too few police to handle the demonstrators, and the usual array of police cars and fire trucks was absent. Also, the active participation by the Pagoda Boys gang in this demonstration, and their apparent leadership role, fueled the violence. At no time did policemen at the embassy demonstrate the will to defuse the demonstration. The U.S. Embassy in Phnon Penh confirmed that Senior military police officers had commented that they could not mount a response because they had not received authorization from higher levels. (Note: Under the current government, senior officials are unable to make important decisions without authorization from the Prime minister or his closest aides.) A contributing factor to the slow response may have been the breakdown of the cellular telephone system, which occurred either because of an overload in calls or the destruction of Thai-owned telecommunications businesses. The Governor of Phnom Penh, Chea Sophara, was reportedly returning from a provincial trip during the critical period. Theories that the slow response was the result of RGC intervention, possibly in combination with other factors, have not been definitively refuted. While we do not know the intent of the RGC, the preponderance of the evidence shows that Cambodian government authorities were irresponsible with nationalistic rhetoric and incompetent in handling the unfolding crisis.&lt;br /&gt;III. Cambodian and Thai Government Investigations&lt;br /&gt;In the days following the riots, the RGC was quick to blame "extremists," suggesting without naming him that opposition leader Sam Rainsy was behind the riots. The police arrested up to 175 persons, most of them students and looters. They also arrested Mom Sonando, owner of Cambodia's only independent radio station, Beehive radio, a station often critical of the government, and the editor of Reaksmei Angkor, the pro-government newspaper that first published the stories on the Thai actress's remarks. Sonando was arrested for disseminating the rumors regarding attacks on the Cambodian Embassy in Bangkok. The radio broadcast comments from callers repeating these rumors. However, the radio station did not begin its call-in program until about 8:30 p.m., long after the Thai Embassy was in flames.&lt;br /&gt;Following the initial arrests, the government released most of the detainees, although pre-trial detention of six months is permissible under Cambodian law. Dates for the trials of the remaining 57 who were indicted, including a prominent student leader, have not yet been set. Mom Sonando was released on bail after high-level appeals. The RGC transferred the Governor of Phnom Penh, Chea Sophara, to be advisor to the Prime Minister and reassigned the commander of the Phnom Penh military police unit, in the weeks after the riots, but denied that either move was related to accountability for the riots.&lt;br /&gt;Immediately after the riots, numerous embassies in Phnom Penh, including the U.S. Embassy, requested that the RGC conduct a thorough investigation of the events of January 29. The French Ambassador, as Dean of the Diplomatic Corps, wrote formally to the Foreign Minister with this request. The RGC has not provided a written response to these requests, although it has assured the diplomatic community that it has taken steps to ensure that such an event will not happen again. The concrete steps taken to date include the provision of more security personnel for some embassies, closer coordination on embassy security issues, and stricter enforcement of regulations regarding the holding of public demonstrations. In addition, the Cambodian police have established an anti-riot unit of approximately 220 men. This unit has little equipment and no riot control agents such as tear gas. However, our Embassy assesses the unit as apparently well-motivated with a good understanding of its mission. Lines of authority for deployment appear less clear. The unit is in desperate need of formal training, equipment and riot control agents.&lt;br /&gt;The RGC named Deputy Police Commissioner Lieutenant General Neth Savoeun as chief of a government commission to investigate the riots. Subsequently, the government provided to the USG a 14-page interim report in Khmer on the riots and events leading up to them. The report outlines the function of the investigation commission, noting that it is responsible for working with the state prosecutor to develop criminal cases against alleged perpetrators. According to the report, the police are conducting an investigation to identify the ringleaders among the rioters. However, the report falls back on the government's earlier position blaming unidentified extremists for the riots. To date, there is no indication that any of the ringleaders have been brought to justice. The report also states that Hun Sen on January 27 and the RGC early on January 29 made statements meant to calm the public and prevent peaceful demonstrations from becoming violent. Specifically, the statements noted that the rumors about Suwanan Kongying's alleged remarks were not issues to be addressed by the respective governments of Thailand and Cambodia, but "personal issues." Information available to the USG indicates that these statements were made only late on January 29 when the riots were almost over.&lt;br /&gt;The Cambodian report's description of the events on January 29 varies only slightly from the description in Sections I and II above. For example, the report states that there were 30 policemen at the Thai embassy from 2:00 p.m. on, and they were reinforced by another 50 officers and four fire trucks at 5:30 p.m.&lt;br /&gt;The Cambodian report refers to two other instances of rioting in which Cambodians attacked foreign embassies, the 1965 attack on the U.S. Embassy and the 1970 attack on North Vietnam's Embassy. Both of these incidents led to a break in diplomatic relations with the countries involved. However, in the most recent incident the RGC has made every effort to restore bilateral relations with Thailand. The report refers to the historical background in explaining that the RGC had no reason to provoke the events of January 29, as it would not wish to undercut many of its own achievements, including cooperative relations with Thailand, or damage Cambodia's prestige.&lt;br /&gt;Perhaps the RGC's full report on the January 29 riots will provide a more thorough explanation of these events and identify the "extremists" who provoked the demonstrators to violence. However, at this point the evidence indicates that the Royal Government of Cambodia bears responsibility for stirring nationalistic anti-Thai sentiment among Cambodians and for failing to take decisive action to protect the Thai Embassy and Thai commercial establishments once the peaceful demonstrations turned violent.&lt;br /&gt;Dispatch of Thai Investigation Assistance Team Pending&lt;br /&gt;The Thai government has accepted the RGC invitation to send a team to Cambodia to assist in continuing investigations into possible instigators and perpetrators involved in the January 29 riots. The small Thai team, which is expected to include legal experts from the Thai Attorney General's office and technical experts on criminal and Internet investigation from Thai Police Headquarters, has not yet been dispatched. The modalities of their participation in the Cambodian investigations have not yet been agreed. The Cambodian authorities have detained a number of suspects, but the RTG is waiting for the RGC to confirm its timetable for prosecution, which the Thai regard as necessary to set their own timetable for providing investigation assistance.&lt;br /&gt;IV. Cambodian-Thai Bilateral Relations&lt;br /&gt;On March 25, the Thai Cabinet lifted the prohibition on activities by Thai public agencies in Cambodia, which effectively ended the suspension of aid. As the basis for this decision, the RTG accepted that several developments indicated the intention and determination of the RGC to make amends. First, the RGC had accepted the conditions in the Thai Aide Memoire of January 30 for normalization and had begun to meet them. Second, the RGC had admitted to the satisfaction of the RTG that the events of January 29 had spun out of control because Cambodian authorities had "misjudged" the situation and had not provided proper security. Third, the Cambodian government undertook public relations campaigns to clarify facts about the bilateral relationship, i.e. to disavow the controversial claims about Thai designs on Angkor Wat that had originally enraged the Cambodian mob. Finally, the RGC had agreed to set up a Thailand-Cambodia Joint Cultural Association, which would work longer-term and systematically to promote understanding at the people-to-people level and to change course matter used in schools in both countries that tended to bias attitudes toward each other.&lt;br /&gt;On April 11, the Royal Thai Government and the Royal Cambodian Government agreed to renew full diplomatic relations and were expected to once again exchange ambassadors on April 24.&lt;br /&gt;[End]&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/5083983548447711491-3946491193307911551?l=tkrm700.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/3946491193307911551'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/5083983548447711491/posts/default/3946491193307911551'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://tkrm700.blogspot.com/2009/01/4us-department-of-state-report.html' title='4.U.S. Department of State Report'/><author><name>ตรัยรัตน์ แก้วเกิด</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/04836047754532497609</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='32' height='24' src='http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_NU-332ak8BY/SYJZSrnvqlI/AAAAAAAAC2s/vqm86ALf3zE/S220/IMG_1144.JPG'/></author></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5083983548447711491.post-73353517086082362</id><published>2008-12-31T18:53:00.000-08:00</published><updated>2008-12-31T19:34:37.363-08:00</updated><title type='text'>3.Reflections of An Expatriate on Cambodia's Past, Present, and Future; by Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D.</title><content type='html'>Reflections of An Expatriate on Cambodia's Past, Present, and Future; by Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D.&lt;br /&gt;Recent News and Analyses on Cambodia Economic, Political, Social, &amp;amp; International Affairs, 2008&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/index.html"&gt;ome&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id29.html"&gt;Let me introduce myself and my family&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id28.html"&gt;My Professional Background &amp;amp; Experiences Through Photos &amp;amp; Documents&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id44.html"&gt;How Obama can improve Cambodia's survival&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id18.html"&gt;Foreign perception of Cambodians and Cambodian society&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id41.html"&gt;My interviews with Radio Free Asia&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id47.html"&gt;Recent News and Analyses on Cambodia Economic, Political, Social, &amp;amp; International Affairs, 2009&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000000')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html"&gt;News and analyses of Cambodia's economic, political, social and international affairs, 2008&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id46.html"&gt;Recent News and Analyses on Cambodia Economic, Political, Social, &amp;amp; International Affairs, 2009&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id38.html"&gt;Recent news and analyses on Cambodian economic, political international affairs, and social events, 2007&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id37.html"&gt;Recent News and analyses on Cambodian economic, political, social, &amp;amp; International affairs. 2006&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id15.html"&gt;Recent News &amp;amp; analyses on Cambodia's economic, political; social developments &amp;amp; International affairs in 2005&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id14.html"&gt;Speical articles &amp;amp; essays in Cambodian characters and behavior&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id32.html"&gt;Home page II: In Search for Real Heroes&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id30.html"&gt;Home Page III: Vietnam "Nam Tien" or imperialism against Champa and Cambodia&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id31.html"&gt;Home Page IV: Sihanouk/Ranariddh and Hun Sen Alliance&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id27.html"&gt;- Cambodia: Moving Toward a Treacherous and Uncertain Future&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id24.html"&gt;- Vietnamese Imperialism and Colonialism&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id17.html"&gt;Sihanouk and his Comrades the Khmer Rouge &amp;amp; the Viet Cong&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id19.html"&gt;Sihanouk- Hun Sen Deadly Alliance under Vietnam's Watch&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id16.html"&gt;G W Bush foreign policy in Asia&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id43.html"&gt;Some past direct comment for visitors on this web site&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id40.html"&gt;Some past direct comment for visitors on this web site&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id13.html"&gt;New Books &amp;amp; Reviews&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a class="NavBar" onmouseover="doRollover(this, '#33cc66', '#000066')" onmouseout="doRollover(this, '#cccccc', '#000066')" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id3.html"&gt;Contact Me&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;_________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"I would sooner have you hate me for telling you the truth than adore me for telling you lies."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(Those are the words of satirist and serial complainer Pietro Aretino, who annoyed the great and not so good of the 16th Century with a flurry of public correspondence to the editors of his age.)&lt;br /&gt;_______________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A letter of appreciation from Professor Fred Brown of the Johns Hopkins University Paul Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), here in Washington DC. for my recent presentation on the legacy of the Khmer Empire on present day events in Cambodia. If you are interested in having a copy of this Power Point presentation, please, email me at the address pasted below:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a href="mailto:user344111@aol.com"&gt;user344111@aol.com&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;"Khmer Empire: Implications from its organizational and operational system, on Present Day Events in Cambodia"&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A presentation at&lt;br /&gt;The Paul Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS )&lt;br /&gt;The Johns Hopkins University&lt;br /&gt;By Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D.&lt;br /&gt;Washington DC. February 25, 2008&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-----------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"Dear Kiri,I write to thank you most warmly for your fine presentation on Monday. You could see that the students really got into it and appreciated what you were offering.Had we world enough and time to spend the entire semester on Cambodia....I was so glad to see Pat again after a long gap. Thank you again, Kiri, for your kindness in coming over to our class to give this unique perspective on Cambodia.As ever,FredFrederick Z. BrownFellow, Foreign Policy InstituteSchool of Advanced International Studies (SAIS)Johns Hopkins University1619 Massachusetts Avenue, NWWashington, DC 20036, USATel: 202-663-5818; Fax: 202-663-7711E-Mail: fzbrown@jhu.edu"&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Table of contents&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;1.Genocidal loopholes in Cambodia&lt;br /&gt;2. Vietnam Blocks entry of European Union MPs&lt;br /&gt;3. Cambodia enjoys exchanges and cooperation with Vietnam&lt;br /&gt;4. farce meets justice in Khmer Rouge trial&lt;br /&gt;5. Press release: genocide prevention task force releases report&lt;br /&gt;6.Country at croassroads as CPP extends control over government&lt;br /&gt;7. Inequality is fuelling rights violations; UN warns Government&lt;br /&gt;8. Prosecutors dispute at Khmer Rouge trial&lt;br /&gt;9. The world most heinous crime&lt;br /&gt;10. Khuang Abhaiwongse (Aphaivong), Thai Prime Minister of Khmer origin&lt;br /&gt;11. Cambodia, vietnam to build processing plant to boost trade&lt;br /&gt;12. The end of an NGO era in Cambodia&lt;br /&gt;13. Cambodia and Vietnam vow to boost bilateral ties&lt;br /&gt;14. Sok Kong (SOKIMEX Boss); I am a Vietnamese&lt;br /&gt;15. The Strange immigration and the Election in Cambodia&lt;br /&gt;16. One big happy family in Cambodia&lt;br /&gt;17, Cambodia's first rock opera opens next month&lt;br /&gt;18. Economists fear fall in investment, aid&lt;br /&gt;19. An honest and vivid testimony of what life is like in contemporary Cambodia under the dictatorship of Hun Sen and his CPP&lt;br /&gt;20. Identity beyond origin&lt;br /&gt;21. Delayed and Denied; Khmer Rouge trial&lt;br /&gt;22. Coastal development threatens livelihoods&lt;br /&gt;23. Cambodia: Crime in Cold Blood; the murder of reporter Khim Sambor and his son&lt;br /&gt;24. Cambodia's Moslems are geopolitical pawns&lt;br /&gt;25. A Homeland for the Chams&lt;br /&gt;26. Minding Cambodia's bottom line&lt;br /&gt;27. Cambodia slips in corruption rating&lt;br /&gt;28. A set of video clips produced by Journeyman Pictures, Australia, on major current problems facing Cambodia&lt;br /&gt;29. Taksin prepares his comeback with the support of Hun Sen&lt;br /&gt;30. Internal and External Enemy: The Vietnamese Experience during the Khmer Rouge Period&lt;br /&gt;31. Prime Minister decorates Vietnamese troops&lt;br /&gt;32. A Suggested Roadmap to Freedom for the Cambodian People&lt;br /&gt;33. US Diplomat Gets his Final Say&lt;br /&gt;34. Questions surrounding Preah Vihear by Ung Bun Ang, Alternative Watch&lt;br /&gt;35. Cambodia - Hun Sen King of Corruption, and Rannariddh - Prince Pathetic&lt;br /&gt;36. The Khmer Krom and the Khmer Rouge Trial&lt;br /&gt;37. Some revealing and sincere observations on the relations between Cambodia and Vietnam by a Vietnamese-Australian student&lt;br /&gt;38. Polls close in Cambodian election&lt;br /&gt;39. Political tensions driving temple row&lt;br /&gt;40. Thai Foreign minister quits&lt;br /&gt;41. Cambodian court shattered; blocking opposition leader's defence&lt;br /&gt;42. Cambodia Poll Campaigning begins&lt;br /&gt;43. Court asks National Assembly to strip Sam Ransy of parliamentary immunity&lt;br /&gt;44. Cambodian law maker in court threat&lt;br /&gt;45. Crumbling SRP fights to avoid Funinpec fate&lt;br /&gt;46. CPP vows to rule alone&lt;br /&gt;47. On Cambodia human right situation by Mr. Yash Ghai (2008)&lt;br /&gt;48. Opposition finds common ground only in CPP’s shadow&lt;br /&gt;49. Petition against corruption sent to Assembly&lt;br /&gt;50. A personal reflection; life during the KHmer Rouge regime&lt;br /&gt;51, Fighting to be remembered&lt;br /&gt;52. Justice in Cambodia; Past, Present, and Future&lt;br /&gt;53. Going against the Cambodian conventional wisdom&lt;br /&gt;54. Briefing: A time for change in election season&lt;br /&gt;55. Country for sale&lt;br /&gt;56, US Court finds Cambodian rebel guilty of coup attempt&lt;br /&gt;57.Sam Rainsy calls for new FBI probeinto bombing&lt;br /&gt;58. Tibet Crisis: Chinese Intellectuals Speak up&lt;br /&gt;59. Former King, Government support China’s policy on Tibet&lt;br /&gt;60. Defections rattle opposition parties&lt;br /&gt;61. A Tortuous Road to Nation Building&lt;br /&gt;62. Yash Ghai’s Report Slams Rule of Law, and Judicial Independence&lt;br /&gt;63. Money, not Morality underpins Laws: Report&lt;br /&gt;64. King Father Sihanouk gives ‘100 percent’ endorsement to CPP and Hun Sen&lt;br /&gt;65. Corruption survey finds little hope for change&lt;br /&gt;66. Ex. Khmer Rouge official says 'no choice' to killings: report&lt;br /&gt;67. My letter to thank Congressman Donald Manzullo for his recent criticism of Hun Sen's systemic corruption and its impact on the Cambodian people&lt;br /&gt;68. One-way defection; Sam Rainsy Party&lt;br /&gt;69. The United States and Cambodia; Bilateral relations&lt;br /&gt;70. Love-hate relationship between Thailand and Cambodia&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;_________________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Genocidal loopholes in CambodiaBy Stephen Kurczy&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/JL02Ae01.html)&lt;br /&gt;-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------(Comments: In this article, the author, Stephen Kurczy, shows a more balanced view on who is doing what to delay the Khmer Rouge trial, by indicating that the French lawyer for Khieu Samphan, Verges, is not the only one who is delaying the Khmer Rouge trial, when he said that;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“Verges and other defense &lt;a href="http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/JL02Ae01.html" target="_new"&gt;lawyers&lt;/a&gt; can't claim full responsibility for delaying the UN tribunal. Twice in the past two years the court has been rocked by allegations of internal corruption. The Open Society Justice Initiative in 2007 said tribunal staff paid kickbacks for their positions and this year in August the UN Office of International Oversight Services in New York said multiple tribunal staffers had complained of graft.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is Hun Sen who did the most to delay the Khmer Rouge trial. This is for his own self interests and those of Vietnam. First, Hun Sen with the help of Senator John Kerry, had hijacked the whole trial process by making it a Cambodian court instead of an international institution under the United Nations, as originally agreed. Cambodia has no legal and judicial system that can be meet the minimum of international standard, and non-corrupt. Until today, Cambodia does not even have an anti corruption law.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;For Hun Sen to claim the ownership of the trial for nationalistic reasons is nothing more than a false pretense and a pack of lies.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is common knowledge and common sense to conclude that Hun Sen will never allow the Khmer Rouge trial to be completed as long as any of the remaining former Khmer Rouge leaders such as Khieu Samphan, Ieng Sary and his wife Ieng Thirith, and Nuon Chea are still alive, for fear that they may reveal some secret information on Hun Sen association with the Vietnamese. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. December 29, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;PHNOM PENH - The Khmer Rouge's alleged former chief executioner and head of state will both appear in court this week in Cambodia. Yet instead of reeling the radical Maoist regime's most senior leaders closer to justice, the two-and-a-half-year-old United Nations sponsored tribunal's final hearings for this year will showcase defense stall tactics and set up one defendant to be the first, and possibly the only, cadre convicted for the regime's crimes against humanity. French &lt;a href="http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/JL02Ae01.html" target="_new"&gt;attorney&lt;/a&gt; Jacques Verges, who represents Khieu Samphan, the former Khmer Rouge head-of-state, will argue later this week before the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) that the failure to translate all evidence into French has violated his client's right to a fair trial and thereby warrants his release. Meanwhile, the court is expected to announce whether former torture prison chief Kaing Guek Eav, alias Duch, will be tried under the 1956 Cambodian penal code and Joint Criminal Enterprise, a form of liability that holds all members of a conspiracy responsible for each other's crimes. The ruling could prove disadvantageous to the defense, as the Khmer Rouge is accused of some of the most egregious violations of international humanitarian law in the 20th century during its three-year, eight-month and 20-day rule. While Duch nears conviction for crimes committed during his oversight of the S-21 prison in Phnom Penh and the notorious Choeung Ek killing fields nearby, where a combined 12,380 detainees died, observers say Khieu Samphan's case showcases a defense team vigorously defending its client. "The Khieu Samphan hearing will very much send the message, 'sounds like the court is hung up on technical details and administrative issues'. The other one, with Duch, looks a lot like a trial that is actually going to deliver something in the foreseeable future," said John Ciorciari, senior legal advisor to the &lt;a href="http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/JL02Ae01.html" target="_new"&gt;Documentation&lt;/a&gt; Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam). The last time Verges appeared in the ECCC, on April 23, he refused to speak because all evidence was not translated into French. The pre-trial judges found that Verges' refusal to cooperate violated Khieu Samphan's right to be represented and "right to a timely hearing". The sideshow earned Verges a warning from the court, but also an eight-month delay in procedures. More than a year has passed since the court placed Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot's right-hand man in detention for his alleged role in "directing, encouraging, enforcing or otherwise rendering support to [the Communist Party of Kampuchea] policy which was characterized by murder, extermination, imprisonment, persecution on political grounds and other inhumane acts such as forcible transfers of the population, enslavement, and forced labor." Because of the delays and legal stalling tactics, Ciorciari said Khieu Samphan's trial is unlikely to begin until 2010. That's good news for Verges, former advocate for Nazi Gestapo officer Klaus Barbie and the Venezuelan terrorist Carlos the Jackal. He has said that the ECCC "borders on lynch-mob justice". Observers don't expect to see Khieu Samphan's release when the pre-trial chamber rules this week on Verges' appeal, &lt;a href="http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/JL02Ae01.html" target="_new"&gt;legal experts&lt;/a&gt; say, but do anticipate another entertaining &lt;a href="http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/JL02Ae01.html" target="_new"&gt;presentation&lt;/a&gt; from Verges. As Verges himself said in a November interview with German magazine Der Spiegel, "A good trial is like a Shakespeare play, a work of art." Verges "is someone with a lot of tricks up his sleeve, and he's very masterful at using criminal processing in a way that tells a larger narrative about justice", said Beth Van Schaack, assistant law professor at the US's Santa Clara University School of Law who served on the &lt;a href="http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/JL02Ae01.html" target="_new"&gt;criminal defense&lt;/a&gt; team for John Walker Lindh, the American citizen who joined Afghanistan's Taliban. "He'll be using whatever legal loopholes that he can find. To a certain extent, that's what we expect from a defense." Verges and other defense &lt;a href="http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/JL02Ae01.html" target="_new"&gt;lawyers&lt;/a&gt; can't claim full responsibility for delaying the UN tribunal. Twice in the past two years the court has been rocked by allegations of internal corruption. The Open Society Justice Initiative in 2007 said tribunal staff paid kickbacks for their positions and this year in August the UN Office of International Oversight Services in New York said multiple tribunal staffers had complained of graft. John Hall, associate professor at Chapman University School of Law in California, has said the corruption allegations could "fatally" damage the tribunal if the Cambodian government cannot stamp it out. Not surprisingly, Verges has also called the entire court into question, saying in the Der Spiegel interview, "It may be that the trial against Duch will begin soon, but not the trials against the other four prisoners … because the tribunal in Phnom Penh has already gambled away its credibility and legitimacy." Ailing comradesMeanwhile, the aging Khmer Rouge cadres complain of illness. Khieu Samphan, 77, was treated in May for a minor stroke. Ex-foreign minister Ieng Sary, 83, entered the hospital in late July after doctors discovered blood in his urine during a routine checkup. Duch, at 66, is the junior by at least a decade to the other four detainees. Yet aside from Duch, none of the detainees are expected to go to trial until late 2009 or 2010, two years after the trials were originally expected to conclude. "The more likely thing is that [Duch] happens to be the only one convicted before the other four all croak. He will, in a narrow legal sense, be the only one who got nailed," DC-Cam's Ciorciari said by telephone from Stanford University. "It sounds a bit like Duch is being set up to be the fall guy," said Cambodia historian David Chandler, the author of Brother Number One and Voices from S-21 and an emeritus professor of history at Monash University in Melbourne, Australia. However, the court on December 5 will rule on the very issue that could prevent Duch from becoming the fall guy: whether to allow as a form of criminal liability Joint Criminal Enterprise, a legal theory wherein members of a conspiracy are held responsible for each individuals' actions. On January 7, 1979, when Vietnamese forces entered Phnom Penh and stumbled on Duch's detention center, "Troops discovered a number of recently killed persons still chained to iron beds, and thousands of documents scattered in and around the buildings," according to Duch's indictment. Twenty years later, the former math teacher was found in Battambang province living under a pseudonym. He had converted to Christianity and had his children baptized. Duch was arrested and placed in Cambodian military jail until July 2007, when he was transferred to the ECCC detention center. The court's pre-trial investigation included interviews with Duch wherein he admits to receiving and conveying orders to execute, and also interviews with numerous witnesses, S-21 personnel and detainees that detail Duch's instructions to use electric shock, asphyxiation and fingernail extraction as methods of interrogation.&lt;br /&gt;In their August 8 indictment, the co-investigators narrowed Duch's liability to crimes against humanity and grave breaches of the Geneva &lt;a href="http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/JL02Ae01.html" target="_new"&gt;Conventions &lt;/a&gt;of 1949. It's what they did not charge Duch with that is the subject of the December 5 hearing. The co-prosecutors appealed the closing order because they believe Duch is also liable under the 1956 Cambodian Penal code - for homicide and torture - and Joint Criminal Enterprise (JCE). JCE is not clear-cut. In three briefs to the court, submitted in late-October, three legal experts offered differing views on JCE applicability, which comes in three classifications: JCE I, where participants share intent, such as in a heist when both the robber and the driver share the intent to rob a bank; JCE II, where participants engage in a common design, such as in a concentration camp when both the prison guards and the incinerator operators share tasks indispensable for the achievement of the camp's main goals; and JCE III, where participants in a common design are liable for those results foreseeable even if not necessarily intended, such as when the forced eviction of a city leaves the young, sick and elderly dying along the roadside. JCE III has been rejected outright as a mode of participation in Germany, the &lt;a href="http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/JL02Ae02.html" target="_new"&gt;Netherlands&lt;/a&gt; and Switzerland, and remains highly criticized in &lt;a href="http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/JL02Ae02.html" target="_new"&gt;Canada&lt;/a&gt;, the United States and the &lt;a href="http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/JL02Ae02.html" target="_new"&gt;United Kingdom&lt;/a&gt;. But in Antonio Cassese's brief to the court on JCE, the editor-in-chief of the Journal of International Criminal Justice backs the form of liability and cites from the 1947 International Military Tribunal Judgment at Nuremberg: "Hitler could not make aggressive war by himself. He had to have the cooperation of statesmen, military leaders, diplomats, and business men. When they, with knowledge of his aims, gave him their cooperation, they made themselves parties to the plan he had initiated." Cassese's parallel is plain: though Brother Number 1 Pol Pot is dead, his crimes were part of a larger conspiracy that arguably included cooperation from the five Khmer Rouge leaders in detention today. Allowing JCE as a form of liability in Duch's case would bring the four other Khmer Rouge leaders in detention - Khieu Samphan, former foreign minister Ieng Sary, his wife former social affairs minister Ieng Thirith, and the regime's chief ideologue Nuon Chea - closer to responsibility for the atrocities at S-21 and further from escaping culpability. "If I were a prosecutor trying to nail the other four," said DC-Cam's Ciorciari, "I would want to link them to Duch, because his crimes are the easiest to prove. If a prosecutor wants - and it would be wise - to link them all to Tuol Sleng, I would want to use a legal theory, like Joint Criminal Enterprise, that would enable me to connect these others to the very provable atrocities of Tuol Sleng." Compelling evidenceEvidence already links Duch's torture prison with the four other detainees. Duch's named "superiors," whose identities are redacted in the indictment, are believed to include at least Nuon Chea and Khieu Samphan. Chandler has said the chain of command passed down from Pol Pot to Nuon Chea to Son Sen, the deputy prime minister of the Khmer Rouge's Democratic Kampuchea government, to Duch at S-21, which was known of and approved by Ieng Sary, Ieng Thirith and Khieu Samphan. By allowing JCE as a form of liability, the court may cast a net so wide that it implicates and leads to the subpoena of senior Cambodian officials serving in today's government; a year ago, Norodom Sihanouk's official biographer Julio Jeldres said the court appeared on the verge of collapse when it was questioned if the former king should testify. (See &lt;a href="http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/II18Ae01.html"&gt;Khmer Rouge tribunal in jeopardy (again)&lt;/a&gt; Asia Times Online, September 18, 2007.) "JCE will bring other people to light," said Beth Van Schaack of Santa Clara University. "If the investigation becomes too wide-ranging, subpoenaing sitting members of the government, it could provoke some government backlash," she said by telephone from &lt;a href="http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/JL02Ae02.html" target="_new"&gt;San Francisco&lt;/a&gt;. It remains debatable whether all three forms of JCE existed on April 17, 1975, when Pol Pot's ragtag army first marched into &lt;a href="http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/JL02Ae02.html" target="_new"&gt;Phnom Penh&lt;/a&gt;. Cassese, an ardent backer of JCE, has been called biased by the defense because he was one of the five appellate judges at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia who authored the very phrase "joint criminal enterprise." If the pre-trial chamber on December 5 announces that JCE is not allowed, the co-prosecutors say "the full scope of torture or mistreatment of detainees that was practiced at S-21" will not be covered. Of additional concern is that the prosecutors gambled away a half-year of precious time. While Duch's trial was anticipated to begin in September, court spokesman Peter Foster said the prosecutors' appeal pushed the starting date into the first quarter of 2009. "The important thing to realize is it shouldn't be considered a delay. This isn't something out of left field," Foster said. The tribunal "takes as long as it takes. There's no ending mandate. What there is, are international standards." Van Schaack agreed, arguing that even if JCE is unexpectedly barred as a form of liability, this decision will allow the co-investigating judges to hone in on evidence and frame future indictments. "Resolving jurisprudential questions is never a waste of time," she said. "There's no doubt that people are disappointed by the lack of progress. There's no doubt that it would have been nice had things moved along, but that's one of the problems of ad hoc justice, it takes time." But what amount of time - and money - is justifiable? Rival goals of a speedy trial, yet on an international standard, will collide in public view during the final ECCC hearings of 2008 and may incite major donors of the proceedings, such as the US, to speak up and demand results, said Ciorciari. In September the US pledged its first donation of US$1.8 million. Yet the US remains concerned about the ECCC's ability to meet international standards and address corruption in an efficient manner, John Bellinger, a legal adviser to the US secretary of state, said on November 14 in an address at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy in Massachusetts. He told the audience, "Justice delayed is justice denied." Already over-budget and nearing its original end-date with not a single trial begun, the tribunal must measure the cost of justice for the victims of the Khmer Rouge, Ciorciari said, either with a trial hurdling stall tactics and rushing to a timely end, or with a trial stretching beyond the natural lives of detainees, costing hundreds of millions of dollars more, and resulting in only one conviction. "If someone doesn't say 'giddy-up,' we're in real danger." Stephen Kurczy is a Cambodia-based journalist. (Copyright 2008 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about &lt;a href="javascript:openWindow(" resizable="yes,scrollbars,width=260,height=370');&amp;quot;"&gt;sales, syndication&lt;/a&gt; and &lt;a href="javascript:openWindow(" resizable="yes,scrollbars,width=260,height=370');&amp;quot;"&gt;republishing&lt;/a&gt;.)&lt;br /&gt;_______________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;VN blocks entry of Euro MPs&lt;br /&gt;Written by Brendan Brady&lt;br /&gt;The Phnom Penh Post; Wednesday, 24 December 2008&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: While Hun Sen and his CPP are still doing their upmost to praise Vietnam including kidnapping the Reverend Tim Sakhorn and delivered him to Vietnam for trial and condemned to imprisonment, for no other reason than to protest peacefully in Cambodia against the genocide committed by Vietnam against our compatriots the Khmer Krom, the Vietnamese are now preventing the European Union parliamentarians to visit those victims. Meanwhile, Sihanouk has remained totally silent on this whole genocide issue by the Vietnamese. At the same it is sad to see that there are so many Cambodians, including those from overseas, continue to think that Hun Sen is a patriot and a good leader. Nobody can save Cambodia, if there are so many Cambodians who still behave in this atrocious manner. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. December 27, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;---------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;Khmer Krom advocates barred from flight to Ho Chi Minh City&lt;br /&gt;EUROPEAN government officials visiting the region to advocate for greater cultural and religious freedoms for Khmer Krom were stopped from boarding a flight Tuesday to Ho Chi Minh City from Phnom Penh's International Airport.&lt;br /&gt;Marco Perduca, an Italian parliamentarian, and Marco Pannella, a parliamentarian with the European Union, were both on an unofficial visit as members of a global human rights and democracy advocacy group, the Non-Violent Radical Party, which has consultative status with the United Nations.&lt;br /&gt;The last-minute rebuff was especially surprising, they said, because the foreign minister and parliamentarians from Vietnam had agreed to meet them in Hanoi today.&lt;br /&gt;"I think there are some disagreements in the government," Pannella, who is the advocacy group's president, said, suggesting that some&lt;br /&gt;Vietnamese officials may have been behind the denial.&lt;br /&gt;"There are parts of the government that fear demonstrations" from ethnic Khmers in Vietnam would be provoked by their visit, he said.&lt;br /&gt;He said the Italian government was trying to contact Vietnamese officials to resolve the problem.&lt;br /&gt;As they were about to board their flight, airport authorities presented them with a vaguely composed fax from a Vietnamese state tour agency claiming they had not followed a rule requiring that "when you are issued (an) entry visa for traveling, you must supply your tour program and details schedule".&lt;br /&gt;They noted that the travel agency that sent the fax, Vungtau Intourco Hanoi, had not previously been involved with their travel plans, and their visas were valid until the middle of next month.&lt;br /&gt;They had planned to meet Tuesday with Khmer Krom leaders in Ho Chi Minh City to discuss rights violations against their community including the arrest of activists.&lt;br /&gt;Officials with the Vietnamese embassy in Phnom Penh could not be contacted on Tuesday. ________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia enjoys exchanges and cooperation with Vietnam&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;ASEAN Business Weekly; December 22-28, 2008&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: Hun Sen and his CPP are doing all they can to comply with Vietnam's age-old plan and efforts to totally colonize Cambodia. History has shown that Vietnam never wasted a moment to conquer its neighbors, first with Champa, then Kampuchea Krom, and now Cambodia proper. Their "Southern March" or "Nam Tien" is going now full blast to take over completely what is remianed from the Khmer Empire.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;However, as I said so many times before, that the Vietnamese could not have done to destroy Cambodia, if there were no Khmer Traitors, and there are many of them such as Sihanouk, Pol Pot, and most of all Hun Sen, and his CPP murderers.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Yet, so many Cambodians still have found excuses to now believe that Hun Sen had no choice but to comply with the Vietnamese wishes, otherwise Cambodia would have disappeared even faster.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;How on earth anybody could come and help Cambodia, if there are so many naive Cambodians including those living abraod who fooled themselves to believe such stupities. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. December 28, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia is satisfied with the development of economic, commercial and diplomatic exchanges with Vietnam. Cambodian National Assembly President Heng Samrin made the remarks when he met with visiting Vietnamese National Assembly’s Council for Ethnic Minorities Chairman Ksor Phuoc Dec 16 in Phnom Penh, according to AKP.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia also wishes to continue to strengthen and widen the cooperation between both neighboring countries in the fields of investment, tourism, economy for the mutual interests of the two governments and peoples, he said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Cambodian National Assembly president praised for the development in Vietnam and thanked the Vietnamese National Assembly, government and people for their continuous support to Cambodia, especially in capacity building and infrastructure reconstruction.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ksor Phuoc told Heng Samrin that the purpose of his visit was to learn about ethnic minorities in Cambodia. In Vietnam, he said, there are 54 ethnic minorities, the largest of which is Viet.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Both sides exchanged views about the difficulties in developing ethnic minorities who are reluctant to abandon old practices such as slash-and-burn agriculture, and their education is still very limited.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The delegation of the Vietnamese National Assembly’s Council for Ethnic Minorities arrived Dec 16 for a six-day official visit.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia-VN central banks sign MoU&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;National Bank of Cambodia (NBC) Governor Chea Chanto led a delegation to Vietnam last week, and inked a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with his Vietnamese counterpart, Nhan Dan newspaper reported Dec 19.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The MoU includes the exchange of information regarding banking inspections to create a legal foundation for stricter management in order to help the two countries’ commercial banks operate in a safer and more secure manner in the context of international competition and integration, Chea Chanto said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Chea Chanto said that Cambodia will create favorable conditions for the Vietnamese commercial banks to open their branches in this country&lt;br /&gt;_______________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Farce Meets Justice in Khmer Rouge Trial&lt;br /&gt;By Barbara Crossette&lt;br /&gt;The Nation; December 17, 2008&lt;br /&gt;(http://www.thenation.com/doc/20081229/crossette)&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: Barbara Croissette’s article on how the famous or infamous French lawyer Jacques Vergés had managed to make the whole Khmer Rouge Trial (KRT) more like a French comedy than a genocide trial is only partly true. First, the main role of a lawyer is supposed to do whatever he can to make his case a winning one. That is exactly what Mr. Vergés has been doing at the trial. What she missed was the fact that it is Hun Sen who has been making the whole trial a tragic farce, by stalling it for more than ten years. As I said many times before, it is not in Hun Sen’s personal interests to have all the former Khmer Rouge leaders testified at the tribunal, because they may reveal something that Hun Sen does not want to hear about his relationship with the Vietnamese.&lt;br /&gt;We should not forget that it was the Vietnamese who made the Khmer Rouge. We should not forget also that it was the Vietnamese who invaded Cambodia in 1978, and made the Tuol Sleng a museum to ‘demonize the demons.’ The Vietnamese had revealed all the secret documents about Tuol Sleng for that purpose. There was nothing about any of the current leaders of the CPP. This is not surprising to me. Because, Hun Sen and his CPP secrete must not be known to the public especially to the Trial. So, Jacques Vergés theatrical maneuvering at the Khmer Rouge Trial is not only legitimate but, appropriate. But, there is no justification whatsoever for Hun Sen to delay at infinitum the trial, except to help himself, his CPP friends, and his patrons, the Vietnamese. I happen to believe that Ms. Croissette is one of the best reporters on Cambodia. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. December 18, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;-------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;The colonial scramble for Africa may have ended a century ago, but in Indochina something of a cultural struggle still goes on in the hearts of the French, and glimpses of it are surfacing in the oddest of places: a United Nations-backed tribunal where tottering, white-haired Khmer Rouge&lt;br /&gt;leaders are finally facing trial three decades after their catastrophic revolution left up to two million people dead.&lt;br /&gt;It is often forgotten that leaders of the Khmer Rouge were deeply involved in French communism as students in Paris in the early 1950s. One was Saloth Sar, the man who became known as Pol Pot, Brother Number One among the shadowy radical Maoists who in 1975 tried to erase the past and restart Cambodian history at Year Zero.&lt;br /&gt;Pol Pot died peacefully in 1998 in his bed, in western Cambodia. But others are still alive, and are now in the custody of a joint Cambodian-UN court erected on a barren field twelve miles outside Phnom Penh belonging to the Cambodian military. There, in a pleasant enough detention center where the inmates have the cheek to complain about the food and living conditions, are housed Nuon Chea, Brother Number Two; Khieu Samphan, the erstwhile head of state and international face of the regime; the power couple Ieng Sary and Ieng Thirith, ministers, respectively, of foreign affairs and social affairs; and Kaing Guek Eav, alias Duch, the commandant of the Tuol Sleng prison and torture center, which sent thousands to the killing fields at Choeung Ek.&lt;br /&gt;Khieu Samphan, free to choose his legal team at the expense of the tribunal (Khmer Rouge leaders claim poverty) has selected an old friend, the colorful French lawyer Jacques Vergès, known for his defense of Carlos the Jackal and Klaus Barbie. Vergès, to the outrage of most Cambodians who follow courtroom events, has chosen to stake his objection to the detention of his new client on the paucity of documents available in the French language. At a news conference after a hearing on December 4, survivors and still-living victims of Khmer Rouge atrocities tried to assault him and his Cambodian legal partner, who had to be hustled out by security.&lt;br /&gt;Vergès's contempt for the English-speaking panels of international judges and prosecutors he faces (some of them Cambodians who long ago ceased to use the French language) is visceral. He has insulted the bench, the UN and a variety of court officials. He rails against the use of international (read French) financial contributions to the court to print "pretty posters" encouraging victims to come forward with evidence. That money should have gone into French translations, he insists.&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia has not been a French colony since 1954, a couple of decades before the Khmer Rouge came to power and turned the graceful nation into a concentration camp. Yet the French government still ties aid to the promotion of the language. Cambodians complain, for example, that French is the language of instruction at the French-funded school of public health when English (not to mention Khmer) would be more useful.&lt;br /&gt;There are thought to be about 60,000 documents in the Khieu Samphan file. Court officials say that all the most important ones, numbering only several thousand, have been translated and that any other specifically requested would also be rendered into French if necessary. There is simply not enough time or money to translate them all. A French-speaking translator calls this a "culture war" that he has also experienced in other UN tribunals, especially the court in Rwanda.&lt;br /&gt;Vergès argues that both he and Khieu Samphan need French documents, since neither he nor his client is conversant in English. That prosecutors have dredged up a tape of Khieu Samphan speaking English at a news conference, and a French bar association record describing Verges as a lawyer who works in English or French only fires up more Gallic rage.&lt;br /&gt;Khieu Samphan, now an old, white-haired man who walks slowly with a cane and looks for long periods without expression at the Cambodians in the court audience staring at him, says only that his memory is going so he has to rely on Vergès. He also says that he acted only in the interests of the Cambodian people and has no idea why he should be accused of such terrible crimes. He faces charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Genocide charges may follow, but international lawyers say these are hard to prove in cases such as this, where fellow ethnic Khmer were primary victims.&lt;br /&gt;There is a larger problem than language here: the Khmer Rouge tribunal--officially called the Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts of Cambodia, at the insistence of Prime Minister Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge cadre himself--is in danger of descending into farce. Furthermore, the Cambodian side of this joint venture with the UN is riddled with corruption, as are most institutions in this sad country. Many people in villages and urban neighborhoods alike who had very high hopes when the tribunal finally opened its doors in 2006 are asking whether this is not a colossal waste of money. At the rate proceedings are progressing, most of the accused, now in their 70s or 80s, may well be dead before trials begin, stalled as the court is by pretrial maneuvers.&lt;br /&gt;Yet there is much that is interesting going on outside the court, and it is positive for Cambodia. Young people for whom the Khmer Rouge era did not exist in history books until this year, given the dubious pasts of numerous government officials, are beginning to discover the country's recent history and to understand the roots of so much present societal dysfunction.&lt;br /&gt;Thousands of documents and a variety of other evidence have been assembled, for history's sake and for the use of the court, by the independent Documentation Center of Cambodia. It was established with American funds in the 1990s and still gets US support. University students plunge into gathering oral histories, and the DVDs they produce are selling in the markets. Nongovernmental organizations have sprung up to monitor the Khmer Rouge court and to look around with new eyes at the current human rights situation, which has considerable room for improvement.&lt;br /&gt;Foreigners, too, are coming back to look again at the accumulating evidence of the horror that wracked the country from April 1975 to January 1979, when Cambodians died by the hundreds of thousands from torture, execution, starvation, disease and slave labor. Among those returning are some who have come to regret publicly their naïve support for the Khmer Rouge in the wake of the American war in Indochina. The most recent of them to tour the country was Gunnar Bergstrom, a Swede who described himself in the 1970s as a Maoist who believed in the Cambodian revolution.&lt;br /&gt;Bergstrom had spent fourteen days in the country on a propaganda junket as a guest of Pol Pot in 1978, not realizing that the Khmer Rouge were getting desperate, caught up in murderous infighting and in need of some positive publicity abroad. Bergstrom assured Europeans after his visit that the Cambodians were indeed a happy lot. He returned this fall for the first time to retrace his steps, rather like a penitent. When he went home this time in early December, he left behind a "letter to the Cambodian people."&lt;br /&gt;"I have not lost faith in the possibility of a better world for all and with a world order more fair and just than the one we are living in today," he wrote, but added: "For those still appalled by my support of the Khmer Rouge at the time, and especially those who suffered personally under that regime, I can only say I am sorry and ask for your forgiveness."&lt;br /&gt;Copyright © 2008 The Nation&lt;br /&gt;_________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Press Release: Genocide Prevention Task Force Releases Report&lt;br /&gt;For Immediate Release&lt;br /&gt;December 8, 2008&lt;br /&gt;Contact: Andrew Hollinger, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.&lt;br /&gt;202-488-6133 Lauren Sucher, United States Institute of Peace. 202-429-3822&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: it is comforting that the prevention of genocide report just just released and written under the co-chairmanship of former Secratary of State, Madeleine Albright, and former Secretary of Defense, William Cohen, and shows that the United states under the new leadership of barack Obama is still committed to prevent future genocide to occur.&lt;br /&gt;unfrotunately, this commitment will be less than satisfactory in practice, as so many countries are more motivated by greed than by moral principles, also because, the United nations Organization is not equipped to do the prevention job appropriately and on time before the massacre takes place. the other problem is the fact that unofficial genocide such as the one committed by the Socialist Republic of Vietnam against the Khmers Krom is not taken into consideration in this new framework as described by this report.&lt;br /&gt;Only if a real independent and free government of Cambodia is in place, the genocide against the Khmers Krom will continue. Because, in the United Nations framework, only member government (epspecially a permanent member of the Security Council) can intervene to ask for a UN action.&lt;br /&gt;But, under the Hun Sen/Sihanouk regime, not only the Khmer Kroms are not protected, they are being persecuted by Hun Sen/Sihanouk as they are totally under the dictate of Vietnam. This submission is most strikingly shown in the case of the Reverend Tim Sakhorn (a patriach in the province of Takeo) who was kidnapped and secretely sent to Vietnam for violating the so-called 'Treaty of Peace and Friendship' between Vietnam and Cambodia. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. Decmber 18, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;Prevent Genocide and Mass Atrocities&lt;br /&gt;Former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, former Secretary of Defense William Cohen and other leading figures call on new administration and Congress to make preventing genocide and mass atrocities a national priority.&lt;br /&gt;Washington, DC - The Genocide Prevention Task Force today released its final report on the eve of the 60th anniversary of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The report makes the case for why genocide and mass atrocities threaten core American values and national interests, and how the U.S. government can prevent these crimes in the future.&lt;br /&gt;Jointly convened by the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, The American Academy of Diplomacy, and the United States Institute of Peace, the Task Force began its work last November with the goal of generating concrete recommendations to enhance the U.S. government’s capacity to recognize and respond to emerging threats of genocide and mass atrocities.&lt;br /&gt;'The world agrees that genocide is unacceptable and yet genocide and mass killings continue,' said Madeleine K. Albright, former Secretary of State and Co-Chair of the Genocide Prevention Task Force. We believe that preventing genocide is possible, and that striving to do so is imperative both for our national interests and our leadership position in the world.&lt;br /&gt;'This report provides a blueprint that can enable the United States to take preventive action, along with international partners, to forestall the specter of future cases of genocide and mass atrocities,' said William S. Cohen, former Secretary of Defense and Co-Chair of the Genocide Prevention Task Force. There is a choice for U.S. policymakers between doing nothing and large-scale military intervention. We hope this report will help us utilize those options.&lt;br /&gt;Other Members of the Genocide Prevention Task Force include: John Danforth, Thomas Daschle, Stuart Eizenstat, Michael Gerson, Dan Glickman, Jack Kemp, Gabrielle Kirk McDonald, Thomas R. Pickering, Vin Weber, Anthony Zinni, and Julia Taft who passed away earlier this year.&lt;br /&gt;The report, which is entitled ‘Preventing Genocide: A Blueprint for U.S. Policymakers’, asserts that genocide is preventable, and that making progress toward doing so begins with leadership and political will. The report provides 34 recommendations, starting with the need for high-level attention, standing institutional mechanisms, and strong international partnerships to respond to potential genocidal situations when they arise; it lays out a comprehensive approach, recommending improved early warning mechanisms, early action to prevent crises, timely diplomatic responses to emerging crises, greater preparedness to employ military options, and action to strengthen global norms and institutions.&lt;br /&gt;'We are keenly aware that the incoming president’s agenda will be massive and daunting from day one,' Secretaries Albright and Cohen noted. ‘But preventing genocide and mass atrocities is not an idealistic add-on to our core foreign policy agenda. It is a moral and strategic imperative.’&lt;br /&gt;The Task Force calls for the development of a new government-wide policy on genocide prevention, which would include the following specific actions designed to better equip the U.S. government to prevent genocide and mass atrocities:&lt;br /&gt;- Having the president himself demonstrate that preventing genocide is a national priority, for example by an early executive order, and continuing public statements on genocide prevention.&lt;br /&gt;- Creating an interagency Atrocities Prevention Committee at the National Security Council to analyze threats of genocide and mass atrocities and consider appropriate preventive action.&lt;br /&gt;- Making warning of genocide or mass atrocities an ‘automatic trigger’ of policy review.&lt;br /&gt;- Developing military guidance on genocide prevention and response and incorporating it into doctrine and training.&lt;br /&gt;- Preparing interagency genocide prevention and response plans for high-risk situations.&lt;br /&gt;- Investing $250 million in new funds for crisis prevention and response, with a portion of this available for urgent activities to prevent or halt emerging genocidal crises.&lt;br /&gt;- Launching a major diplomatic initiative to create an international network for information-sharing and coordinated action to prevent genocide and mass atrocities.&lt;br /&gt;- Providing assistance to build capacity of international partners including the UN and regional organizations to prevent genocide and mass atrocities.&lt;br /&gt;- The report concludes that the core challenge for American leaders is to persuade others in the U.S. government, across the United States, and around the world, that preventing genocide is more than just a humanitarian aspiration, but a national and global imperative.&lt;br /&gt;The Task Force was funded by Humanity United and other private organizations.&lt;br /&gt;About the Convening Organizations:&lt;br /&gt;The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, a living memorial to the Holocaust, inspires citizens and leaders to confront hatred, promote human dignity and prevent genocide. Federal support guarantees the Museum’s permanence, and its far-reaching educational programs and global impact are made possible by donors nationwide.&lt;br /&gt;The American Academy of Diplomacy is dedicated to strengthening the resources and tools America brings to managing its diplomatic challenges, and accomplishes this through outreach programs, lectures, awards, and writing competitions. In doing so, the Academy promotes an understanding of the importance of diplomacy to serving our nation and enhancing America’s standing in the world.&lt;br /&gt;The United States Institute of Peace is an independent, nonpartisan, national institution established and funded by Congress. Its goals are to help prevent and resolve violent international conflicts, promote post-conflict stability and development, and increase peace-building capacity, tools, and intellectual capital worldwide. The Institute does this by empowering others with knowledge, skills, and resources, as well as by directly engaging in peace-building efforts around the globe.&lt;br /&gt;The report may be downloaded for free at: www.ushmm.org, www.academyofdiplomacy.org, &lt;a href="http://www.usip.org/"&gt;http://www.usip.org/&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;Please, click the link pasted below to see the full re[ort:&lt;br /&gt;(&lt;a href="http://www.usip.org/genocide_taskforce/pdf/FINAL%20REPORT.pdf"&gt;http://www.usip.org/genocide_taskforce/pdf/FINAL%20REPORT.pdf&lt;/a&gt;)&lt;br /&gt;_______________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Kingdom at crossroads as CPP extends control over government&lt;br /&gt;Written by Sebastian Strangio&lt;br /&gt;The Phnom Penh Post; Thursday, 11 December 2008&lt;br /&gt;Some analysts say 2008 has seen the advent of one-party rule, but others argue the CPP's consolidation may be the foundation Cambodia needs for genuine democratic development&lt;br /&gt;Prime Minister Hun Sen speaks with reporters outside the National Assembly after the first day of debates on the 2009 budget draft law.&lt;br /&gt;At the tail end of a year that has seen unprecedented consolidation of power by the ruling Cambodian People's Party, observers are divided on the current health of Cambodia's democracy and the future prospects of its fragile multi party system.&lt;br /&gt;While government officials have said that the peaceful atmosphere of July's national election was an indication of the country's political stability, others say the slackening support for Cambodia's opposition could see the country backslide into the one-party rule of the 1980s.&lt;br /&gt;"[Cambodia] has a de facto one-party rule," said Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Centre for Human Rights.&lt;br /&gt;"On the surface we have more parties, but it has pretty much been a one-party state since the coup of 1997. I don't see how we can define it any differently."&lt;br /&gt;Opposition figures agreed that the CPP's large parliamentary majority - and near monopoly of positions on the Assembly's nine special commissions - augured a return to single-party rule.&lt;br /&gt;"Cambodia has returned to an authoritarian kind of system," said Sam Rainsy Party lawmaker Son Chhay.&lt;br /&gt;"[The ruling party] should spend more time to strengthen the country's institutions, to solve its social and economic problems."&lt;br /&gt;He said that a strong opposition was the life blood of democratic states, and that debate in the National Assembly was likely to wither with the diminution of the opposition's role.&lt;br /&gt;"Most of the time, in any good parliament, there is a strong opposition. When you shut the opposition up, no one will speak out and criticise the government," Son Chhay said.&lt;br /&gt;Consolidating power&lt;br /&gt;2008 has been a year of consolidation for the CPP, which won a resounding victory in July's national poll and increased its share of National Assembly seats from 73 to 90, while also absorbing a steady trickle of opposition defectors.&lt;br /&gt;Funcinpec stalwart Serey Kosal on Tuesday announced he was joining the ruling party after nearly two decades of trenchant opposition to the CPP and Prime Minister Hun Sen.&lt;br /&gt;In October, the party's ex-president, Prince Norodom Ranariddh, retired from active politics, thereby weakening - perhaps fatally - the country's flagging royalist movement.&lt;br /&gt;But the CPP gains came in a national election that international observers saw as a distinct step forward, noting that the atmosphere during each poll since the UN-brokered elections of 1993 was marked by decreasing levels of political violence.&lt;br /&gt;"The July 27th National Assembly elections were the best example to date of Cambodian citizens freely assembling to express their will through the vote," said US Embassy spokesman John Johnson by email.&lt;br /&gt;The European Union Election Observation Mission also noted that the election "[took] place in an atmosphere which was an improvement on previous elections," despite "falling short of key international standards".&lt;br /&gt;In response to EU criticisms, Tep Nytha, secretary general of the NEC, told the Post in August that he was confident the elections were conducted freely.&lt;br /&gt;"The NEC followed the regulations in the Election Law, meaning that the election was free, fair and just," he said.&lt;br /&gt;Some observers, however, said that analysts' undue focus on the election process overlooked less obvious indicators of democratic health, and that in key respects Cambodia fell short - irrespective of the election results.&lt;br /&gt;"Democracy is not only a matter of elections," said Prince Sisowath Thomico, a former Funcinpec member who founded the royalist Sangkum Jataniyum Front Party in 2006.&lt;br /&gt;"Democracy is a matter of exchanging ideas, and there is no exchange of ideas in Cambodia. People who have ideas don't have power, and people who have power don't have ideas."&lt;br /&gt;David Chandler, a historian who has written extensively on Cambodia, agreed that the increasing stability of the Kingdom's electoral system since 1993 was no certain indication of the system's durability - something that could only be gauged by the peaceful transfer of power away from the CPP.&lt;br /&gt;"Cambodia has a very short history of pluralism ... [and] peaceful transfers of power in Cambodia are very rare indeed," he said by email.&lt;br /&gt;"Even the elections of 1993 were marked by violence, and in the end power remained pretty much where it had been before, at least as far as the police and the army were concerned."&lt;br /&gt;Prince Thomico agreed that the electoral transitions of the 1990s had masked continuities in the concentration of political power.&lt;br /&gt;"Cambodia has been stalled ever since 1993, and the only changes that have taken place since [then] are the replacement of Funcinpec ministers by CPP ministers," he said, adding that major ruling party figures, including Hun Sen, Minister of Commerce Cham Prasidh and Minister of Interior Sar Kheng, had dominated their posts like feudal baronies.&lt;br /&gt;"To develop and grow, we have to create dynamics. What we are really creating are lordships and baronies all over Cambodia with other names: We are making okhnas, we are creating ministers," he said.&lt;br /&gt;"Cambodia is completely stalled, without any real direction."&lt;br /&gt;Tangible progress&lt;br /&gt;But others noted that the achievements of the last 15 years had to be seen in historical context.&lt;br /&gt;Chea Vannath, an independent political analyst, said Cambodia's democracy was still in its infancy and the stability of CPP dominance could provide a foundation for future democratic growth.&lt;br /&gt;"[Cambodia] is such a young democracy, [so] sometimes firm control is not such a bad thing," she said, adding that the Japanese Liberal Democratic Party stayed in power for almost 60 years before ceding power to its main opposition rival.&lt;br /&gt;Pointing to recent upheavals in Thailand, Chea Vannath said that having a strong opposition was no guarantee of political stability and democratic development.&lt;br /&gt;"If you put a multi party system with very strong parties into the Cambodian context, you don't know what could happen, especially when you compare [Cambodia] to the situation in Thailand," she said.&lt;br /&gt;Ou Virak said that although the democratic space had narrowed in 2008, that was a better measure of politicians' attitudes than that of the majority of Cambodians.&lt;br /&gt;"In this environment, where you have politicians on both sides lacking a democratic culture, I think you have to go to the people," he said.&lt;br /&gt;He added that democracy would make further advances in Cambodia once people saw its tangible - as opposed to abstract - benefits.&lt;br /&gt;"The one thing lacking is to somehow show that democracy also impacts their pockets, the quality of their life and their ability to send their children to be educated," Ou Virak said.&lt;br /&gt;"I think freedom and democracy, and people making their own decisions, are actually a part of human nature. I think every human being in the world would want to choose."&lt;br /&gt;_______________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;UN official urges government to address rich-poor divide&lt;br /&gt;ASEAN BUSINESS weekly, December 15-21, 2008&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: this article is companion one to the preceded one on the same subject. This one confirms what the UN Resident Coordinator, Mr. Douglas Broderick who made his obeservation on the negative impact of extreme income inequality on poverty and social and political stability in Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;There can be no real political and social stability or progress as long as extreme income inequality is allowed to persist. But, then Hun Sen never was interested in the well-being of the Cambodiqan people in anyway whatsoever. He is there to fullfil the mandate that the Vietnamese had imposed on him and his CPP, if they want to continue to enrich themselves at the expense of the whole nation of Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;How can Cambodia survive if the so-called leaders like Hun Sy Vietnam for the purpose of subjugating Cambodia and to bring it under its total control along with its genocidal policy, as envisioned by Ho Chi Minh and his ancestors. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. December 15, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;The top UN official in Cambodia called on the government Dec 9 to step up efforts to halt what he described as a "widening gap" between the rich and the poor.&lt;br /&gt;UN resident coordinator Douglas Broderick said recent economic growth had brought "much hope and optimism" to all Cambodians, but added that prosperity was "not evenly spread."&lt;br /&gt;"Turning Cambodia's sense of hope and optimism into tangible results like better education, quality health services, the freedom to be heard and to feel safe are among the most significant human rights challenges facing Cambodia today," Broderick, said at an event marking the 60th anniversary of the UN Declaration of Human Rights.&lt;br /&gt;Broderick said narrowing the gap between the rich and the poor was crucial to upholding human rights in Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;"As legislators you carry the hopes of your constituents.&lt;br /&gt;You have the power to ensure that their rights are preserved and respected. And, you have the power to intervene on their behalf when human rights are violated," he said.&lt;br /&gt;(DPA)&lt;br /&gt;______________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Inequality is fuelling rights violations, UN warns govt.&lt;br /&gt;Written by Cheang Sokha&lt;br /&gt;The Phnom Penh Post; Wednesday, 10 December 2008&lt;br /&gt;The benefits of Cambodia’s recent development remain concentrated in the hands of a few, lawmakers are told&lt;br /&gt;A child plays on the fringes of Phnom Penh’s Boeung Kak lake. Conditions for Cambodia's poorest are worsening, especially in the countryside, despite apparent gains made by the economy. RISING income inequality is fueling human rights abuses across the Kingdom, making reducing the gap between rich and poor "among the most significant human rights challenges facing Cambodia today", a UN official told Cambodian lawmakers on Tuesday at the government celebration of International Human Rights Day.&lt;br /&gt;"Recent years have seen Cambodia's economy grow rapidly," said Douglas Broderick, the UN resident coordinator for Cambodia. "For ordinary Cambodians, this growth has brought hope and optimism. But so far, the benefits have not been evenly spread."&lt;br /&gt;Despite years of double-digit growth, the fruits of Cambodia's development have remained concentrated in the hands of a few, many rights groups say, adding that this pattern is intensifying as development makes land prices rise, precipitating mass forced evictions.&lt;br /&gt;Celebrations are expected to take place across the country to mark Human Rights Day - which is officially held today - with many groups saying they will be using the opportunity to highlight rights violations.&lt;br /&gt;In Dey Krahorm, villagers who face eviction will be holding a community gathering to bring attention to the issue of land grabbing in their slum neighbourhood, a press release from residents said.&lt;br /&gt;Despite concerns the government would, as has happened in the past, veto public celebrations of Human Rights Day, Minister of Interior Sar Kheng stepped in to save the holiday.&lt;br /&gt;According to a letter signed on Saturday, he ordered the Phnom Penh Governor Kep Chuktema to facilitate the events.&lt;br /&gt;"Cambodia is a signatory of this convention [the Universal Declaration of Human Rights]," Sar Kheng wrote.&lt;br /&gt;The goal of the day is twofold: to mark human rights achievements and also to shed light on rights violations in Cambodia, a coalition of NGOs called Friends of December 10th, he said.&lt;br /&gt;In Battambang, at least 1,000 people are expected to fly balloons, while in Banteay Meanchey province, some 500 tuk-tuk and mototaxi drivers will gather for a solidarity concert.&lt;br /&gt;In Phnom Penh, Suon Sareth, the executive secretary of the Cambodian Human Rights Action Committee, a coalition of 21 NGOs, said that 5,000 people are expected to march from Wat Lanka to Wat Botum to celebrate Human Rights Day.&lt;br /&gt;All of the day's events are tied together by a common theme, "We All Need Freedom and Justice", symbolised by a blue krama, organisers say.&lt;br /&gt;"Human Rights Day is a day for everyone," Suon Sareth said.&lt;br /&gt;__________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Prosecutor dispute at Khmer Rouge trial&lt;br /&gt;By Guy de Launey&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: another dispute between the internaitonal prosecutors and the Cambodian counterparts recently proped up again with regards to who else should be brought to the Khmer Rouge Trial to face justice. Of course, Hun Sen continues to use his dictatorial power to delay, as long as he can, until all the most prominent former Khmer Rouge leaders such as Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan, Ieng Sary and Ieng thearith are all dead. It is clear that he will never allow any of his close associates in his CPP who were former Khmer Rouge aparachik members to be brought to trial.&lt;br /&gt;Because these former Khmer Rouge leaders may reveal the truth about Hun Sen and his deadly collusion with the Vietnamese real motive behind their pretended 'liberation' of Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;So, Cambodia is in the full control of Hun Sen and the Vietnamese, while Sihanouk has enormously benefited from this deal as much as Hun Sen and his CPP have. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. december 9, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;-----------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;BBC News, Phnom Penh; http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/7772624.stm&lt;br /&gt;Disagreements have arisen at the Khmer Rouge tribunal in Cambodia over whether more people should be investigated.&lt;br /&gt;The UN-appointed prosecutor asked judges to intervene after he and his Cambodian counterpart were unable to move forward.&lt;br /&gt;It is the first time that international and Cambodian officials have had a public disagreement since the tribunal started two years ago.&lt;br /&gt;The court is looking into the deaths of some two million people in the 1970s. The filing of an official "statement of disagreement" suggests the tribunal may have a serious problem.&lt;br /&gt;Five former Khmer Rouge leaders are in custody awaiting trial on charges of crimes against humanity.&lt;br /&gt;And international co-prosecutor Robert Petit believes several more people should be investigated.&lt;br /&gt;But he has been unable to convince his Cambodian colleague, Chea Leang. And asking the judges to intervene indicates that any attempts to reach a compromise have failed.&lt;br /&gt;Embarrassment&lt;br /&gt;There has always been the potential for the tribunal to hit such a problem.&lt;br /&gt;Although it is backed by the United Nations, it is actually a Cambodian court. And the government's enthusiasm for the process has frequently been called into question.&lt;br /&gt;Many senior figures in the current administration were themselves formerly members of the Khmer Rouge.&lt;br /&gt;And as the number of prosecutions rises, so does the chance of embarrassment - or worse - for people in high places.&lt;br /&gt;But organisations monitoring the tribunal have said that proceeding with more cases is vital for the court's credibility.&lt;br /&gt;Story from BBC NEWS:&lt;br /&gt;http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/asia-pacific/7772624.stm&lt;br /&gt;Published: 2008/12/09 07:44:0&lt;br /&gt;-------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;STATEMENT OF THE CO-PROSECUTORS&lt;br /&gt;8 December 2008&lt;br /&gt;On 1 December 2008, in accordance with Internal Rule 71(2) of this Court, the International Co-Prosecutor filed a Statement of Disagreement between the Co-Prosecutors and forwarded it to the Office of Administration for adjudication by the Pre-Trial Chamber. This disagreement rests upon the appropriateness of opening new judicial investigations into crimes committed in various locations throughout Cambodia by certain persons considered to be senior leaders of the Khmer Rouge or persons most responsible for crimes under that regime. The Office of the Administration has since seized the Pre-Trial Chamber of this disagreement for adjudication. It has also forwarded the case files to the Pre-Trial Chamber.&lt;br /&gt;Preliminary investigation of the Co-Prosecutors and adjudication by the Pre-Trial Chamber of disputes between them are, by law, confidential.&lt;br /&gt;This is to uphold presumption of innocence, protection of victims and witnesses and, above all, the integrity of the investigative process.&lt;br /&gt;The Co-Prosecutors shall strive to achieve a consensus throughout the process of a judicial determination of this disagreement. Regardless of this disagreement, the Co-Prosecutors have been and shall continue to work together, in all their cases, to ensure that justice is rendered to the victims of the Khmer Rouge.&lt;br /&gt;_____________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;The world's most heinous crimeCNN's Christiane Amanpour traveled to the world's killing fields to understand why&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please, click on the link, pasted below, to see the whole presentation as reported by CNN reporter Christiane Amanpour on recent and past genocides in the four corners of the world including Cambodia's 'Killing fields.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(&lt;a title="http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/11/20/sbm.overview/?iref" href="http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/11/20/sbm.overview/?iref=hpmostpop"&gt;http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/11/20/sbm.overview/?iref=hpmostpop&lt;/a&gt;)&lt;br /&gt;(comments: this article on CNN (christiane Amanpour) presentation of mass murders entitled ' the world most Heinous Crime" in the world, despite the fact there is a UN convention against genocide signed sixty years ago, genocide contnues unabated.&lt;br /&gt;This is also is a constant and stark reminder of those Khmers, espcially the Khmers Krom, who strongly but naively believe that only the United Nations can save their lives, and their the cultural and religious heritage from the Vietnamese genocide. This article clearly shows that there is no such thing as a full proof antidot under the Unied Nations system against genecide anywhere in the world, as this quote shows;&lt;br /&gt;"The yearlong CNN investigation found that instead of using a U.N. treaty outlawing genocide as a springboard to action, political leaders have invoked reason after reason to make intervention seem unnecessary, pointless and even counter-productive. "&lt;br /&gt;Only when the majority of the people decides to stand up and defend themselves and backed by a honest and morally-based government can there be any chace of success any such genocide policy as the Vietnamese ahve been practicing against the Chams first, and now against the Cambodian people. I hope these Khmers Krom stop being naive and start to wake up that only a truly, intelligent, aware of woprld affairs, and capable can the Cambodian survive against the Vietnamese onslaught.&lt;br /&gt;The only strategy to be used is a non-violent one, known as AHIMSA. Stop accusing me of being anive and too intellectual. It is you, Khmer Krom who are in the wrong direction, not me.Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. december 3, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;----------------------------------------------------------------------------(CNN) -- They share a deep sorrow: an idealistic American who tried to protect the Kurds of Iraq, a Canadian general who refused to follow orders in Rwanda, a French priest who fought for the soul of Cambodia.CNN's Christiane Amanpour traveled to the killing fields of Europe, Africa and Asia for "Scream Bloody Murder."Each one tried to focus the world's attention on the world's most heinous crime: genocide. Each time, they were shunned, ignored or told it was someone else's problem.To understand why, CNN's Christiane Amanpour traveled to the killing fields of Europe, Africa and Asia for a two-hour documentary, "Scream Bloody Murder."Having reported on mass atrocities around the world, this time Amanpour traced the personal accounts of those who tried to stop the slaughter.The yearlong CNN investigation found that instead of using a U.N. treaty outlawing genocide as a springboard to action, political leaders have invoked reason after reason to make intervention seem unnecessary, pointless and even counter-productive. December marks the 60th anniversary of the U.N.'s Genocide Convention, when -- in the aftermath of the Holocaust -- the nations of the world pledged to prevent and punish future attempts to eliminate ethnic, religious and national groups. Read the 1948 Genocide Convention (pdf)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"The Genocide Convention should have stopped genocide, but it didn't," said Holocaust survivor and Nobel laureate Elie Wiesel. Intervention is a daunting challenge, he believes, because of a tendency to minimize accounts from refugees and victims. "It's better not to believe, because if you believe, you don't sleep nights. And how can you eat? How can you drink a glass of wine when you know?" 1970s: CambodiaFather François Ponchaud was a Catholic missionary in Cambodia when the Khmer Rouge guerillas -- communist revolutionaries -- seized power in 1975. They expelled all foreigners from the country.But working from France, Ponchaud gathered refugee accounts and monitored radio broadcasts to document the slave labor, torture and executions the Khmer Rouge were using to kill one-fourth of Cambodia's population.He published his findings in a major French newspaper and wrote a book, "Year Zero." But even so, Ponchaud tells Amanpour, "No one believed us." Watch a behind-the-scenes look at the making of 'Scream Bloody Murder' »1980s: IraqCNN found that intervention is often weighed against political and economic costs.Declassified U.S. government documents show that while Saddam Hussein was gassing Iraqi Kurds, the U.S. opposed punishing Iraq with a trade embargo because it was cultivating Iraq as an ally against Iran and as a market for U.S. farm exports.According to Peter Galbraith, then an idealistic Senate staffer determined to stop Hussein from committing genocide, the Reagan administration "got carried away with their own propaganda. They began to believe that Saddam Hussein could be a reliable partner." Read once-secret U.S. documents1990s: BosniaEven extensive news coverage may not lead to intervention.During the violent breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s, the media reported on the Bosnian Serbs' ethnic cleansing of Muslims: the siege of Sarajevo, the concentration camps, the use of rape as a weapon of war.It was like watching "a color remake of the black-and-white scenes we'd seen in World War II," said U.S. diplomat Richard Holbrooke, whose Jewish grandfather fled Germany when Adolf Hitler came to power.Holbrooke was an early advocate for a U.S.-led military operation against the Bosnian Serbs."I took a stand that I believed was correct," he told Amanpour. "I didn't think it was so controversial."But it would take three years -- and the massacre of 8,000 Muslim men and boys in the town of Srebrenica -- for Holbrooke to make his case within the Clinton administration.1994: RwandaIn Rwanda, where Hutu soldiers and militias massacred their Tutsi countrymen, the Clinton administration tried to avoid characterizing the ethnic slaughter as genocide.According to an internal memo, the State Department worried that under the 1948 Genocide Convention, using the term "genocide" could force the U.S. "to actually 'do something.'"The head of the U.N. peacekeeping force in Rwanda, Canadian Lt. Gen. Romeo Dallaire, begged for additional troops. Instead of reinforcements, Dallaire got an order to withdraw completely. He would not leave Rwanda."I refused a legal order," he told Amanpour, "but it was immoral." His tiny U.N. force was not enough to stop the slaughter of more than 800,000 people.2003: DarfurSome human rights advocates consider Darfur, the western region of Sudan, to be the scene of the first genocide of the 21st century.The atrocities in Darfur grow out of a civil war between rebels from Sudan's African tribes and the country's Arab-led government.In 2003, when the rebels attacked government outposts in Darfur, a U.N. human rights monitor warned that in the "escalating conflict," Sudan's government may be "engaged in ... ethnic cleansing aimed at eliminating African tribes from Darfur."At the time, world attention was on Iraq, where the United States was fighting to overthrow Saddam Hussein. The early warning on Darfur "disappeared into a big hole," according to Mukesh Kapila, then the U.N.'s top official in Sudan.Even when the U.N. Security Council put Darfur on its agenda, it took more than three years to authorize a robust peacekeeping force."There was no lack of information," says activist Eric Reeves. "There was a lack of will to stop genocide."In July, the prosecutor at the International Criminal Court accused Sudan's president of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, charges Sudan denies. Read the ICC prosecutor's charges (pdf)How will history judge the world's response to Darfur?"It will applaud the young people ... who believe in solidarity," says Wiesel. "It will certainly criticize the leaders of the world."And the next time somebody screams bloody murder to stop a genocide, will anyone listen?CNN's Christiane Amanpour, Andy Segal, Jennifer Hyde and Ken Shiffman contributed to this report.© 2008 Cable News Network.&lt;br /&gt;___________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Khuang Abhaiwongse&lt;br /&gt;(Prime Minister of Thailand of Cambodian origin)&lt;br /&gt;From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: Recently, a lot of Cambodians, especially those who are from overseas have been very excited and very nationalistic with regard to the row with Thailand on the recent Preah Vihear dispute. By so behaving, these well-meaning people have forgotten that they are playing into the bloody and treacherous hands of Hun Sen who has been using the old conflict between Thailand and Cambodia to deflect the real and deadly problem for Cambodia's survival, that is the Vietnamese imperialism and genocidal practice against the Khmer people and the Khmer Krom, in particular.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;These so-called nationalists should have asked the following questions, which one of the two neighboring countries is more deadly for Cambodia, Thailand or Vietnam? which of the two Cambodian minorities who are now living in South Vietnam (Khmer Krom) and in Surin province (Khmer Surin) in Thailand are being liquidated, the Khmer Krom or the Khmer Surin? Did or will Vietnam ever allow a Khmer Krom to become prime minister of Vietnam, as the Thai did with Khuang Aphaivong?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Without any doubt in my mind, it is the Khmer Krom who are being physically and culturally eliminated, and the Khmer Surin are allowed to even become a prime minister of Thailand, as this article has pointed out. On the contrary, the Khmer Surin are being totally integrated into the Thai society, and even one of them (Khuang Aphaivong became prime minister of thailand three times during the 1940's, as the article pasted below has shown.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please, think again, before pushing Cambodia even closer into the abyss, by emotionally and blindly supporting Hun Sen in his Marchialvelian scheme to make Thailand the enemy number one of Cambodia; when in reality, it is Vietnam that is the main enemy of the Cambodian people as the whole content of this web site has shown. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. November 24, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Khuang Abhaiwongseพันตรีควง อภัยวงศ์&lt;br /&gt;4th&lt;a title="Prime Minister of Thailand" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prime_Minister_of_Thailand"&gt;Prime Minister of Thailand&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In office&lt;a title="August 1" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/August_1"&gt;August 1&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a title="1944" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1944"&gt;1944&lt;/a&gt; – &lt;a title="August 31" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/August_31"&gt;August 31&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a title="1945" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1945"&gt;1945&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a title="January 31" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/January_31"&gt;January 31&lt;/a&gt; - &lt;a title="March 24" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/March_24"&gt;March 24&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a title="1946" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1946"&gt;1946&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a title="November 10" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/November_10"&gt;November 10&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a title="1947" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1947"&gt;1947&lt;/a&gt; - &lt;a title="April 8" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/April_8"&gt;April 8&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a title="1948" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1948"&gt;1948&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Monarch&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a title="Ananda Mahidol" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ananda_Mahidol"&gt;Ananda Mahidol&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a title="Bhumibol Adulyadej" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhumibol_Adulyadej"&gt;Bhumibol Adulyadej&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Preceded by&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a title="Plaek Phibunsongkhram" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Plaek_Phibunsongkhram"&gt;Plaek Phibunsongkhram&lt;/a&gt; (1944)&lt;a title="Seni Pramoj" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seni_Pramoj"&gt;Seni Pramoj&lt;/a&gt; (1946)&lt;a title="Thawal Thamrong Navaswadhi" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thawal_Thamrong_Navaswadhi"&gt;Thawal Thamrong Navaswadhi&lt;/a&gt; (1947)&lt;br /&gt;Succeeded by&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a title="Tawee Boonyaket" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tawee_Boonyaket"&gt;Tawee Boonyaket&lt;/a&gt; (1945)&lt;a title="Luang Praditmanutham" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luang_Praditmanutham"&gt;Luang Praditmanutham&lt;/a&gt; (1946)&lt;a title="Plaek Phibunsongkhram" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Plaek_Phibunsongkhram"&gt;Plaek Phibunsongkhram&lt;/a&gt; (1948)&lt;br /&gt;Born&lt;br /&gt;May 17, 1902(1902-05-17)&lt;a title="Battambang" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battambang"&gt;Battambang&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a title="Cambodia" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cambodia"&gt;Cambodia&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Died&lt;br /&gt;March 15, 1968 (aged 65)&lt;br /&gt;Nationality&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a title="Thai people" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thai_people"&gt;Thai&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Spouse&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a title="Leka Abhaiwongse (page does not exist)" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Leka_Abhaiwongse&amp;amp;action=edit&amp;amp;redlink=1"&gt;Leka Abhaiwongse&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Major &lt;a title="Thai royal and noble titles" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thai_royal_and_noble_titles#Luang"&gt;Luang&lt;/a&gt; Khuang Abhaiwongse (&lt;a title="May 17" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/May_17"&gt;May 17&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a title="1902" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1902"&gt;1902&lt;/a&gt; - &lt;a title="March 15" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/March_15"&gt;March 15&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a title="1968" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1968"&gt;1968&lt;/a&gt;; &lt;a title="Thai alphabet" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thai_alphabet"&gt;Thai&lt;/a&gt; ควง อภัยวงศ์) was three times the prime minister of &lt;a title="Thailand" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thailand"&gt;Thailand&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;Khuang was born in &lt;a title="Battambang" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battambang"&gt;Battambang&lt;/a&gt; now belonging to &lt;a title="Cambodia" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cambodia"&gt;Cambodia&lt;/a&gt; as the son of the Siamese governor of the province Battambang, &lt;a title="Thai royal and noble titles" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thai_royal_and_noble_titles#Chao_Phraya"&gt;Chao Phraya&lt;/a&gt; Abhayabhubet. He visited the Debsirin school and the &lt;a title="Assumption College, Bangkok (page does not exist)" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Assumption_College,_Bangkok&amp;amp;action=edit&amp;amp;redlink=1"&gt;Assumption College, Bangkok&lt;/a&gt;, and studied engineering at the &lt;a title="Ecole Centrale de Lyon" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ecole_Centrale_de_Lyon"&gt;Ecole Centrale de Lyon&lt;/a&gt; in &lt;a title="France" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/France"&gt;France&lt;/a&gt;. After his return to Thailand he worked in the telegraph department, finally becoming the director of the department.&lt;br /&gt;During &lt;a title="World War II" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_II"&gt;World War II&lt;/a&gt; he received the title Major, as he joined the guard of King &lt;a title="Rama VII" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rama_VII"&gt;Rama VII&lt;/a&gt;. This service also earned him the title &lt;a title="Thai royal and noble titles" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thai_royal_and_noble_titles#Luang"&gt;Luang&lt;/a&gt; Kowitabhayawongse. In the governments of &lt;a title="Phraya Phahol Pholphayuhasena" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Phraya_Phahol_Pholphayuhasena"&gt;Phraya Phahol Pholphayuhasena&lt;/a&gt; and &lt;a title="Plaek Phibunsongkhram" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Plaek_Phibunsongkhram"&gt;Plaek Phibunsongkhram&lt;/a&gt; he became minister, and was elected as prime minister on &lt;a title="August 1" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/August_1"&gt;August 1&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a title="1944" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1944"&gt;1944&lt;/a&gt;, after Plaek's plans to move the capital to &lt;a title="Phetchabun" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Phetchabun"&gt;Phetchabun&lt;/a&gt; and to create the &lt;a title="Phutthamonthon" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Phutthamonthon"&gt;Phutthamonthon&lt;/a&gt; park failed to get enough approval from the parliament. On &lt;a title="August 17" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/August_17"&gt;August 17&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a title="1945" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1945"&gt;1945&lt;/a&gt; he resigned to make way for a new administration.&lt;br /&gt;In 1946 he was one of the founders of the &lt;a title="Democrat Party (Thailand)" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democrat_Party_(Thailand)"&gt;Democrat Party&lt;/a&gt;, and became its first leader. The &lt;a title="Thailand legislative election, 1946 (page does not exist)" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Thailand_legislative_election,_1946&amp;amp;action=edit&amp;amp;redlink=1"&gt;fourth national elections&lt;/a&gt; on &lt;a title="January 6" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/January_6"&gt;January 6&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a title="1946" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1946"&gt;1946&lt;/a&gt; were won by the Democratic Party, which gained him a second term as prime minister starting on &lt;a title="January 31" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/January_31"&gt;January 31&lt;/a&gt;. Only 45 days later, on &lt;a title="March 24" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/March_24"&gt;March 24&lt;/a&gt;, his government lost an election in parliament and he resigned.&lt;br /&gt;He became prime minister a third time on &lt;a title="November 10" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/November_10"&gt;November 10&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a title="1947" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1947"&gt;1947&lt;/a&gt; following a coup d'état led by &lt;a title="Phin Chunhawan" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Phin_Chunhawan"&gt;Phin Chunhawan&lt;/a&gt;. However, the coup leaders were not pleased with the performance of Khuang's government and forced him to resign on &lt;a title="April 8" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/April_8"&gt;April 8&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a title="1948" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1948"&gt;1948&lt;/a&gt;. This also ensured Plaek to become prime minister again. Khuang continued in politics as the opposition leader and leader of the Democratic Party.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Preceded by&lt;a title="Plaek Phibunsongkhram" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Plaek_Phibunsongkhram"&gt;Plaek Phibunsongkhram&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a title="Prime Minister of Thailand" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prime_Minister_of_Thailand"&gt;Prime Minister of Thailand&lt;/a&gt;1944–1945&lt;br /&gt;Succeeded by&lt;a title="Tawee Boonyaket" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tawee_Boonyaket"&gt;Tawee Boonyaket&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Preceded by&lt;a title="Seni Pramoj" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seni_Pramoj"&gt;Seni Pramoj&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a title="Prime Minister of Thailand" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prime_Minister_of_Thailand"&gt;Prime Minister of Thailand&lt;/a&gt;1946&lt;br /&gt;Succeeded by&lt;a title="Luang Praditmanutham" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luang_Praditmanutham"&gt;Luang Praditmanutham&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Preceded by&lt;a title="Thawal Thamrong Navaswadhi" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thawal_Thamrong_Navaswadhi"&gt;Thawal Thamrong Navaswadhi&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a title="Prime Minister of Thailand" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prime_Minister_of_Thailand"&gt;Prime Minister of Thailand&lt;/a&gt;1947–1948&lt;br /&gt;Succeeded by&lt;a title="Plaek Phibunsongkhram" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Plaek_Phibunsongkhram"&gt;Plaek Phibunsongkhram&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;_________________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;CAMBODIA, VIETNAM TO BUILD PROCESSING PLANT TO BOOST TRADE&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;ASEAN BUSINESS&lt;br /&gt;November 17-23, 2008&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: the strange 'love affair' between Hun Sen and the Vietnamese government continues unabated. every other month there is new trade agreement between Cambodia and Vietnam. On the surface, these agreements look good and mutually beneficial (Also, please, see another article on the same subject entitled 'Cambodia, Vietnam vow to boost bilateral trade,' posted below in this page).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But, if we put these 'love affair' agreements between Hun Sen and the Vietnamese, in a historical context, whereby Vietnam has always been using sweet words (Friendship, solidarity between the Indochnese people) to reach its end that is the total annihilation of the Cambodian people (also the Lao people), as they have done with Champa, and still doing with Cambodia, especially with the Khmer Krom, as rebecca Sommer had starkingly recorded in a set of video clips entitled 'eliminated Without Bleeding," (posted in this web site).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Don't blame the Vietnamese, alone. It is especially the Cambodians such as Hun Sen, Sihanouk, and the khmer Rouge who are more responsible for this high crime and treason by lending their bloody hands to the Vietnamese to allow the latter to committ genocide while claiming to have only 'love' for the Cambodian people.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This 'love affair' proclaimed by the Vietnamese is so fake and deadly that it is more like a strangulation than an embrace, otherwise known as a 'kiss of death.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The end of Cambodia is a matter of when and not if.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. November 19, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;-------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia and Vietnam have agreed to build a new industrial processing factory aimed at boosting the two countries’ agricultural exports, national media reported Nov 12.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The factory will promote cooperation between the two largely agricultural countries and raise quality standards on export goods such as beans, corn, palm sugar and cashew nuts, the Phnom Penh Post said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Officials say the products would be aimed at the local and export markets.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“The factory will be constructed near the border between both countries in order to capitalize on each country’s resources,” Hor Namhong,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cambodian Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, was quoted as saying. News of the partnership follows Prime Minister Hun Sen’s return from a state visit to Vietnam, where he signed a trade agreement to increase&lt;br /&gt;cross-border commerce.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Trade between Cambodia and Vietnam reached US$1.7 billion through the first eight months of this year, Hor Namhong said, up from US$1.19 billion in 2007.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“Vietnam has more modern technology, capital and human resources than Cambodia, so [the new factory] will offer a significant tool to develop our economy,” he said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Le Bien Cuong, the commercial counselor at the Vietnamese embassy in Cambodia, said hopes were high that the factory would be completed soon, and that the plant would raise the quality of local products to international export standards.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(Xinhua)&lt;br /&gt;______________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;The end of an NGO era in Cambodia&lt;br /&gt;By Craig Guthrie&lt;br /&gt;(&lt;a href="http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/JK14Ae02.html"&gt;http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/JK14Ae02.html&lt;/a&gt;)&lt;br /&gt;Asia Times; Southeast Asia; Nov 14, 2008&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: With an increasing prostect of a large increase in income from oil and gas production, Hun Sen and his CPP's dictatorship grip on Cambodia can only get stronger. NGO's are now the first targets to be phased out or eliminated. This will allow Hun Sen/Sihanouk to run the country with no restraint and without any check and balance.&lt;br /&gt;Foreign donors will also have less power to check Hun Sen/Sihanouk's dictatorial power. Most Cambodians are fully aware that behind the Cambodian facade of independence under Hun Sen/Sihanouk collaboration, there is the dark and long shadow of the the Vietnamese imperial power. Cambodia is now in the final phase of its life as a nation and a society. It is not a matter of if, but when Cambodia will disappear.&lt;br /&gt;Don't blame the Vietnamese alone, it is also the Cambodians themselves, by their silence and indiffeence had allowed the Hun Sen and Sihanouk to submit to the Vietnamese 'Nam tien' or 'Southern March' to subjugate the Cambodian people, starting in the 17th century when cambodian king Chey Chetha II married a Vietnamese princess and gave Pery Nokor (Saigon) to the Vietnamese as a gift to his new Vietnamese wife. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. November 15, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;PHNOM PENH - With an overwhelming electoral mandate, robust economy and a potential bounty of oil and gas revenues, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen feels in a strong enough position to move against the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) which have been a perennial thorn in the strongman's side since he took power more than two decades ago.&lt;br /&gt;In late September he called for the revival of a controversial law which would require the country's more than 2,000 associations and NGOs to complete a complex registration process and submit to stringent financial reporting requirements. The draft law is expected to be passed by Hun Sen’s Cambodia People's Party (CPP)-dominated National Assembly in the coming months.&lt;br /&gt;"Cambodia has been heaven for NGOs for too long," he said in a speech broadcast on national radio on September 26, adding that he had given up hope of reading any positive reports written by international or local NGOs. "The NGOs are out of control ... they insult the government just to ensure their financial survival."&lt;br /&gt;By enacting the law, Hun Sen could recalibrate the government's terms of engagement with the Western-led aid community, on which his government has heavily relied for decades to finance its budget. The move comes as private-led foreign investment has fueled the country's economic rise, led in the main by China and South Korea.&lt;br /&gt;"Many of the services provided by NGOs today will one day either be privatized or the revenues of the government will grow to such an extent that the functions currently being done by NGOs will be taken over by the government," said Brett Sciaroni, chairman of Cambodia's International Business Association.&lt;br /&gt;The NGO law's enactment would be a symbolic power shift between Hun Sen's CPP-led government, further emboldened by its landslide victory in this year's general election, and the Western-backed NGOs which have long chastised it over human-rights abuses and corruption allegations.&lt;br /&gt;International aid agencies have for decades held the purse strings on the aid which has sustained the national economy since it emerged from the horrors of the Khmer Rouge, the ultra-Maoist regime which systematically attempted to transform Cambodia into an agricultural utopia between 1975 and 1979, and a subsequent decade-plus of civil war.&lt;br /&gt;Some contend it was the Khmer Rouge's economic failures, including a devastating countrywide famine that killed many and stalked the regime's traumatized survivors, which set the stage for Cambodia's now decades-long dependence on foreign aid.&lt;br /&gt;The British aid agency Oxfam began programs soon after the Khmer Rouge's 1979 ouster, despite incurring the wrath of the United States and the United Kingdom governments for helping the Hanoi-sponsored regime put in place by the invading Vietnamese.&lt;br /&gt;Jacques Beaumont from the United Nations Children's Fund, and Francois Bugnion from the International Red Cross (IRC), who both arrived in Phnom Penh in 1979, were pivotal players in that humanitarian effort. They finally persuaded the IRC, which was fearful of being seen as compromising its political neutrality, into launching what turned into its most significant relief operation since World War II.&lt;br /&gt;But the comprehensive aid experiment did not begin in earnest until after the signing of the 1991 Paris Peace Accords, which by and large ended the country's debilitating civil war. Since then myriad NGOs have come to Cambodia to work on everything from demining to microfinance, orphanages to agri-business, public health issues to snaring globe-trotting pedophiles.&lt;br /&gt;The demining NGOs in particular made great progress, clearing an estimated 25,000 hectares of mined territory between 1992-2003. Cambodia has also been hailed as a global success story in fighting HIV/AIDs transmission, led by NGO-organized education programs and health aid. Prevalence rates have fallen by nearly half, from 3% in 1997 to 1.6% in 2006.&lt;br /&gt;Fractious relations&lt;br /&gt;But Hun Sen's government's relationship with NGOs and international aid agencies has often been fractious, epitomized by its tumultuous interactions with the environmental watchdog Global Witness over its consistent accusations of high-level government links to illegal logging, and with the UK-based rights lobby Amnesty International for its criticism of state-sponsored forced evictions across the country.&lt;br /&gt;The World Bank also suspended US$11.9 million in funds in 2006 for seven sanitation projects when it found evidence of rampant extortion, bribe-taking, bid-rigging and procurement manipulation, leading Hun Sen to claim the multilateral lender was trying to tarnish his government's credibility. The bank only agreed to unfreeze the projects' funding in 2007 after the government promised to strengthen anti-corruption measures.&lt;br /&gt;Despite Cambodia's recent economic boom, including a skyrocketing average 11% gross domestic product (GDP) growth over the past three years, a sizable portion of the nation's real income still derives directly from donor nations in amounts wrangled out each year at annual Consultative Group meetings.&lt;br /&gt;The meetings were for years characterized by vague promises from the Cambodian government in response to weak demands by donors for reform, including the long-delayed adoption of an anti-corruption law. But in the past two years these demands have become less relevant with the surge in aid from China, which typically has less good governance or transparency conditions attached.&lt;br /&gt;While Chinese aid is generally funneled through vast infrastructure projects - including hydropower and road projects - usually contracted to Chinese companies, Western nations' share of the average US$600 million in annual aid arrives through international aid agencies and NGOs. The process has been widely cast as a corrupt, inefficient gravy train, giving some traction to Hun Sen's complaints.&lt;br /&gt;"In the 1980s, there was a popular T-shirt satirizing US Army recruitment commercials with the slogan, 'Join the army. Travel to exotic, distant lands. Meet exciting, unusual people. And kill them'," Brad Adams, executive director for Human Rights Watch's Asia Program, was quoted saying to Action Aid in 2005. "In the new millennium, it could be rephrased, 'Join the aid community. Travel to exotic, distant lands. Meet exciting, unusual people. And make a killing'."&lt;br /&gt;This is still the case in Cambodia, Adams told Asia Times Online. "You can start with all the foreign consultants making more than $10,000 per month, almost always tax free. This is a huge drain on the aid budget for Cambodia and in many cases the consultants produce nothing of value for the country."&lt;br /&gt;Many analysts and expatriates agree that NGOs and their workers suffer from an image crisis among the Cambodian public, partly due to their comparatively high salaries and lifestyles, which are far adrift from the 35% of the population which lives on less than $0.50 a day.&lt;br /&gt;Country directors for prominent international aid agencies typically receive a $250,000 annual package, which includes a spacious villa in the capital's upmarket "NGO-ville" area, a four-wheel-drive vehicle - usually emblazoned with the logo of their donor agency or charity - and fees paid for the capital's better international schools.&lt;br /&gt;The aid watchdog Action Aid estimated in 2005 that the 700 or so international consultants working for NGOs in the country earned more than Cambodia's 160,000 civil servants put together. "In 1993, yes, 99% of foreign consultants were justified; now, 5% are justifiable. The others are embedding and enabling the mentality of dependency," Center of Social Development director Theary Seng said in June.&lt;br /&gt;Arne Sahlen, a founding member of the Cambodia Support Group, a 25-year-old volunteer organization, echoes Hun Sen's comments that fundraising has overtaken the focus on the actual progress of several NGO projects. According to Sahlen, "vast" resources are being swallowed up on pursuing donors that could be invested on direct project needs. "The need to please donors has warped the focus to not necessarily what is best for the project but what may look best on an application," said Sahlen.&lt;br /&gt;Others contend that several NGOs are actually impeding the development of a self-sustaining private sector, mainly through the alleged abuse of their not-for-profit status to pursue business opportunities. That status helps them avoid taxes and other unofficial costs that private businesses pay, giving non-profit an unfair competitive advantage in the market, they say.&lt;br /&gt;Cambodians now understand the word NGO, especially in the local context, to be a for-profit enterprise, said Sophal Ear, the author of The Political Economy of Cambodia, Aid and Governance.&lt;br /&gt;"It's all a business and this is just another way to avoid taxes," he said. "When not covered by donors, capital costs for NGOs have largely been privatized, through an extensive network of 'donations' to the ruling party by Oknhas [politically connected tycoons] politicians, and civil servants."&lt;br /&gt;Discretionary powers&lt;br /&gt;The NGO law, known formally as the Law on Organizations, was first written over a decade ago and aims to address such complaints. It would require NGOs to submit for government approval documents detailing their structure, goals, funding resources, properties and even logos. It also entails fines and imprisonment for any NGO which fails to submit annual reports to the Ministry of Economy and Finance.&lt;br /&gt;Many fear the discretionary powers the law will give the government in monitoring and sanctioning NGOs - rather than vice versa. Hun Sen no doubt had his one good eye on the anticipated bounty of future oil and gas revenues when calling for the controversial law's revival. Chevron, the US energy giant, discovered oil off Cambodia southwestern coast in 2005 and analysts have predicted the find could generate anywhere between $200 million and $2 billion in annual revenues for the government when full-scale production begins in 2010.&lt;br /&gt;The government is still awaiting a key assessment from Chevron of the supposed find, and both sides have more recently played down expectations. Nonetheless, NGOS are already warning of a possible "resource curse" similar to places like Nigeria, where corrupt governments pilfered and wasted earnings derived from energy exports.&lt;br /&gt;"NGOs are trying to tell us how to use the oil money, but this is of no interest to us. What is important is how to make our resources profitable," Hun Sen said in a recent radio broadcast speech.&lt;br /&gt;Despite his criticisms, there are reasons for concern. A new NGO coalition has begun work to oversee the transparency of the management of future oil funds. Led by the NGO Forum, it has given little information on its structure, but has said it plans to ensure the potential financial benefits from the windfall are managed in a socially responsible manner, and that benefits filter down to the impoverished grassroots.&lt;br /&gt;The World Bank, which also aims to monitor the government's oil revenue management, noted in May that international aid is often poorly managed in key sectors, with the problem of "fragmented" assistance especially acute in health and education.&lt;br /&gt;In the health sector, 22 donors are currently working with over 100 NGOs to deliver $110 million in Official Development Assistance (ODA) per year through 109 projects - yet use of the national system remains at just between 13% to 18%, said the bank. The vast majority of rural Cambodians are forced to use an expensive yet rudimentary private healthcare system which is more reminiscent of poorer African than neighboring Asian nations.&lt;br /&gt;The education system is also beset by severe underfunding, with thousands of graduates churned out from poorly regulated "international" universities with degrees that often leave them ill-prepared to enter the job market. Until now, the only paying option for many graduates was to work in donor agencies and international NGOs. But if Chinese and South Korean private investment flows hold up and the country's hoped-for energy bonanza is realized, that may all soon change if Hun Sen has his NGO-curbing way.&lt;br /&gt;Craig Guthrie is a former reporter for the Mekong Times newspaper in Phnom Penh. He has covered Cambodian affairs since 2004.&lt;br /&gt;© Copyright 1999 - 2008 Asia Times Online (Holdings), Ltd.&lt;br /&gt;_______________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia, Vietnam vow to boost bilateral ties&lt;br /&gt;ASEAN BUSINESS; November 10-16, 2008&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: The article posted below sows another ominous sign that Hu Sen is just a faithful stooge of the Vietnamese. He is no Cambodian patriot as he recently tried to fake his way in the Preah Vihear controversy with Thailand. The sadest part of this Preah Vihear confict is the fact that so many well-menaing but short-sighted Cambodians, including those who are living overseas, were so worked up by Hun Sen's fake nationalism that they forgot who Hun Sen really is.&lt;br /&gt;All objective and well known observers have indicated that Hun Sen is a creation of Vietnam, as this article has shown. He is, to simply put, a traitor. Now, let 's ask ourselves a fundamental question; can a traitor be a nationalist at the same time?&lt;br /&gt;Think again, my fellow-Cambodians, wherever you may be living. Cambodia cannot afford to fight on two fronts. Hun Sen had used the Preah Vihear issue for the sole purpose to divert the attention from the deadly and long-standing grip of Vietnam known as 'Nam Tien,' as he did in 2003, when he organized a frenzy mob to sack and burn a number of Thai-owned business firms in Phnom Penh. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. November 11, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;---------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia and Vietnam agreed Nov 4 in Hanoi to intensify their friendship and comprehensive cooperation to lift the ties to a new height in the years to come.&lt;br /&gt;Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen and his Vietnamese counterpart Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung expressed their satisfaction at the development of bilateral relations over the recent past during their talks held after a welcome ceremony in Hanoi, Vietnam News Agency (VNA) reported.&lt;br /&gt;Vietnamese PM Dung stressed the significance of the visit by the Cambodian PM, saying that the visit would help strengthen neighborliness and comprehensive cooperation between the two countries.&lt;br /&gt;The Vietnamese government leader spoke highly of his Cambodian counterpart’s contribution to cementing friendly and cooperative ties between the two sides and congratulated him on being re-elected as Cambodian Prime Minister for the fourth term.&lt;br /&gt;Hun Sen said his visit aims to enhance friendship and comprehensive cooperation between the two countries.&lt;br /&gt;He thanked the Vietnamese Government and people for their assistance to Cambodia in the past as well as during the current national construction and development.&lt;br /&gt;The two PMs agreed to promote the exchange of visits by delegations at all levels to increase mutual understanding and give priorities to cooperation in human resources development, trade and investment, energy, mining, oil and gas, industrial crops and transport.&lt;br /&gt;The two sides were unanimous in creating favorable conditions for trade and service activities in order to raise two-way trade to more than US$2 billion by 2010, and encouraging cooperation between localities.&lt;br /&gt;They also agreed to continue their close cooperation in security and defense, as well as the fight against terrorism, transnational crimes, smuggling, and drug and human trafficking.&lt;br /&gt;The two sides reaffirmed their principle of preventing all hostile forces from using the territory of either country to do harm to the other and undermining the Cambodia-Vietnam friendly and cooperative ties.&lt;br /&gt;The two PMs highly valued the achievements made in the planting of border markers and affirmed their determination to accelerate the work in the principle of strictly observing the 1985 treaty on land border demarcation and the 2005 supplementary treaty. They were resolved to complete the historical work in the first six months of 2012.&lt;br /&gt;During the talks, the two PMs also exchanged views on regional and international issues of mutual concern and agreed to further their cooperation at international and regional forums.&lt;br /&gt;Following the talks, the two PMs witnessed the signing of five agreements, including the ones on visa exemption for ordinary passport holders, transit of goods and railway cooperation.&lt;br /&gt;Other cooperation agreements were reached between the Cambodian and the Vietnamese Ministry of Information and Communications, and between the Cambodian National Radio and the Radio Voice of Vietnam.&lt;br /&gt;(AKP)__________________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.blogger.com/" name="9050716704123293702"&gt;&lt;/a&gt;Sok Kong: I am a Vietnamese&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.cambodia.org/blogs/editorials/uploaded_images/Sok_Kong-719161.jpg"&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/a&gt;20 March 2008Translated from Vietnamese by WannaOriginally posted at: &lt;a href="http://www.xwanna.com/"&gt;http://www.xwanna.com/&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Original article in Vietnamese: “&lt;a href="http://vietbao.vn/The-gioi/Toi-la-nguoi-Viet-Nam/40056609/159/"&gt;Tôi là người Việt Nam!&lt;/a&gt;"Maybe some people are still skeptical about who is Sok Kong? Now, believe me and believe him (Sok Kong)!Oknha Sok Kong said...Tôi sinh ra ở Prey Veng. Ba mẹ tôi là người VN, tôi được sinh ra ở CPC. Năm 1975 sang VN làm ruộng ở Đồng Tháp. Lúc đó tôi 23 tuổi. Năm 1979 tôi trở lại CPCTranslation: I was born in Prey Veng. My parents are Vietnamese, I was born in Cambodia. In 1975, I backed to VN and do farming at Don Thap province. I was then 23. In 1979, I returned to CambodiaTôi giàu con lắm, có đến sáu đứa: ba trai, ba gái. Con trai đầu làm việc ở TP.HCM, con trai thứ hai quản lý khách sạn và xí nghiệp may số 1, con trai thứ ba quản lý xí nghiệp may 2, ba đứa con gái còn đi học ở Úc.Translation: I have many children, including 6: 3 sons, 3 daughters. My eldest son works at HCM(Ho Chi Minh) city; My second son is a manager of a hotel and garment factory Number 01; My third son is a manager of garment factory Number 02; My three daughters are all studying in Australia.Trước đây vì một số lý do tôi không muốn ai biết mình là người VN. Còn bây giờ thì không. Tôi là người VN. Tôi vinh dự về điều đó!Translation: In the past, from some reasons, I don't want anyone to know that I am a Vietnamese. Now, it's NOT. I am a Vietnamese. I'm proud of that.Please, click on the link pasted below to learn more about Sok Kong:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(&lt;a href="http://search.cambodia.org/result/?cx=010404828745352609106%3Aavhfwc8q4bw&amp;amp;cof=FORID%3A11&amp;amp;q=Sok+Kong&amp;amp;sa=Search+the+Web&amp;amp;domains=cambodia.org#987"&gt;Sok Kong via Cambodian Information Center - Search&lt;/a&gt;)&lt;br /&gt;_______________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;THE STRANGE IMMIGRATION AND THE ELECTION IN CAMBODIA&lt;br /&gt;COMMUNIQUE(July 14th, 2008 (khmer mchas srok )&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: This is a very interesting and penetrating analysis of the manipulations of the elections in Cambodia by Hun Sen and his CPP which is in turn is manipulated and controlled by the Vietnamese from behind the scene. The main problem in the Cambodian elections I the lack of transparency on the number of Vietnamese now living in Cambodia and are most of them illegal immigrants. The Hun Sen regime had now given legal status as residents of Cambodia to all these illegal Vietnamese. So, the electoral basis for Hun Sen can always count on these Vietnamese who are now voting for the CPP only. The future is bleak in Cambodia, as Phan Van Dong has said, “the situation in Cambodia is irreversible;” meaning “Cambodia will be always under Vietnamese control.” Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. November 2, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The upcoming election in Cambodia is just a pretext for the Cambodian People Party-CPP (which has been installed by Vietnam) to deceive the international community with its sham democratic regime.1. The first term election in 1993 (1993-1998)- UNTAC : the coup d'état on July 5th and 6th 1997Only the election organized and governed by UNTAC in 1993 had a reasonable democratic system acceptable to the Cambodian people. This election clearly demonstrated the desire of the Cambodian people to reject the CPP and choose the FUNCINPEC. But the CPP did not concede the official result and used military force to segregate the country into two parts. To keep the peace, there was a compromise for Cambodia to have two Prime Ministers to share the power and to lead a government with an elective term from 1993 to 1998.To avoid the loss of any more elections, the CPP has been taking the measures in using all means to control the electoral system through the National Electoral Committee (NEC) where the majority of its members are from the CPP. The NEC is responsible for:&lt;br /&gt;· Ascertaining rules for the national election,&lt;br /&gt;· Taking care of the electoral rolls,&lt;br /&gt;· Organizing the election,&lt;br /&gt;· Declaring the election result.&lt;br /&gt;To manage the electoral rolls, the CPP has to stay alone in power. To achieve this, the CPP plotted and executed a coup on July 5th and 6th 1997 to topple the legitimately elected Prime Minister Prince Norodom Ranariddh from the FUNCINPEC, one year before the second election had scheduled. At the same time they also eliminated many opposition parties and Khmer patriots.2. The second term election in 1998 (1998-2003): the great demonstration in October 1998 had ended with a tragic bloodshedWhen the second term election was due in 1998, the CPP had rearranged the electoral rolls by deleting opposition's names from the list because most of them had to hide in the country and some of them had to seek asylum in Thailand to escape from all sorts of brutality and all sorts of threats after the coup d'état of 1997. In addition, the irregularity of the electoral rolls had suddenly jumped up enormously over the normal increase in the growth rate of population. The increased numbers in the electoral rolls during the second term election in 1998 was invented by the CPP leaders to allow Vietnamese immigrants to enter into Cambodia, assimilate with the Cambodia population in order to vote for them.According to the population's statistic in Asia published by UNESCAP, the figures show:&lt;br /&gt;· In 1996, Cambodia had a population of 10,968,000 people&lt;br /&gt;· In 1997, Cambodia population had risen to 11,237,000 people, it had increased to 260,000 people per year with the growth rate of 2.4 %&lt;br /&gt;· In 1998, Cambodia population had suddenly risen to 12,186,000 people; it had increased to 949,000 people per year with the growth rate of 8.44 %. Four times the normal rate. These figures substantiate around 680,000 Vietnamese immigrants had settled in Cambodia in 1998, for the sole purpose of enabling the CPP to win the election that year. The CPP take over the rights of the Khmer people who are already aware of their deception.&lt;br /&gt;· In 1999, Khmer population had risen to 12,450,000 people it had increased to 264,000 people per year with the growth rate of 2.16 % as it was back to the normal rate.&lt;br /&gt;The arrival of Vietnamese immigrants in Cambodia until present time has been supported by the illegal treaty signed in 1983 which has been endorsed by the government.The treaty was designed to give a lawful access to the Vietnamese living at the Cambodia-Vietnam border to bring their relatives to come and live with them in Cambodia.The second election in 1998, the national and international community was entirely manipulated by the CPP who operated with absolute power to abuse every section of the Cambodia's constitution for returning to their ruling power. The opposition was eliminated by using tactics of killing, intimidating and threatening all political activists. Many of them were killed, tortured, imprisoned and suffered a great deal beyond imagination as we the Khmer people have witnessed so far.&lt;br /&gt;Their running campaign, the counting of paper ballots, declaring of victory and their abusive actions to the opposition groups, these acts are unlawful, against justice and democratic principles. Consequently, during the second term election in 1998, there was a demonstration in October against the falsehood of paper ballots which ended with tragic bloodshed.3. The third term election in 2003 (2003-2008) : "the packaged election" is the constitutional coup in 2004, signatory of the complementary of the 1985 treaty to be enforceable, in October 2005:At every election, the CPP has always made difficult for the opposition groups and for the poor and disadvantaged people to enroll.Normally, at the election 2003, this term, Cambodia should have been able to implement a democratic election process because the CPP had already run a full term government (1998-2003). In the contrary, the CPP, the former Communist Party, did not at all perform the democratic way.In 2003, although the CPP had won the majority of the votes in the National Assembly, Mr. Hun Sen was not sure that he would be the Prime Minister elected. So, they did not abide by the Constitution of the country and they prevented the formation of new government. As a result, there was a constitutional coup in 2004 to force the amendment of the constitution, without a referendum. This amendment permitted the CPP to stay in the power by using the "Packaged Election" system to elect, at the same time, the Prime Minister and the President of the Parliament which is incompatible with the principle of the separation of the legislative, executive and judicial powers.While the CPP continued to lead the government, he signed in October 2005 the Supplementary Treaty to the Treaty on the Delimitation of State Border of 1985, which had automatically converted the 1979, 1982, 1983 and 1985 treaties to become the legitimate treaties. The CPP was seriously condemned by the students, civil servants and all Khmers who opposed this signature which gave up Khmer lands and seas to Vietnam. This prompted the arrest and imprisonment of civil activists who dared to oppose them.The signature on the Supplementary Treaty to the Treaty on the Delimitation of State Border of 1985 has given legitimate rights to the Vietnamese immigrants who have settled in provinces along the borders allowing them to bring their families to come and live in Cambodia.In addition, the CPP had approved in 2003, the establishment of 19 Vietnamese Associations (there are 57 Vietnamese Associations to date) in Cambodia. The Bylaws of these associations have clearly stated "every member of the Vietnamese Associations is granted the right to live and bring their family members to Cambodia".In the third term election (2003-2008), the constitutional coup of 2004 was the explicit actions to enhance the Vietnamese immigrants to have been legitimately settled in Cambodia and convert the 5 million settlers to become Khmer citizens, some of them to be as in high profile and prominent persons, e.g. lords, ladies, senators, Yeay Phoo and Sok Kong etc.From 2003 to 2008, the CPP has reinforced the expansion and strengthened the Vietnamese presence in Cambodia.4. The fourth term election 2008 (2008-2013), do Khmer have sovereignty?Looking into the collaboration between the Vietnamese settlers and the CPP, and their movement for the past 15 years, we can draw the conclusion that in this election term, the CPP will be salvaged by the 5 million Vietnamese settlers who are their saviors and the CPP doesn't need to make any effort to win this election.It is estimated about 1,906,888 Vietnamese immigrants who are registered among the 8,125,529 people with the legal right to vote in 2008. This calculates on UNTAC 1993's figures, the NEC's figures and the figures of Cambodia's National Institute of Statistic:1. -There are 23 % of Vietnamese immigrants who are registered to vote among people with the legal rights to vote, according to the NEC figures (1,906.000/8.125.641)2. -There are 30 % of Vietnamese immigrants who are registered to vote among people with the legal rights to vote, according to the UNTAC figures (1,906,888/6,318,641)NOTE: the above estimated figures do not include the 2 million Vietnamese who came to Cambodia before UNTAC and have been granted Cambodian citizenship in 1993.&lt;br /&gt;Rate&lt;br /&gt;1993&lt;br /&gt;1998&lt;br /&gt;2003&lt;br /&gt;2008&lt;br /&gt;0.019&lt;br /&gt;NEC's figures&lt;br /&gt;Figure estimated 5 years later&lt;br /&gt;Figure estimates 10 years later&lt;br /&gt;Figure estimates 15 years later&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia&lt;br /&gt;4,764,430&lt;br /&gt;5,234,580&lt;br /&gt;5,751,125&lt;br /&gt;6,318,641&lt;br /&gt;The UNTAC figures in 1993 had 4,764,430 15 years later (2008), based on the growth rate of 1.9 %, the number of the people who have the legal rights to vote is: 6,318,641.&lt;br /&gt;1998&lt;br /&gt;2003&lt;br /&gt;2008&lt;br /&gt;NEC&lt;br /&gt;Increased figure&lt;br /&gt;%&lt;br /&gt;NEC&lt;br /&gt;Increased figure&lt;br /&gt;%&lt;br /&gt;NEC&lt;br /&gt;Increased figure&lt;br /&gt;%&lt;br /&gt;5,395,595&lt;br /&gt;161,015&lt;br /&gt;2.984&lt;br /&gt;6,341,834&lt;br /&gt;590,709&lt;br /&gt;10.271&lt;br /&gt;8,125,529&lt;br /&gt;1,906,888&lt;br /&gt;23.47&lt;br /&gt;The calculation of the population in 2008:With the growth rate 1.9 % of the Cambodian population base on the substantial sources:&lt;br /&gt;· From UNTAC, 15 years later (1993-2008) Cambodia's population was 11,698,201 = 2,000,000 + 9,698,201 (Khmer people)&lt;br /&gt;· From the NEC figure, Cambodia's population is 14,500,000, so the new immigrants figure is 4,801,799 = (14,500,000 – 9,698,201)&lt;br /&gt;· The new immigrants figure represents 33 % of the Cambodia's population (Khmer, Vietnamese and others)&lt;br /&gt;· The new immigrants figure represents 49 % of the Khmer's population (only Khmer e.g excluding the Vietnamese settlers, and others)&lt;br /&gt;CONCLUSION:The democracy in Cambodia has been implicated by the close relationship and strong collaboration between the CPP and the Vietnamese settlers over the rights of Khmer people living on their homeland.The election system implemented by the CPP would totally prevent any opportunity to the other political parties with a genuine intention to serve the Khmer people's interest. The CPP has 83 million Vietnamese people to back them up. The CPP would do anything to get their support and assistance at every election in the framework of the Indochina Federation under Vietnamese supervision.In the term of 2008, the future of the Members of Parliament of the Cambodian National Assembly will be under the pressure from the Vietnamese Associations in Cambodia (because the CPP won the election thanks to the Vietnamese immigrants and in turn, the CPP must legitimize the status of these immigrants to have the right to establish in Cambodia). The close collaboration between the CPP and the Vietnamese immigrants via the sham democratic election game is the strategy to manipulate the international community to achieve their goal of establishing the Indochina Federation which is controlled by Vietnam. Once Cambodia becomes a part of the Indochina Federation, the Vietnamese immigrants will no longer need the protection of the CPP. In the opposite, the CPP will be a hindrance to the Indochina Federation because they are originated from Khmer people who would like to preserve their identity, culture and tradition, so they cannot be trusted and can be rebellious to them. But, Vietnam would not take risk to let the CPP reverse the situation (as Pham Van Dong's world statement in 1979 of his vision on Cambodia: "La situation au Cambodge est irreversible ....").The election serving the Cambodian people's interest should be conducted in a free and fair system. But if the Vietnamese immigrants have the right to vote in inflated numbers figure, this election is only a game to fool the international community.The only solution for the Khmer people now is to unite and claim our sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity through the international laws and exercise our right of being sovereign Khmer people in our homeland.Paris, 14th July 2008Dr Sakhonn CHAKGeneral Representative of Khmer Mchas Srok&lt;br /&gt;________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;One big happy family in Cambodia&lt;br /&gt;March 20, 2007&lt;br /&gt;By Bertil Lintner&lt;br /&gt;Asia Times&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: This article on Hun Sen and his network of family ties that controls practically all aspects of the Cambodian life, is the main reason why Cambodia is in such a deep hole. It is not easy for Cambodia to get out of Hun Sen's deadly control, especially when he has the support, both of Sihanouk and the Vietnamese. The other tragedy for Cambodia is the fact that there is no credible opposition leaders of the caliber of Nelson Mandela, Mahatma Ghandi, or Aung San Suu Kyi, to be able to successfully challenge the dictatorship of Hun Sen. The future of Cambodia does not look very good, at this juncture. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. Novemer 1, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;PHNOM PENH - Cambodia's rough-and-tumble politics have long been bloody, marred by frequent political assassinations and violence. But never before have they been quite so blood-linked.&lt;br /&gt;The English-language fortnightly Phnom Penh Post published without comment in late February a family tree it had compiled, revealing how the top leaders of the ruling Cambodia People's Party (CPP) have become more intimate through an old-fashioned Cambodian custom: arranged marriage. And the growing family ties run all the way to the top of Cambodia's political pyramid, Prime Minister Hun Sen, Southeast Asia's longest-serving leader.&lt;br /&gt;For instance, there is Hun Sen's brother, Hun Neng, currently serving as governor of Kompong Cham, whose daughter, Hun Kimleng, is married to the deputy commissioner of Cambodia's National Police, Neth Savoeun. Meanwhile, Hun Neng's son, Hun Seang Heng, is married to Sok Sopheak, the daughter of Sok Phal, another deputy commissioner of the National Police. Hun Sen's 25-year-old son, Hun Manith, is married to Hok Chendavy, the daughter of Hok Lundy, the National Police commissioner.&lt;br /&gt;Another of the premier's sons, Hun Many, 24, is married to Yim Chay Lin, the daughter of Yim Chay Li, secretary of state for rural development. One of Hun Sen's daughters, Hun Mali, 23, meanwhile, is married to Sok Puthyvuth, the son of Sok An, Hun Sen's right-hand man and minister of the Council of Ministers. The friendship between Hun Sen and Sok An dates back to the early 1980s, when Hun Sen was foreign minister and Sok An director of the office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Now those personal ties run blood deep as in-laws.&lt;br /&gt;And that's just a sampling of the connections at the highest echelons. Heng Samrin, who was Cambodia's head of state from the Vietnamese invasion in January 1979 to the United Nations intervention in 1991, and now serves as president of the National Assembly and honorary CPP president, has a daughter named Heng Sam An, who is married to Pen Kosal, an adviser to Sar Kheng, deputy prime minister and minister of the interior - as well as brother-in-law of Senate and CPP president Chea Sim.&lt;br /&gt;Heng Samrin's adviser, Cham Nimol, is the daughter of Cham Prasidh, minister of commerce. Another of Cham Pradish's daughters, Cham Krasna, is engaged to Sok Sokann, another of minister Sok An's sons. Sar Kheng's son, Sar Sokha, meanwhile, is married to Ke Sunsophy, daughter of Ke Kim Yan, commander-in-chief of the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces. And Hun Sen's wife, Bun Ramy, currently serves as president of the Cambodian Red Cross, while its second vice president, Theng Ay Anny, aka Sok An Anny, is Sok An's wife.&lt;br /&gt;Family traditions&lt;br /&gt;There has been no official reaction to the Phnom Penh Post's revealing study. Intermarriage among members of the ruling political and business elites is not uncommon in Asia.&lt;br /&gt;In neighboring Thailand, Field Marshal Phin Choonhavan's son, Chatichai Choonhavan, became prime minister of Thailand, while his daughter, Khun Ying Udomlak married Phao Sriyanond, director general of the Thai police. Another high-ranking Thai army officer, Thanom Kittikachorn, was the brother-in-law of fellow military dictator Praphas Charusathien, while his son, Narong Kittikachorn, also became a military strongman, while his sister Songsuda married Suvit Yodmani, who has served with several Thai governments.&lt;br /&gt;Sino-Thai tycoons are known to have arranged their children's marriages to members of other top business families to progress their commercial interests. But in Cambodia's case, where many of the political elite were wiped out during Khmer Rouge-led purges between 1975 and 1979, the number of political marriages is extraordinary. And these new family ties between the children of ministers and top officials potentially set the stage for the CPP's grip on power to continue for generations.&lt;br /&gt;Significantly, the CPP's family connection is emerging simultaneously with a waning of the royal family's influence over national politics. Ever since Hun Sen and his inner circle of friends and advisers ousted former prime minister Prince Norodom Ranariddh in a 1997 coup, the royalist Funcinpec party's political fortunes have waned.&lt;br /&gt;Ranariddh was forced into exile after the bloody putsch that killed many of his party members, but later returned to Cambodia to become president of the National Assembly after inconclusive general elections in 2003, when the CPP was unable to garner enough votes to form a one-party government and after much squabbling joined with Funcinpec in a wobbly coalition.&lt;br /&gt;One of the sons of former king Norodom Sihanouk and half-brother of the present monarch, Sihamoni, Ranariddh resigned that post last March and subsequently left the country again. While he was away, he was dismissed as co-chairman of the Council for the Development of Cambodia as well as the National Olympic Committee. He later returned to Cambodia - and was ousted as president of Funcinpec, the main opposition party, amid an internal power struggle in October that many political analysts believe Hun Sen had a hand in.&lt;br /&gt;Not surprisingly, perhaps, several of Funcinpec's original leaders were also related. Ranariddh's uncle and former king Norodom Sihanouk's younger half-brother, Norodom Sirivudh, served as foreign minister in a Funcinpec-led government in 1993. Ranariddh's half-brother, Norodom Chakrapong, meanwhile, helped found Funcinpec but later defected to the CPP. Their half-sister and Sihanouk's eldest child, Norodom Bopha Devi, has served as minister of information and culture, while her latest consort, Khek Vandy, was elected to the National Assembly on a Funcinpec list in 1998.&lt;br /&gt;But Funcinpec's family pride has waned considerably since it emerged as the biggest party in the UN-supervised elections in May 1993, when it captured 45% of the popular vote and outpaced the CPP, which came in a close second with 38%. Many political observers think Ranariddh's recent ouster from Funcinpec may represent his last political gasp.&lt;br /&gt;His former Funcinpec colleagues recently sued him on allegations that he embezzled US$3.6 million from the sale of the party's headquarters last August. The Phnom Penh Municipal Court found the prince guilty and sentenced him - in absentia - to 18 years in prison. Ranariddh had recently set up a new party, aptly named the Norodom Ranariddh Party (NRP).&lt;br /&gt;Funcinpec, the NRP and the opposition Sam Rainsy Party will be among 10 different political parties standing against the CPP juggernaut in upcoming commune council elections, which are scheduled for April 1 and widely viewed as a bellwether indicator for next year's general elections.&lt;br /&gt;It may well be an April Fool's election, with the opposition fractured and vulnerable and the CPP allegedly pursuing a campaign of violence and intimidation against opposition candidates and their supporters in rural areas. Khieu Kanharith, CPP minister of information, predicted on February 22 that his party would win about 97% or 98% of the positions in the commune councils, and 95% of the vote in the general elections next year. That may well be the case, as Cambodia is fast morphing into a one-party state dominated by the CPP.&lt;br /&gt;The Phnom Penh Post in its February 9 edition quoted a foreign diplomat as saying: "The CPP controls the government, the National Assembly, the Senate, 99% of the village chiefs, the provincial governments. Their influence goes through the judiciary, through the police ... Practically everything is controlled by one party."&lt;br /&gt;That assessment would appear to jibe with 55-year-old Hun Sen's January 9 pronouncement that he does not intend to stand down from the premiership until he is at least 90 years old. By then, a third generation of CPP family-tied politicians and officials, if everything goes according to the apparent plan, will just be coming of political age.&lt;br /&gt;Bertil Lintner is a former correspondent with the Far Eastern Economic Review, where he reported frequently on Cambodian politics and economics. He is currently a writer with Asia-Pacific Media Services.&lt;br /&gt;(Copyright 2007 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)&lt;br /&gt;________________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia's first rock opera opens next month&lt;br /&gt;The Associated Press Published: October 29, 2008&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2008/10/29/arts/AS-Cambodia-Rock-Opera.php"&gt;http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2008/10/29/arts/AS-Cambodia-Rock-Opera.php&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: It is not often good news have come out of Cambodia under the dictatorship of Hun Sen and his CPP. for change the article posted below shows that Cambodians are no more no less as inteligent and creative as other people. But, the oppression under different autocratic regimes since the Angkor time, had suppressed the creative inctinct of the most Cambodian people. It is nice to see that despite these continuous and wholesale oppression, the creative spirit of the cambodian people has survive. This first rock opera produced by Him Sophy, a Russian-trained composer, is a clear and hopeful indication that the indomptable creative and artistic spirit of the Cambodian people has survived and still alive and well. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. October 29, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;PHNOM PENH, Cambodia: Cambodia's first rock opera will make its world premiere in Phnom Penh next month, a cultural milestone in the Southeast Asian country where performing arts were banned during the brutal Khmer Rouge years.&lt;br /&gt;"Where Elephants Weep" is an East-meets-West blend of traditional Cambodian music with Western rock that is modeled after "Romeo and Juliet" and inspired by the Broadway musical "Rent."&lt;br /&gt;Organizers said Wednesday the show will open a 10-day run Nov. 28 in a converted movie theater in the capital, Phnom Penh, a year later than its planned debut at the end of 2007.&lt;br /&gt;The show was commissioned by Cambodian Living Arts, a project of the Boston-based nonprofit organization World Education, which seeks to revive traditional Cambodian performing arts and inspire contemporary artistic expression among Cambodians.&lt;br /&gt;Charley Todd, a co-president of the CLA's governing board, said the opera had a successful preview last year in Lowell, Massachusetts, which has a sizable community of Cambodian refugees. But producers needed extra time for fine-tuning.&lt;br /&gt;"It's now ready for world premiere here in Phnom Penh," Todd said.&lt;br /&gt;It is expected to later tour in other countries, including the United States, South Korea and Singapore.&lt;br /&gt;Organizers hope the play will send a message that Cambodia has more to offer than its centuries-old Angkor temples and macabre tourist attractions.&lt;br /&gt;"What we want is that the world knows Cambodia not only for Angkor Wat and the (Khmer Rouge) killing fields but for the living arts, the arts of today," he said.&lt;br /&gt;Arts and entertainment were banned when the Khmer Rouge ruled Cambodia between 1975-79 and killed some 1.7 million people through starvation, disease, overwork and execution. Execution sites from the time now serve as grim attractions for tourists visiting Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;"Where Elephants Weep" is an operatic take on "Tum Teav," the Cambodian version of "Romeo and Juliet."&lt;br /&gt;It tells the story a Cambodian-American who lost his father during the Khmer Rouge era and returns home after Cambodia's civil war to trace his roots. In Phnom Penh, he meets and falls in love with a Cambodian woman who works as a karaoke singer.&lt;br /&gt;The music was composed by the Russian-trained Cambodian maestro Him Sophy. He was inspired by the musical genre of the rock opera "Rent," which he saw twice during a trip to New York City.&lt;br /&gt;He decided to do a hybrid rock opera using contemporary and traditional instruments and set out to work on it with Americans John Burt, the opera's producer, and Catherine Filloux, the librettist.&lt;br /&gt;Cambodian musicians in the performance use electric guitars, electronic drums, keyboards and traditional instruments like buffalo horns, bamboo flutes, gongs and the chapei, a long-neck lute with two nylon strings.&lt;br /&gt;After seven years of work, Him Sophy said he expected a celebration both on stage and in the country.&lt;br /&gt;"It is going to be a big national cultural event," Him Sophy said. "And the entire team is committed to making it happen flawlessly and perfectly."&lt;br /&gt;Copyright © 2008 the International Herald Tribune All rights reserved. ____________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Economists fear fall in investment, aid&lt;br /&gt;Written by Post Staff&lt;br /&gt;Friday, 24 October 2008&lt;br /&gt;---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: It is a common wisdom in Hun Sen's Cambodia, to think and believe that the current financial crisis would have little or no impact on Cambodia's economy.&lt;br /&gt;This is nothing even near to any truth. In view of the fact that the current financial crisis is the result of the unreguleted financial system, which in turn, had led to the creation of such extremely destabilizing and corruption-prone financial instruments such as sub-prime mortgage, and derivatives. These instruments, in turn, led to the building of a house of cards that would collapse under the first pressure of one of these unstable foundations. Just, now turn your attention, for a brief moment, to the current wild economic situation in Cambodia where there is still no anti-corruption law. How, can the Cambodian financial system be expected to remain unaffected? When the financial systme is affected, the real economy will certainly be affected with a lag.&lt;br /&gt;Two article posted below, show that the Cambodian economy is already being negatively affected by the current world financial crisis. The only question is how deep will the Cambodian economy would be affectd. Washington DC. October 27, 2008, Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D.)&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;CAMBODIA risks a slowdown of foreign direct investment and a dropoff in official development aid (ODA) as the impact of the global financial crisis spreads to developing countries, economists say.&lt;br /&gt;"FDI could slow quite considerably with the financial meltdown ... not a reversal necessarily of capital, but a slowdown in the inflow of capital," said Eric Sidgwick, senior country economist for the Asian Development Bank (ADB).&lt;br /&gt;This year, FDI inflows amounted to some US$900 million. The amount of ODA pledged to the Kingdom was $690 million.&lt;br /&gt;"We don't know if rich countries will cut ODA yet," Minister of Commerce Cham Prasidh told the Post, adding that the government was anticipating that donors would soon become less inclined to cough up assistance for the Kingdom.&lt;br /&gt;However, Nguon Meng Tech, director general of the Cambodia Chamber of Commerce, said, "People should not worry too much about foreign aid."&lt;br /&gt;"Donor nations already have prepared their budgets for this year and will not change them now," he said, adding that he thought the private sector had also secured sufficient investment to weather the crisis.&lt;br /&gt;But key business figures say economic turmoil overseas is already having a significant impact on FDI.&lt;br /&gt;"Hundreds of my workers are losing their jobs ... if this continues, the impact on my business will be serious," Mong Reththy, president of Mong Reththy Group, told the Post.&lt;br /&gt;He added that his company recently lost $1 million when the price of palm oil dropped from $1,200 to $500 per ton.&lt;br /&gt;-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;Credit crisis rattles civil society&lt;br /&gt;Written by Post Staff&lt;br /&gt;Friday, 24 October 2008&lt;br /&gt;Many local civil society groups are concerned that their donations will dry up as the credit crisis takes hold in developed nations, limiting future generosity&lt;br /&gt;Major development partners such as the UN may be unlikely to pull out, but local NGOs are concerned about the impact of the global credit crisis on their funding.&lt;br /&gt;CAMBODIA's civil society groups are under threat from the global credit crisis that looks set to severely limit the amount of available donor funding.&lt;br /&gt;"The government collects tax and has other sources of income, but NGOs have only one source of funding: donors," said Thun Saray, president of Cambodian rights group Adhoc.&lt;br /&gt;Adhoc has an average monthly running cost of between US$100,000 and $200,000, which all comes from donors. Were donors to reduce funding in 2009, the organisation would have no option but to cut back on lower-priority projects, Thun Saray said.&lt;br /&gt;According to Eric Sidgwich, senior country economist for the Asian Development Bank (ADB), inflows of foreign aid, or official development assistance, were likely to be "more resilient" than inflows of foreign direct investment, at least in the immediate future, due to the fact that aid comes from government budgets. In the long term, there is a risk that the amount of aid could decrease, but it would not be until 2009 before the effects would really be felt, he said.&lt;br /&gt;"It is a hope that countries like Cambodia, which are still heavily aid dependent, who still have high instances of poverty, will be somewhat shielded from these events," Sidgwich said. "But I think the jury is still out on that," he added.&lt;br /&gt;But for many, such as Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights (CCHR), the lack of long-term security is a major concern.&lt;br /&gt;"Now we have to have funds of more than $250,000 to operate our projects for next year," he said. "But we are still worried about [the credit crisis] because it will affect our organisation ... if it continues."&lt;br /&gt;He expressed worry over the chance that hundreds of millions of dollars of aid for poverty alleviation projects would be lost.&lt;br /&gt;"If donor countries have a financial crisis, they will think about whether to donate funds to Cambodia," he said.&lt;br /&gt;Not such a problem&lt;br /&gt;Others, such as Youk Chhang, director of the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam), were less concerned. He said DC-Cam's annual running costs are approximately $500,000, most of which is covered by the organisation's investment endowment, which is held in New York, and funds from the sale of books, pictures and DVDs about its work.&lt;br /&gt;"Our investment endowment earns interest of about $200,000 per year," he said, adding that the sale of books, pictures and films earns DC-Cam about $100,000 per year. Another $200,000 comes from donors.&lt;br /&gt;The government is also concerned that both aid to the government and donor funding for NGOs could dry up, said Mey Vann, director of finance at the Ministry of Economy.&lt;br /&gt;He said that the government is currently devising a strategy to lobby donor countries to keep providing aid to Cambodia, even in difficult times, saying the Kingdom remains one of the world's least developed countries, he said.&lt;br /&gt;______________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;An Honest and vivid testimony of what life is like in contemporary Cambodia under the dictatorship of Hun Sen and his CPP&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: I am happy to post this exchange of emails between Saron Khut ( A manager at Intel Corp. in Portland, Oregon) and myself on the observations that Saron made during his recent trip to Cambodia. It is a rather rare piece of evidence on what daily life is like under the dictatorship of Hun Sen with the support of Sihanouk. Saron unique perspective on the economic, political, social situations in Cambodia under the dictatorship of Hun Sen and his CPP, is the more credible that I can testify that Saron has no hidden agenda (Political or fianancial), and he is an honest and intelligent person, and his only motivation to write this eyewitness account of the current events in Cambodia, is based on the fact that he cares deeply about his country of birth, Cambodia and the Cambodian people. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. October 22, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;October 22, 2008&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Dear Saron:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Thank you for your agreement for me to post your observations on your recent trip to Cambodia. It is important because it is a first hand information and you don't have any hidden agenda, but only to say what you have seen and heard.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Your observation is what I call a first-hand and on the scene information of what life is like in contemporary Cambodia under the deadly Hun Sen/Sihanouk regime.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is part of a historical records, like a book (Entitled 'The Customs of Cambodia;' Publisher the Siam Society, Bangkok, 1987) written by Zhou Daguan (or Chou Ta Kuan in old spelling), the famous Chinese diplomat who visited Angkor at the end of the 13th century (1296-7), and painted a vivid and accurate account of what life was really like then. It is still the only first hand testimony of how people (Cambodians at all social levels and also Chinese immigrants) lived during that period of the Khmer Empire at the highest point of its of its power. I had quoted part of his memoirs in my web site and in my book. If you have not read that book, you should buy one and read it.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Once again, congratulations for your keen sense of observations and as a witness to history of Cambodia during its lowest point.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Best regards.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;Dear Om,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The only good about my trip to Cambodia was seeing my family again and had the opportunity to meet lok om Sin Sisamouth's wife, Kow Thong Ngoat. The main purpose of the trip was to deliver $1000 to Sin Sisamouth's wife in Steung Treng. My friend and I had a fundraiser and pay a tribute to the famous singer and I was asked to give her the money and take video. I did just that.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;While I was there I had an opportunity to talk to some people about Cambodia and the current government. Keep in mind that these are mostly my friends and family members but most agree that the government is not good. They talk negatively of Hun Sen but they don't know what to do.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I have a cousin that used to be with Son San party but is now a motor scooter driver because he refused to join the CPP. He knows a lot about what has happen and what is happening, especially about Sihanouk and his involvement with the Killing field. However, he told me that the subject is forbidden in Cambodia to talk about it. He just shook his head in disgusted. He did mention that the Khmer Rouge Trial is a waste because it is trialing the wrong people.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another former soldier and ex-MP lost the will to be patriotic. He fought against the KR and he worked for the government but now he only live just for the sake of living and nothing else. He doesn't care anymore about Cambodia because Cambodia doesn't care for people like him. He has no will to fight for her anymore. How could he risk and fight for a country that doesn't value his contribution but instead only uses people like him to secure their own interest. He sacrificed his life and the life of his family so the rich can be rich and look down on the poor, why should he continue to do that? He even said that he doesn't care if Thailand or Vietnam takes Cambodia. He even made a comment that there need to be war to maybe wake up those rich and powerful people of their greed and what they could lose. I am leaning toward agreeing with him.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The poor is poor and there is no hope for them. They have no resource and knowledge on how to overcome the common issues on rice farming. The two weeks I was there, the fields are flooded and the rice crop is not doing well. It's another bad year for farmers.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;On the election, it was peaceful and we know that Hun Sen won easily. I happen to run into one of PBS journalist from New York, that was covering the election and he said that it was quite surprising how peaceful it was. It was surprising but I think many people didn't vote and didn't care for it. People lose hope. How can they have a fair election when there is no system in place to legitimize those who voted? There is no way to track the names on those that cast the ballots. No identification so voter fraud is most likely to take place, so they gave up.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;On the economic view, there is no hope either. The only thing those people got is market. Trading among themselves to stay alive. Yes, it is true the city is growing but it is for the benefit of foreigners and the rich. I do have to say that Phnom Penh is the Lexus capital of the world. Cambodia got a great contrast from ox cart to Lexus. There are many new buildings and houses build but they are priced at 250k and up (cash only). Land in PP and Siem Reap are worth more then gold and it is controlled by the few.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;For me, there is nothing to be proud of when I was there. I see people living but they have little future. It is a big distinction between the few rich and the many poor. Although there are lots of movements I sense that it is a country of the walking dead. People are banking on $2 a day earnings and they are lucky, no one in their family get sick. There are just too many problem those people are facing. In my opinion, Cambodia need something drastic to take place.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This is only my perspective of my two weeks in Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Regards,&lt;br /&gt;Saron&lt;br /&gt;________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Identity beyond origin: The Cham&lt;br /&gt;Written by Bjorn Atle Blengsli, Alison Carter and Alberto Perez-Pereiro&lt;br /&gt;The Phmom Penh Post; Friday, 17 October 2008&lt;br /&gt;Misusing archaeological history for nationalist ends&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: This article written by Bjorn Atle Blengsli, Alison Carter and Alberto Perez-Pereiro is a welcome one as renders a lot of justice to both the cambodian and the Cham people. Unlike David Lempert's article (A homeland for the Chams), this article provides a more balanced and more scholarly analysis of the long and complex Khmer/Cham relations. It is sensitive to the plight of the Chams, and also it recognizes the importance and the specificity of the Khmer civilization. I would like to thank the authors of this important and scholarly written article for their courage to correct a false and unscholarly work by David Lempert. Please, also see the other two realted articles on the Chams/Khmer relations posted in this page. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. October 21, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;Imam San Muslims at Udong on Sunday. The recent article by David Lempert that appeared on October 10 raises many issues concerning the Cham people and their history. However, it strikes us that many of his assertions about how the Cham should reconnect to their history are based on a very shaky understanding of Cham history and contemporary circumstances.&lt;br /&gt;Firstly, the Cham are discussed as if they were a uniform group, possessed of a single history. Even when Champa existed, it consisted of different city-states with a sphere of influence that included a coastal area as well as upland peoples related to today's Jarai and Rhade. Today the Cham continue to be a diverse group. And while there is a tendency to adopt intellectual currents originating in the wider Muslim world, there are still Cham that maintain a sense of connection to Champa. The recent festival this week honoring Imam San, who established the Muslim community in Udong, and the wealth of folk histories throughout the country that name Champa as a homeland, demonstrate that the Cham are not suffering from historical amnesia.&lt;br /&gt;Instead, what we encounter today is the realignment of history, culture and religion in ways that may be more appropriate to current needs. The adoption of foreign forms of Islam cannot be regarded as simply an erasure of Cham history; rather it needs to be seen as an integration into a worldwide community of Islamic faithful, the umma, which provides them with a certain cultural coherence and legitimacy in a country where they are still often regarded as outsiders.&lt;br /&gt;The history of a people is always a product of their present circumstances. We pick and choose events and figures of the past which resonate with our own conceptions of self in the present and transform this into our "history". How many Americans who celebrate the 4th of July actually had ancestors on the continent when the revolutionary war took place? Very few, but immigrants to the country eventually adopted this and other holidays as a way of being part of American society. In effect, choosing a different past was fundamental to belonging in the present.&lt;br /&gt;For many Cham, the architectural ruins of yesteryear are not relevant to their sense of identity today. As anthropologists, we are prone to lament declining interest in what we ourselves find fascinating, but ultimately it is for people themselves to decide how they should forge their identities. If the Cham decide that Champa is not worth remembering, we may feel a sense of loss, but the world will get over it - when was the last time anyone shed a tear because there are no good Sumerian restaurants anymore, or that not enough people still celebrate their birthdays according to the Mayan calendar?&lt;br /&gt;Secondly, there is the question of the archaeological record. Lempert proposes Cambodia as a place for a Cham homeland by drawing on archaeological evidence, but with his tenuous examples Lempert appears to instead be co-opting Khmer history so that it may be given to the Cham. It goes without saying that no Southeast Asian community existed in a vacuum; there was always interaction between different civilisations. However, Lempert's broad statements, such as that the Cham "taught" Khmers goldworking based purely on similarities in vocabulary, is deeply problematic.&lt;br /&gt;For archaeologists who study pre-Angkorian Cambodia and Funan, there is no strong evidence that the Cham "jointly gave birth to the Oc Eo - Phu Nan [sic] civilisation" as Lempert states. The first self-identifying reference to Champa civilization does not appear until the late sixth century AD on an inscription in My Son, Vietnam. Lempert proposes archaeological sites, such as Sambor Prei Kuk, as the centre for a Khmer-Cham reconciliation site - ideal because it "may have had Cham influence". While there was most likely interaction between the two regions, there is insufficient evidence to declare Sambor Prei Kuk a joint Khmer-Cham site. What is certain is that the Cham have a strong archaeological history, whose study is underdeveloped. Rather than proposing to adopt Khmer history, Lempert should call for more research on Champa civilisation while training a new generation of Cham archaeologists.&lt;br /&gt;Thirdly, Lempert ignores what reaction the Khmer public would likely have if his suggestions were to be implemented. Even talking of a Cham homeland would strengthen fears that the Cham are not loyal citizens. Attributing joint Khmer-Cham authorship to the architectural legacy upon which much of Cambodia's sense of nationhood is constructed would also be poorly received. We need only recall the firestorm of criticism unleashed when last year it was suggested that king Jayavarman VII might have been half-Cham to predict what the probable reaction will be. Khmers already feel embattled enough holding off the Thais at the border. They are unlikely to appreciate yet another rival making claims to their cultural patrimony.&lt;br /&gt;We recognise that Lempert truly has the interests of Cham people at heart and so appreciate his opening of a discussion on these issues. Nonetheless, we worry that his assumptions concerning Cham identity rest on foundations that are not altogether sound and that the implementation of any cultural program that accepts them as the primary point of departure from which to move policy forward will ultimately lead to serious consequences for Khmer-Cham relations, where the Cham community that Lempert seeks to champion will be the likely loser.&lt;br /&gt;____________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Anthropologist Bjorn Atle Blengsli has studied Chams in Cambodia for seven years, conducting field work for embassies and research institutes, including the National Bureau of Asian Research.&lt;br /&gt;Alberto Perez-Pereiro is an anthropology PhD candidate at Arizona State University, studying historical memory and identity among the Cham of Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;Alison Carter is an archaeology PhD candidate at the University of Wisconsin, studying pre-Angkorian trade networks in the lower Mekong. -________________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Delayed and denied&lt;br /&gt;October 15th 2008&lt;br /&gt;From Economist.com&lt;br /&gt;(&lt;a href="http://www.economist.com/world/asia/PrinterFriendly.cfm?story_id=12411498"&gt;http://www.economist.com/world/asia/PrinterFriendly.cfm?story_id=12411498&lt;/a&gt;)&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: Another delay in the Khmer rouge Trial. As I said many times before, there no good reason for Hun Sen to bring the Khmer Trial into completion. On the contrary, there are a lot of reasons for Hun Sen to delay this trial. First, the Khmer rouge trial may reveal a lot of unwelcome and implicating information about Hun Sen and his senior CPP colleagues’ role during the Khmer Rouge regime.&lt;br /&gt;It is safe to say that the Vietnamese invading army had suppressed all the implicating information on Hun Sen and his senior colleagues when they first entered Phnom Penh in 1978.&lt;br /&gt;This suppression of the information of the role these senior CPP members allows Hun Sen to often say that he was only a simple soldier in the Khmer Rouge army; while in reality, many well-informed and well-respected scholars had mentioned that Hun Sen was a brigade commander in the Eastern zone, during the Khmer rouge regime. Delaying the Khmer Rouge trial also would allow the Khmer rouge leaders now under trial, such as Khieu Samphan, Ieng Sary, Nuon Chea, sufficient time to die of natural causes, thus preventing them from revealing the truth about the role of Hun Sen, and his ex-Khmer Rouge friends and colleagues in the genocide against innocent Cambodian men, women, and children during the Khmer Rouge regime. Therefore, Justice continues to be delayed and denied to those Cambodians who were slaughtered by the Khmer Rouge in the 1070’s. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. October 16, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;Trials of Khmer Rouge leaders are put off again&lt;br /&gt;WILLIAM GLADSTONE's old saying that justice delayed is justice denied certainly applies to the trials of the ghastly Khmer Rouge regime, which terrorised Cambodia in from 1975 to 1979. The insane, communist-inspired party, led by Pol Pot, tried to eradicate the entire educated population and turn Cambodia back into a primitive agrarian society. Millions were slaughtered or died of starvation before Vietnam invaded and brought the regime down.&lt;br /&gt;In 2003, after years of arguments at the United Nations, a special court was created to try the Khmer Rouge's leaders-although by then Pol Pot had died, at liberty. Since then, the tribunal's progress has been glacial. On October 9th, the first of its trials, which it had been promising would start this month, was again postponed indefinitely. Such delays could cause world powers to lose interest in a war-crimes tribunal that is no less important than those investigating tragedies in Rwanda, Sierra Leone and the former Yugoslavia.&lt;br /&gt;The latest arguments over legal niceties mean that months more will pass before Kaing Kek Iev, alias Duch, will be tried for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Now aged 65, he ran the Tuol Sleng interrogation and torture centre in Phnom Penh, the capital. Nowadays it is a "genocide museum"-a ghoulish tourist attraction with rusting shackles still attached to the walls of tiny cells and display cabinets containing the skulls of some of the countless victims.&lt;br /&gt;Duch was arrested in 1999, and another four former regime leaders, in their seventies and eighties, were detained last year. The five prisoners won the court's permission last month to speak to each other, despite worries that they might collude and jeopardise their trials.&lt;br /&gt;The tribunal, based in the outskirts of the capital, is an unwieldy compromise. The original proposal was for it to be entirely under the UN's control, like the tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. But China threatened to veto this, perhaps fearing that such an independent international body would unearth embarrassing evidence of its close support for the Khmer Rouge.&lt;br /&gt;The Cambodian government, led by Hun Sen (a former Khmer Rouge officer, though not himself implicated in the regime's enormities), was also keen to ensure the UN did not have too much control over the tribunal. So what was agreed in the end was an "Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia", with a majority of local judges. The result has been constant tensions between the international and Cambodian staff.&lt;br /&gt;Early last year allegations surfaced that Cambodian staff were being forced to give part of their salaries to their bosses. This is a common practice elsewhere in the country's corrupt and ramshackle public institutions, where workers are prepared to forfeit most of their meagre official pay in return for the opportunities for side-earnings that state jobs offer. A preliminary inquiry by the UN found the accusations credible, but it lacks formal investigative powers-and the government, which does have such powers, would rather hush it all up.&lt;br /&gt;Despite the scandal, big foreign donors recently agreed to keep funding the court for now. Its costs, from its inauguration to its expected conclusion in 2010, have soared from an initial budget of $56.3m to $170m. America, Germany and Japan have just made fresh contributions but the Open Society Justice Initiative, one of George Soros's charities, which is monitoring the tribunal, reckons it is still short of $74.6m.&lt;br /&gt;As with the countless other foreign-funded projects to help Cambodia, rich-world governments and charities are in a sticky situation. They pour in money and push for reforms to ensure that it is not wasted or stolen, while suffering the indignity of Mr Hun Sen thumbing his nose at them, knowing that whatever they threaten, they will not withdraw their funding.&lt;br /&gt;The prime minister heaped special scorn on Yash Ghai, the UN's human-rights envoy to Cambodia until last month when he resigned, tired of being insulted by Mr Hun Sen-who has called him "deranged" and dismissed him as a "tourist"-and getting no back-up from the outside world. Mr Hun Sen has been promising a new anti-corruption law for years. Foreign diplomats and aid-agency chiefs in Phnom Penh know perfectly well that even if passed, it would make little difference. But it would at least look like progress, and would also give their bosses back home the cover for continuing to shower money on the country.&lt;br /&gt;Having just increased his majority in an election marred with irregularities, Mr Hun Sen feels pretty safe in power. For all his flaws, his iron fist has at least pacified the country after the long civil war that followed the fall of the Khmer Rouge. Most Cambodians are too young to remember its horrors. For good or ill they, like their government, seem to have more pressing concerns than bringing the regime's elderly, surviving leaders to justice.&lt;br /&gt;_____________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Coastal development threatens livelihoods&lt;br /&gt;Source: ASEAN Business, October 13-19, 2008&lt;br /&gt;The beach looks idyllic with white sand and seagulls but soon it will be populated with high-end resorts. Sophal, who requested his family name not be revealed, does not know what will happen to his home once the evictions begin.&lt;br /&gt;“This entire area will be cleared out,” he said. “I don’t know when, or why. They [the government] don’t tell us anything. Just that a big buyer came and bought it.” “Some powerful people in the government&lt;br /&gt;are taking all the land ... and soon we’ll have nothing left,” he said.&lt;br /&gt;These 192 hectares of land were allegedly ceded to high ranking military officer Sar Soeung, who uses the space as private property, a report by the Hong Kong-based Asian Human Rights Commission&lt;br /&gt;revealed.&lt;br /&gt;According to Cambodian officials, Sihanoukville, one of Southeast-asia’s popular backpacker resorts, is poised to become the region’s next big tourist destination.&lt;br /&gt;To expedite the process, the government regularly hands land concessions to government-tied elites at the expense of poor residents, claims Cambodian human rights watchdog Adhoc.&lt;br /&gt;“These concessions and evictions are mostly a problem of corruption,” Cherp Sotheary, Sihanoukville coordinator for Adhoc, said. “Most of the private investors who got concessions are affiliated with the ruling party, coming in the form of joint ventures with foreign companies.”&lt;br /&gt;The Sihanoukville governor’s office was not available for comment. The Council for the Development of&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia (CDC) announced Sept 13 it had granted permission to the Cambodian Pol Cham Group to develop a fivestar resort and golf course on Koh Tonsay, or Rabbit Island, reported the Phnom Penh Post.&lt;br /&gt;But that project will require the eviction of 14 families, who claim they were compensated only 900 dollars when they demanded 20,000 dollars.&lt;br /&gt;“In Sihanoukville, the fishermen and their communities depend on the environment to earn their living, usually by farming vegetables,” Sotheary said. “When the investments come, they clear the land and locals lose their income.”&lt;br /&gt;Other islands have been ceded to British, French, Chinese and Russian investors, but residents claim the government did not inform or consult them about the purchases.&lt;br /&gt;Sihanoukville governor Say Hak, however, guaranteed residents the right to stay with legal documentation under Cambodia’s 2001 land law. The central Cambodian government also declared the coast and islands public property that could not be developed.&lt;br /&gt;According to a 2008 report by Yash Ghai, the UN Special Representative for Human Rights in Cambodia, land laws are “regularly” violated “with impunity by influential individuals, companies and government entities”.&lt;br /&gt;(IRIN)&lt;br /&gt;________________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;CAMBODIA Crime; In cold blood&lt;br /&gt;The circumstances surrounding journalist&lt;br /&gt;Khim Sambo’s murder point to official&lt;br /&gt;involvement,&lt;br /&gt;writes Vincent MacIsaacri&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;FRIDAY, OCTOBER 3, 2008 SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST&lt;br /&gt;(&lt;a href="http://tinyurl.com/3ed232" target="_blank"&gt;http://tinyurl.com/3ed232&lt;/a&gt;)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: Recently, an American official in Cambodia, stated that Cambodia political killing has slowdown markedly. In other words, Hun Sen regime has improved its human right records by slowing down political killings. Is this statement accurate. The answer is a plain no. why, because Hun Sen did not need to kill because he can use the judicial system under his full control to bring down any politicians that he thinks is dangerous to challenge his dictatorial power. But, if he thinks that any politician is threatening his power, he will not hesitate to resort to murder, as seems to be the cases in the murders of reporter Khim Sambor and his son, in cold blood. Hok Lundy the Vietnamese-Cambodian chief of the mafia like police force in Cambodia, a close friend and an in-law of Hun Sen. The FBI was called to investigate the cases. I don't have any faith in the investigation, because, the Bush administration had decided to make Hun Sen an ally of the United States to fight against the increasing power in the region and in the world. Sad, but true. Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D. Washington DC. October 11, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;----------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;Two weeks before he and his 21-yearold son were shot dead, Cambodian journalist Khim Sambo reported on a not uncommon topic in opposition affiliated newspapers. When gamblers from the upper echelons of the ruling Cambodia People’s Party (CPP), accompanied by armed bodyguards or police, have prolonged losing streaks, it sometimes erupts in anger and even violence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“When they lose, and cannot borrow more from the casino, they arrest the casino owners,” he wrote under one of his numerous pseudonyms, Srey Ka, in the June 28-29 weekend edition of the daily Khmer Conscience, which is affiliated with the opposition Sam Rainsy Party (SRP).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;However, Khim Sambo – whose own anger needed to be “toned down”, according to a former colleague – went further than most, mocking the behaviour of a senior police officer described by many as “one of the most dangerous men in Cambodia”.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He reported on an incident that allegedly occurred – SRP newspapers are often accused of fabrication or exaggeration – on June 25 at a casino complex at a border crossing with Vietnam in the town of Bavat in Svay Rieng province.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;After losing his shirt at Le Macau Casino and Hotel, the officer borrowed from the casino, lost that, borrowed more – and lost again. When the casino manager refused to lend any more, he had him arrested by the junior officers accompanying him, Khim Sambo reported.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He went further, describing how the officer stacked the deck: “When he loses US$100,000, the casino returns US$50,000. But he plays until losing the returned money, and demands to borrow more. If any casino owner dares to say ‘no’, he threatens to arrest him.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Khim Sambo did not identify the officer by name but dropped enough hints so that when he concluded his report by stating “there is no need to name [the CPP gamblers] because everyone in Cambodia knows who they are”, he assumed readers would be able to identify the officer, a source said. “He did not think he had put himself in danger because he did not identify the officer by name,” the source said on condition of anonymity. Several others – all of whom requested anonymity, citing concern for personal security – said that Khim Sambo was writing about Cambodian National Police Commissioner Hok Lundy.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The former governor of Svay Rieng province has been at the top of Cambodia’s police force since 1994. “There is hardly anyone in Cambodia who has shown more contempt for the rule of law than Hok Lundy,” Human Rights Watch has said. He “represents the absolute worst Cambodia has to offer”, it said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“We believe the killing is related to that article,” Son Chhay, the whip of the opposition Sam Rainsy Party claimed, though he declined to identify the subject of the article.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The editor of Khmer Conscience, Dam Sith, who had been jailed on defamation charges in June, said he knew nothing about the article when interviewed by phone last Thursday.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;That day, he was interviewed by one of the two agents from America’s FBI, said to be “supporting” their Cambodian counterparts in the investigation.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“I told them I don’t know anything about who is behind the killing, and that I hope they find who it is,” he said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Chan Soveth, a programme officer at the Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association, warned that “if the FBI cannot work independently [their assistance] is just a political game”.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He arrived at the scene of the double homicide about 30 minutes after it occurred at about 6.30pm on July 11and has been investigating ever since. He fears the police are protecting the perpetrators rather than trying to solve the crime.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Khim Sambo, 47, bled to death on the side of a busy street in central Phnom Penh, minutes after being shot twice in the back while riding a motorcycle driven by his son Khat Sarinpheata. The young man died the next day in a Phnom Penh hospital, after being shot twice while cradling his dying father, said Chan Soveth.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The killers, two men on a motorbike who approached Khim Sambo and his son from behind, were probably hired assassins, he said, pointing out that they used a K-49 pistol with a silencer.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“They had no fear of being arrested. They weren’t wearing helmets and made no attempt to disguise their identity. They acted like they were under protection,” Chan Soveth said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;When he arrived at the scene, he was able to gather information from bystanders but, when he returned the following morning, no one would speak to him, he said. Silence permeates human rights groups in Cambodia. When asked who he thought was behind the killing, Chan Soveth declined to answer. “I want to continue living in Cambodia,” he said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He believes the murders were intended to create an atmosphere of fear ahead of the July general election, which the CPP won by a landslide. This view was widely promoted by Cambodian and&lt;br /&gt;international human rights groups who expressed outrage following the killing.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But SRP whip Son Chhay disputes that there was any link between the killings and the election. “It was not a political killing,” he said. “There was no order from the top of the CPP,” he said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“[Prime Minister] Hun Sen does not know who is behind the killings. If Hun Sen knew who was behind the killings, the FBI would not have been allowed to join the investigation.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He added: “The FBI has been allowed in because the CPP believes they will be unable to find evidence of government involvement,” though he in no way suggests that the CPP has turned benevolent.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“Their behaviour, their totalitarian thinking is very much like the Khmer Rouge. Either you support the CPP or you are an enemy of the state. Killing opposition members is acceptable,” he said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Son Chhay and Chan Soveth said they feared that the FBI was likely to be used by the Cambodian police to provide a veneer of legitimacy to what the latter described as a “sham&lt;br /&gt;investigation”.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Son Chhay noted: “They have this great ability to manipulate the international community and they will manipulate the FBI to make sure nothing happens [with the investigation].”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This is already happening, he said, pointing to a police statement published in the Cambodia Daily this month quoting Phnom Penh’s police commissioner as saying that an “FBI official had agreed that the killings were motivated by someone seeking revenge against the journalist’s son”.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Senior police officers have suggested that the target of the killers was not Khim Sambo but his son.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In his initial report into the crime, Chan Soveth found no evidence that either the father or the son were involved in a personal dispute that could have led to their murders.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;US embassy spokesman John Johnson said he was aware that some human rights investigators had accused the local police of a cover-up. Because the investigation was ongoing, he said, he could not comment on the details of the case.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The FBI agents were playing a “purely supportive” role in the investigation at the invitation of the interior ministry, he said. Besides two investigators, who arrived on September 14, a forensic artist had arrived last week to assist local police with a sketch of the assailants, he added.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One day after meeting the FBI agents, Phnom Penh deputy police chief Hy Prou, who is in charge of the investigation, said there were no leads on a suspect and that the complexities of the case made investigating it difficult.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;However, the fact that editor Dam Sith was interviewed for the first time after the FBI agents arrived could signal that the bureau is nudging the Cambodian police in a new direction – towards the articles Khim Sambo wrote before he was killed.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In an interview at his home last Saturday, Dam Sith said that one of the questions asked by the FBI agent, who was accompanied by a translator from the US embassy and two Cambodian officers, concerned the kind of articles Khim Sambo had written for him. He said he replied: “A lot of articles about different things.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Dam Sith is a father with three young children. Since Khim Sambo’s killing he does not leave his home unless he has to. He looked like he had not slept in weeks and was in a highly nervous state.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In 2006, Hok Lundy was denied a US visa due to allegations that he was involved in drug and human trafficking. The following month, however, the FBI awarded him a medal for his efforts in fighting terrorism. In April last year, he was finally granted a US visa, to attend a Counter-terrorism workshop.&lt;br /&gt;_________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia's Muslims as geopolitical pawns&lt;br /&gt;By Geoffrey Cain&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: This article provides a unique view and analysis on important problem facing Cambodia's quest for survival under the corrupt and dictatorial regime of Hun Sen and his CPP. Historically, looking from the external side, Cambodia has been facing two threats from thailand and Vietnam. However, there is a great difference bewteen the threat from these two countries. Vietnam is definitely the more dangerous for Cambodia's survival. Thailand being a more democratic and sharing with cambodia a common cultural heritage, there is more room to maneuver. Only recently, because of Hun Sen diabolical design to make Vietnam look like a better friend to cambodia, he started the row with Thailand on the issue of Preah Vihear. Unfortunately, a lot of Cambodians, including some well-meaning and well- kown Cambodians fell victims of this fake nationalism fabricated by Hun Sen .&lt;br /&gt;Just to make my points clearer on the diiference between the more deadly threat from Vietnam and the more reactive threat from Thailand, just look at how these two neighboring countries have been treating Cambodian minorities in their own respective country. The Vietnamese are committing genodide against the Khmer Krom,,as reported by rebecca Somers, the german humanist, whereas, the Thais has allowed the Khmer Surins to be fully integrated in their society and to even be appointed as prime minister after the end of World War II.&lt;br /&gt;Now let us look at the potentialenemy from within. The Moslems community in Cambodia consists of two groups; the Chams and the Chvears. The Chams are those who espcaped from Vietnam genodicde and came from the former Kingdom of Champa which was totally obliterated by Vietnam in the 17th century. The Chvears are those who came from Malaysia and Indonesia who convert the Chams into Islam. The Cham and the Chvears have comon racial background being of Malay culture and race. As the article has pointed out, the Chams as in all Moslems cases pledge their allegiance to religion first, and the state in which they live, second. this is the real problem for cambodia as a sovereign nation.&lt;br /&gt;In addition, there are some scholars such as David Lempert, (see article entitled 'A Homeland for the Cham'; Lempert is a one who admires Ben Kiernan who is well-known as a strong supporter of Vietnam)) goes so far as to suggest a homeland for the Chams, not in Vietnam where the original home of the Chams, Champa, was located, but, in Cambodia. In other words, the Chams homeland is to be located in Kompong Cham, which tantamounts to caving a territory out of the Cambodian land, thus creating a state within a state.&lt;br /&gt;In addition, as the outgoing US Ambassador, Joseph Mussomeli, had pointed out that these Cambodian Moslems have very close tie with the Middle east countries and received an enormous amount of financial and religious assistance (import ofImams, building of new mosques) from them to advance the cause of Islam in Cambodia. This 'state within the state situation' can only bring more instability for Cambodia down the road, if we add to that priority givien to Islam first before the state by the Moslems, the issue of international terrorism's support by these Moslems, Cambodia future is bleaker than ever before, indeed!&lt;br /&gt;Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. October 9, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;PHNOM PENH - Competition for influence in Cambodia, recently seen as a two-country race between the United States and China, has now seen another deep-pocketed suitor emerge: petrodollar-rich Gulf states.&lt;br /&gt;While Washington has required counter-terrorism cooperation for its assistance, and Beijing has sought greater access to markets, Middle Eastern countries seem keen to build&lt;br /&gt;religious ties with Cambodia's Muslim Cham minority.&lt;br /&gt;Kuwait and Qatar promised as much as US$700 million in August, packaged as soft loans and investment deals to help develop Cambodia's relatively primitive infrastructure. The massive aid packages include agriculture and energy-development initiatives, and a new open skies agreement&lt;br /&gt;granting Kuwait Airlines direct flights to Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;Beyond the economics, was a geopolitical twist to the aid package. Prime Minister Hun Sen agreed in principle to a Kuwaiti request not to support military or economic interventions against Iran, a target of US criticism for allegedly developing a secret nuclear weapons program. Hun Sen also plans a tour in January to strengthen political and economic links with Middle Eastern countries.&lt;br /&gt;The financial aid package made big business headlines, but what went relatively unnoticed were the millions of dollars earmarked for building Muslim institutions. The impoverished and&lt;br /&gt;marginalized Cham, estimated to number about 400,000, have long sought and received funds from Middle Eastern patrons in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and regional neighbor Malaysia to build mosques and religious schools, travel on the haj and study overseas.&lt;br /&gt;With that assistance, an increasing number of Middle Eastern imams have taken up residence in Cambodia's traditionally moderate Cham communities and often promoted Wahabbi and Da'Wah Tabligh fundamentalist interpretations of Islam.&lt;br /&gt;Concerns that foreign influence was stoking local terror risks first arose when four Muslim teachers from southern Thailand, Egypt and Cambodia were arrested at Phnom Penh's Cham-run Om-al-Qora school in 2003 for allegedly being members of the Jemaah Islamiyah regional terror group and using the school as a terrorist training center.&lt;br /&gt;The arrests came days before the Association of Southeast Asian Nations' regional form opened in Phnom Penh, where then-US secretary of state Colin Powell was scheduled to attend. One Cham religious leader said the arrests were a political tactic to "woo the Americans", while Cham opposition parliamentarian Ahmad Yahya lashed out at Hun Sen, referring to him as a "second Pol Pot" because "he used to close schools as well".&lt;br /&gt;Terrorism concerns intensified when authorities discovered that alleged top al-Qaeda operative Riduan Isamuddin, alias Hambali, took refuge in the same school in the months leading up to&lt;br /&gt;his August 2003 capture in Thailand. The US has since reiterated its concerns that radical Islamic organizations operating in Cambodia were winning more influence over the Cham.&lt;br /&gt;In an August farewell speech this year, US ambassador to Cambodia Joseph Mussomeli told reporters that "there are some organizations here that are very radical and that are very intolerant, and they are trying very hard to change the attitude and the atmosphere of the Muslim population here in Cambodia".&lt;br /&gt;Last year, the US helped to establish a National Counter-terrorism Committee and this year opened a Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) office in a massive new US Embassy. Robert Mueller,&lt;br /&gt;director of the FBI, said at the office's opening ceremony that Cambodia was important "because of the potential for persons transiting Cambodia or utilizing Cambodia as a spot for terrorism", according to news reports. Mueller was the first FBI director to ever visit Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;The minority Cham, the antecessors of the region's once-dominant Champa kingdom, have long been open to foreign influences. They are also no stranger to official oppression and prosecution, both in Cambodia and Vietnam. Ben Kiernan, who heads the Cambodian genocide project at Yale University, estimates that 90,000 of a total 250,000 Cham population were killed during the genocidal Khmer Rouge regime which ruled between 1975 and 1979.&lt;br /&gt;Only 21 of a total 113 imams, or Islamic teachers, survived the radical Maoist regime, along with only 15% of Cham-built mosques, says Kiernan. That tragic history, academics and analysts say, have made the Cham more susceptible to outside religious influences. Islamic charities from Gulf states first entered Cambodia in 1991, when a ceasefire was declared among warring militias, according to academic Agnes De Feo, author of the upcoming book, Muslims of Cambodia and Vietnam.&lt;br /&gt;Foreign identity&lt;br /&gt;Faith-based charitable organizations, which Cham often refer to generically as "Kuwait", came mainly from the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, and gained significant clout&lt;br /&gt;over the ethnic minority's traditional Malay Muslim culture. Indian and Pakistani Islamic organizations, mostly promoters of the Tablighi Jamaat, or dawah, an apolitical movement aimed at revitalizing Muslim communities considered to be in danger of losing their Muslim identities, arrived later&lt;br /&gt;in the 1990s.&lt;br /&gt;The result was a schism in the Cham community between the Tabligh Jamaat and Wahhabists, which have generally sought to fit Cham Islam into a more universal framework of Wahhabism, according to De Feo. However, scholars credit foreign Islamic groups for revitalizing the Cham's once-vibrant culture and sense of Muslim identity after its decline in the 1970s. Cambodia had 280 imams in 2007, a marked increase from the 21 that survived the atheist Khmer Rouge era.&lt;br /&gt;With charities from the UAE funding much of their construction, it is customary for Cham to name newly built mosques "Dubai", followed by the Cambodian city or village in which they reside. De Feo and other scholars note the new mosques do not resemble Khmer Buddhist pagodas as they did pre-1975, but rather have taken the form of standard mosques in Gulf states.&lt;br /&gt;Other mosques have taken on Indian and Pakistani forms, implying, some say, a shift from the Cham's traditional Malay Muslim-influenced practices. Cham formal dress has also recently changed to resemble more dawah and Middle Eastern styles, says De Feo.&lt;br /&gt;Cham leaders have used foreign funds to start at least 19 cultural organizations that promote Cham heritage, most notably the Cambodian Muslim Development Foundation, run by Osman Hassan, secretary of state at the Ministry of Labor, and the Cambodian Islamic Development Association, led by opposition parliamentarian Ahmad Yahya, which develops and promotes local Muslim institutions. Few such groups existed before 1975, and their establishment post-1991 signifies a cultural resurgence among the Cham.&lt;br /&gt;Sith Ibrahim, an ethnic Cham who is a secretary of state in the Ministry of Cults and Religions, recently told the Phnom Penh Post that "Cham Muslims have received direct benefit from the government's political and economic links with countries such as Malaysia, Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Kuwait."&lt;br /&gt;At the same time, scholars cite mainstream Khmer concerns that the foreign-backed Cham cultural reawakening has caused them to resist Cambodia's new drive to speed up economic development and integrate with the global economy.&lt;br /&gt;Influenced by fundamentalist Gulf charities and increasingly assertive local Cham organizations, the group's religious leaders often now say they don't want to cede their unique ethnic identity for a sense of Buddhist Khmer universalism. Critics say the Cham are instead conforming to foreign interpretations of Islam, which emphasize loyalty to faith before loyalty to the state.&lt;br /&gt;Some argue a similar mindset has entrenched in Southern Thailand, where foreign-influenced ethnic Malay Muslim insurgents are have been fighting a bloody battle against the predominantly Buddhist Thai state for decades. The Thai daily The Nation reported in 2004 that hundreds of Cham attempted to cross into the southern Thai province of Pattani after the deaths of nearly 100 Thai Muslims at the hands of the military.&lt;br /&gt;Despite those incidents, De Feo argues that despite deep-rooted historical connections Cambodia's Cham and southern Thailand's Malay Muslims operate in completely different geopolitical contexts. Unlike Thailand's Muslim secessionist insurgents, the Cham have no claim to independence and therefore little reason to embrace militant ideologies. Many Cham still view themselves as immigrants to Cambodia and they are an ethnic minority elsewhere in the region, including Vietnam and Malaysia, De Feo claims.&lt;br /&gt;Other analysts say the Cham pose little threat, even with the growing presence of cash-rich Wahhabist charities in their areas. Some point to a January 2008 report by the US Congressional Research Service which advocated developing "a foreign aid approach that addresses the attractiveness of China's policy of non-interference with domestic affairs" and engaging "regional Muslim states and populations in a way that both supports moderate Islam in its struggle against radical Islam and brings the United States closer to regional Muslim states".&lt;br /&gt;Instead, the US's current focus on developing counter-terrorism initiatives in Cambodia is pointed directly at Cambodia's ethnic Cham. Whether the US believes that threat is real, or is rather using it to strategically position itself vis-a-vis China's growing economic clout, is still an open question. But with the big, new Middle Eastern investments earmarked for Cambodia, and with the Hun Sen government's and the local Cham's warm response, the US may now find it has two major cash-rich competitors for influence rather than one.&lt;br /&gt;-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;Geoffrey Cain is based in Phnom Penh and a contributor to the Far Eastern Economic Review and Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN), a United Nations-run news wire service. He may be reached at geoffrey.cain@gmail.com.&lt;br /&gt;© Copyright 1999 - 2008 Asia Times Online (Holdings), Ltd.&lt;br /&gt;__________________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;A homeland for the Chams&lt;br /&gt;Written by David Lempert&lt;br /&gt;The Phnom Penh Post; Friday, 10 October 2008&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;Find creative ways to connect young Chams with their history&lt;br /&gt;Following the first genocide trials at Nuremberg in the 1940s, the calls for punishment were linked to plans to re-create the homeland for one of the stateless victimised groups in Europe. Today museums continue to be built to promote the cultures of genocide victims at the sites of the destruction and in the diaspora. With so much talk in Cambodia about genocide - the destruction of a race or culture - one might expect some discussion about the victims and their cultures beyond the simple fix of feeding bellies and the projected spending of US$60 million on punishment of a small group of accused. But when it comes to helping restore the culture of the most clearly identifiable of victimised cultures in the country, the Cham, the only international body offering support seems to be the Muslim world, even though their assistance may be contributing to taking the Cham even further away from their history and the civilisation they built in Southeast Asia.&lt;br /&gt;In Phnom Penh you can visit the National Museum, where the French and now the Cambodians warehouse some of the best pieces of the country's art that still remain public. You can also visit sites of mass murder and torture and hear about the horrors of destruction of the country's cultural groups. But you won't exactly be sure from the Genocide Museum which groups were the victims and what they were like before the genocide, or what they need to have their cultures restored. In fact, you might not hear anything about the Cham, or about two other ethnic groups that may have become extinct in Cambodia during the civil war era, according to Ben Kiernan (the Kola in Battambang and the Sa'sek in Kampong Speu) and it doesn't seem like anyone is really researching the specific impact on ethnic groups or how best to restore and promote their survival.&lt;br /&gt;History of the culture&lt;br /&gt;If you are looking for images of the country's ethnic groups in Cambodian history, the place to actually find them is on the friezes of Angkor Wat and the Bayon, and those of Banteay Chhmar. But these depictions are largely of imperial supremacy of the Khmer, with groups like the Cham being defeated by the Khmer. When it comes to the Cham, these protected ancient friezes reinforce the victimisation of the Cham rather than offer a solution to protect them.&lt;br /&gt;Why do the Cham deserve better? Though the Cham are now a stateless people in Asia, mostly converted to Islam - following the religion of the one group that offered them any resources and dignity as they were forced to flee the Vietnamese for their lives over the past centuries - their civilisation may once have been the most important and extensive in Southeast Asia and was at least as important as that of the Vietnamese (Kinh) and the Khmer.&lt;br /&gt;It was the Cham who taught the Vietnamese improved rice-farming and silk-production techniques. It was the Cham who may have taught the Khmer gold work, given the Cham-influenced words in Khmer related to gold work. It was the Cham who designed many of the boats of the region and who developed the most significant ports. Though still not clear in Khmer history, archaeologists speculate that it may have been the Cham who jointly gave birth to the Oc Eo - Phu Nan civilisation, who may have supported and even partly founded the Angkorian Empire of Jayavarman II in the ninth century, and who may have played a significant role in the ruling classes of Angkor. Yet, while the Vietnamese are thriving and the Khmer have a state, it is the Cham who are losing their history and their numbers.&lt;br /&gt;Back in the 15th century when Angkor (and Khmer culture) came under attack, the destruction of Cham culture and of Cham populations and the taking of their ancestral lands had already been under way for centuries. Nevertheless, even then, there are estimates that the Cham population may have numbered about five million, and have roughly equaled the populations of the Kinh Vietnamese and the Khmer. The territorial size of the three empires was also roughly the same. One need only start some 200km from Hanoi and head practically the length of the country, to close to Saigon, to find the extent of citadels, brick towers, waterworks and artwork of the Cham; much of it unrecognised and endangered in Vietnam without the Cham on the land to protect it and with little support from the international community.&lt;br /&gt;Today, there are about 70 million Kinh Vietnamese, about 12 million Khmer, and only roughly 300,000 Cham, with the Kinh having taken all of the Cham territory and a large portion of the territory of the Khmer. At least half of the world's Cham now live in Cambodia, where they fled the earlier genocides from the Vietnamese and sought to create a republic with the help of Malayan Muslims; ultimately concentrating in Kampong Cham and along the country's rivers. Estimates of the suffering of the Cham under the Khmer Rouge differ, with Ben Kiernan suggesting that up to 100,000 of 300,000 in Cambodia were killed. Michael Vickery estimates less. Whatever the numbers, the Cham remain without a homeland and vulnerable.&lt;br /&gt;The situation today&lt;br /&gt;The irony of the Cham's situation today is that the uncoordinated efforts from the international community to protect or recognise the Cham seem to disconnect young Cham from their histories and prevent them from having the choice of shaping their destinies and owning their past.&lt;br /&gt;The international community says it is protecting the Cham by turning their religious site of My Son, in Vietnam, into a Unesco World Heritage Site, and by supporting the Cham art museum in Da Nang, built originally by the French, as well as through preservations/excavations of a few of the pretty Cham tower sites and excavations of some earlier pre-Cham (Sa Huynh) cultural sites. But what they restore is selective and they choose what is of interest to foreigners, to the economics of tourism, and to the Vietnamese government. There are some 25 citadels and regional capitals of the Cham and their precursors in Vietnam, dating back 2,500 years, but Unesco isn't aware of half of them and Vietnam does not compile its own list.&lt;br /&gt;Connect Chams with their history&lt;br /&gt;The Muslims say they are protecting the Cham by offering them scholarships to the Arab world and by rebuilding mosques. They say that the decision of dressing like Muslims and studying Middle Eastern texts is the preference of most Cham and consistent with their more recent history.&lt;br /&gt;The international development community and the Khmer say they are protecting the Cham by kneading them into the economic fabric of urbanising Cambodia (and many Cham communities today hug the banks of towns and cities) even though they offer them no political autonomy or special representation.&lt;br /&gt;What is lost in this picture is the connection of young Cham with their heritage. Cham in Cambodia don't study the history of Champa (the Cham in Vietnam) and of the Sa Huynh. They don't seem to study the architecture or the art or the ancient crafts and pride of the Cham in Muslim or public schools or their homes. They don't visit their ancestral temples in Vietnam.&lt;br /&gt;They are not involved in international preservation efforts for their history. They know their Muslim family names but not their ancestral lineages. Even here in Cambodia, most cannot recount the history of their Cham king who ruled the country in the 17th century and where he is buried.&lt;br /&gt;It may not be feasible or possible to "buy" a homeland for the Cham on their ancestral lands or to establish an autonomous region for the Cham in an area between Cambodia and Vietnam, such as Kampong Cham, but the idea at least deserves to be on the table.&lt;br /&gt;So does the idea of a special investment in school books and an open corridor of internationally funded exchanges for young Cham to go visit their ancestral temples and to have exchanges with Cham in Vietnam.&lt;br /&gt;Last year I designed a proposal for a Vietnamese-Cham reconciliation site - a joint heritage and culture museum, to be run with the Cham. I'm happy to share that proposal with others and to offer it as a basis for a similar site in Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;There are four different sites in Cambodia where such a Khmer-Cham reconciliation site and heritage and culture museum would make sense because of the shared history and shared Hindu-Buddhist cultural past: Banteay Preah Nokor and sites around the Kulen mountains (in both sites there are ninth century towers that suggest Cham influence), and Sambour Prei Kuk as the earlier site, that may have Cham influence. The fourth one is the area around Udong, the old Khmer capital.&lt;br /&gt;Of the sites, I would suggest Sambour Prei Kuk first and Banteay Preah Nokor second. Sambour Prei Kuk, the pre-Angkorian capital in Kampong Thom province, deserves to be a World Heritage site. Banteay Preah Nokor, in Kampong Cham province, is closer to Cham communities and to the Vietnamese border, though less likely to attract visitors, which is the real purpose of a museum. The site has one of the best preserved dirt citadel wall enclosures in Southeast Asia, as well as large moats and artificial lake systems that are key in the development of the Khmer baray system. Hun Sen has already announced it as a site for protection and perhaps some kind of reconstructions. Those reconstructions could include Cham and Khmer architecture, with exhibitions.&lt;br /&gt;----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;David Lempert, Ph.D., is an anthropologist whose&lt;br /&gt;research on the Cham is supported by the Luce Foundation&lt;br /&gt;_______________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Minding Cambodia's bottom line&lt;br /&gt;Written by Brendan Brady&lt;br /&gt;The Phnom Penh Post; Wednesday, 24 September 2008&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: This interesting and very informative interview, of Senaka fernando a senior manager of a well-known and reputable American financial firm, Pricewaterhouse&amp;amp;Coopers, by the Phnom Penh Post, in which Mr. Fernando gave a good and detailed look at the real and difficult conditions in which foreign and local investors are facing under the corrupt dictatorship of Hun Sen and his CPP. It is a fair and honest assessment of the Cambodian situation, and reflects the reality in doing business in Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. October 3, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;Since 1995, Senaka Fernando, a senior manager at the Cambodian branch of financial services giant PricewaterhouseCoopers, has observed the rise of the Cambodian economy&lt;br /&gt;VANDY RATTANA&lt;br /&gt;(Senaka Fernando outside the PricewaterhouseCoopers offices in Phnom Penh.&lt;br /&gt;Education Graduated from St Joseph’s College in Colombo before passing the Licentiate Examination given by the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Sri Lanka. Fernando is a member of London’s Institute of Marketing.&lt;br /&gt;Career Fernando worked with various international agencies in Cambodia and elsewhere in the region, as well as consulted with the Cambodian government ministry programs before being employed at PricewaterhouseCoopers).&lt;br /&gt;-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;When did PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) start in Cambodia?&lt;br /&gt;We follow our clients. The entrance of a major client into the Cambodian market, British and American Tobacco, prompted us to come here in 1995.&lt;br /&gt;Who were PwC's clients in the early days?&lt;br /&gt;After the passage of the foreign investment law in 1994, foreign investors gradually started to trickle, and if you look at our revenue numbers from '95, '96, '97 they were always on the rise. Even though there wasn't much inflow of commercial clients in the beginning, the donor money kept flowing to Cambodia and we helped manage their projects. Donors look at us to see the projects they fund are properly managed and there's financial transparency. They would give money to a ministry, which would set up a project implementation unit whose finances we would manage.&lt;br /&gt;Is it difficult to set up a company in Cambodia?&lt;br /&gt;It is quite easy to set up a company here. If you want to set up a 100 percent foreign-owned company, you can, unlike with some other countries in the region where you sometimes have to enter a joint venture with a local partner.&lt;br /&gt;Who are PwC's clients?&lt;br /&gt;We get referrals from our PwC network saying we have a client that's coming to Cambodia to look for real estate, set up a factory, set up a bank, and we give them advice on the investment environment. In recent years we've been working a lot with property management, banking, hotels, casinos, and the most recent trend in growth has been in financial services, construction and real estate. The diversity is becoming wider. We advise them on how to set up - how to structure a company and how to tax plan - and once they are in operation we do audits.&lt;br /&gt;The central bank also happens to be an audit client. There aren't many countries in the world where we do an audit of the regulator. If you take the Asean region, it's only Cambodia. When we audit the National Bank, we audit them like any other client. It is part of the whole transparency process because it is in the national bank's constitution that they need to be checked and audited.&lt;br /&gt;Do you ever decline clients?&lt;br /&gt;We have a long checklist to go through before accepting a client. One classic example where we reject is when someone comes in for an audit with two sets of books - one for internal purposes and one for tax purposes where they manipulate the numbers. That's a trigger point for us to decline the client. Most of the time when we turn down clients it's because they don't want to give us the information about their numbers and accounts upfront.&lt;br /&gt;Do you use a country-specific auditing approach in Cambodia?&lt;br /&gt;We have one audit approach, which we will follow in the United States, in Cambodia, in Afghanistan. Depending on certain factors, we may do some extra work. For example, in a country like Cambodia when, say, constructing or purchasing a school for an aid-funded project, there will be extra work done to see how the biddings are awarded because that can be especially tricky.&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;DONORS LOOK AT US TO SEE THE PROJECTS THEY FUND ARE PROPERLY MANAGED AND THERE’S FINANCIAL TRANSPARENCY.&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;What are your clients' major concerns?&lt;br /&gt;[Currently] inflation, but it is difficult to get information on inflation in Cambodia.... More generally, the legal system - the enforcement of laws and code systems - is one of the major concerns for any foreign investor coming here. That's the first thing they ask about. Most of the basic laws are already there - the law on commercial enterprise, the law on secure transaction. There is also a whole checklist of laws the government needs to pass to comply with the World Trade Organisation. If they pass all of those pieces of legislation, the legal network will be there. But enforcement of the law is really crucial.&lt;br /&gt;We're trying to address some of these concerns in the Private Sector Working Group, where stakeholders get together with the government. We raise issues to the government on behalf of our clients and some of the clients participate directly in the working groups. For example, smuggling, corruption - these are issues that are being discussed in the working groups in an ongoing basis.&lt;br /&gt;What industry has the largest room for growth?&lt;br /&gt;Agriculture, because that's a huge market that hasn't been properly tapped into. We have been contacted by the Kuwaiti Investment Fund about investing in agriculture in Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;There hasn't been much investment in agriculture in Cambodia and the land is fertile here.&lt;br /&gt;What are your clients most excited about?&lt;br /&gt;The growing purchasing power of local people because you see a middle class emerging - especially for the beverage and mobile phone industries. When you see our clients' numbers, you see a consistent trend in growth.&lt;br /&gt;Will you be providing services to the upcoming Cambodian Stock Exchange?&lt;br /&gt;I think they would want us to audit. That's what we do in many other countries, like in Vietnam. When people are going to be listed, there is certain advisory work that we help our clients with. We have had inquiries from some of the companies thinking of joining. The listing requirements have not yet been published. The Ministry of Economy and Finance know that accounting firms will have to play a crucial role for the stock exchange.&lt;br /&gt;___________________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia slips in corruption rating&lt;br /&gt;Written by Thet Sambath and Georgia Wilkins&lt;br /&gt;Phnom Penh Post; Wednesday, 24 September 2008&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: Cambodia under Hun Sen and his CPP is getting worse in terms of pervasive corruption practice. This new rating by transparency International (TI) confirms the opinion of many objective and independent observers that Cambodia is slipping further into the abyss of corruption with all the devastating negative impact on the livelihood for the majority of the Cambodian people (Please, the clips of videos posted just below to get the details how corrupt Cambodia is under Hun Sen with the help of Sihanouk) .&lt;br /&gt;What happen to the former king named Sihanouk? Did he say anything about this pervasive and devastating corruption under Hun Sen and his CPP? We did hear anything from him, not even a word. On the contrary Sihanouk has been praising Hun Sen as a great leader, and has been saying that he is supporting him 100 percent.&lt;br /&gt;Why? Because, Sihanouk now depends on Hun Sen to avoid being brought to testify in the Khmer Rouge trial. To protect Sihanouk, Hun Sen had forced the National Assembly under his control to pass a law to give immunity to Sihanouk against any request to the former King to testify in the Khmer Rouge trial. It is a well-known fact that Sihanouk was deeply involved with the Khmer Rouge during the late 1970's and 1980's, when he was the head of the resistance movement.&lt;br /&gt;Sihanouk was bragging, when the Khmer Rouge tribunal was stalling, that he would go anywhere to testify. Now that the Khmer Rouge Trial is going ahead, Sihanouk is hiding under Hun Sen's dictatorial shield of protection. So much much the bravado uttered from the former king when the Khmer Rouge tribunal was in limbo. Now, that Khmer Rouge Trial is in place and running, Sihanouk shows his usual self to be a coward and a liar. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. September 27, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;The new Transparency International graft rankings are out and the Kingdom has dropped five positions from last year, now 14 from bottom.&lt;br /&gt;CAMBODIA'S annual corruption rating has plummeted, according to an international transparency index.&lt;br /&gt;The ratings, released by Transparency International (TI) in Berlin Tuesday, ranked Cambodia the 14th-most corrupt country in the world, five positions worse than its 2007 rating, and the most corrupt country in Asia after Myanmar.&lt;br /&gt;"In the poorest countries, corruption levels can mean the difference between life and death, when money for hospitals or clean water is in play," TI said at the report launch.&lt;br /&gt;Municipal health director Veng Thai denied that corruption could be claiming lives in the Kingdom, saying "there is not much corruption in the health system in Cambodia".&lt;br /&gt;Bun Uy, secretary of state for the Council of Ministers, also said Tuesday that the ratings were meaningless.&lt;br /&gt;"Every country has corruption. Even if they are rich countries, they are still corrupt," he said. "The prime ministers of Indonesia, Taiwan and Thailand are all accused of corruption even though they are rich countries," Bun Uy said.&lt;br /&gt;Om Yentieng, Prime Minister Hun Sen's adviser on human rights, criticised the organisation for using developing countries as a political tool.&lt;br /&gt;"This organisation is putting Cambodia to the bottom just to mock it. What are the ratings based on?" Om Yentieng said.&lt;br /&gt;But Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Centre for Human Rights (CCHR) said Cambodia's ranking showed the government was still "holding the country hostage [to corruption]."&lt;br /&gt;________________________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Please, click on this link to see an excellent set of video clips produced by Journeyman Pictures, Australia, on the many aspects of the deadly and deep-rooted problems created by the Khmer Rouge and Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge turned traitor, facing present-day Cambodia, including:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(To watch these interesting and captivating clips, please, click on the link posted below, and go to the panel in the right-hand side entitled "Related Videos," to watch each of these clips contained in the attached list)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(&lt;a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wCuFSsK003w&amp;amp;NR=1"&gt;http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wCuFSsK003w&amp;amp;NR=1&lt;/a&gt;)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;1. Bamboo Railway&lt;br /&gt;2. Cambodia-Thailand Diplomatic Stand Off&lt;br /&gt;3. Cambodia's New Oil Wealth&lt;br /&gt;4. Deadly Politics&lt;br /&gt;5. Democracy Endangered&lt;br /&gt;6. East Cambodia - Land Grab&lt;br /&gt;7. Judging Cambodia&lt;br /&gt;8. Justice or Else&lt;br /&gt;9. Khmer Decline&lt;br /&gt;10. People's Power - fighting for Peace&lt;br /&gt;11. Run for Your Life&lt;br /&gt;12. Saving Asia wild Life - Cambodia&lt;br /&gt;13. Scambodia - Cambodia&lt;br /&gt;14. Stolen Innocence&lt;br /&gt;15. Stop the Traffic&lt;br /&gt;16. Tomb Raiders&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wCuFSsK003w&amp;amp;NR=1"&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. September 21, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;______________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Thaksin prepares his comeback with the support of Hun Sen&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Khmer Intelligence News&lt;br /&gt;September 17, 2008&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: it is interesting to see that some Cambodian bloggers such as Khmer Intelligence News, has now recognized the connection and collusion between Hun Sen and Taksin Shinawatra, exposing the real reasons behind Hun Sen's recent decision to celebrate the listing of Preah Vihear by UNESCO with great fanfare. This intentional and diabolical decision had provoked the Thai people and the Thai government to respond by sending troops to occupy Preah Vihear.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;You can see that what I have been saying for quite sometime has now become more publicly acknowledged that Hun Se is using the Preah Vihear issue as an issue to deflect the Cambodian people's wrath from Vietnam to Thailand. Unfortunately, it is working, as many shortsighted Cambodians (including those from overseas such as Khmerization group) got excited against Thailand, as was the case in the 2003 riot against Thai businesses in Cambodia, orchestrated by Hun Sen. This is the more absurd that these so-called Cambodian 'patriots' don't realize that fighting against both Thailand and Vietnam, at the same time, is equivalent to committing suicide for Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please, find pasted below an article by Khmer Intelligence News on this important but dangerous dilemma for the Cambodian people.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D. Washington DC. September 17, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Thaksin prepares his comeback with the support of Hun Sen (2)&lt;br /&gt;Former Thai Prime Minister and business tycoon Thaksin Shinawatra has recently signed an official deal with Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen to allegedly develop Cambodia's south-western maritime province of Koh Kong.In fact, Thaksin wants to secure very convenient Cambodian-based facilities to prepare his political comeback in Thailand. Hun Sen is well aware of Thaksin's hidden agenda but the pair have many things in common.The current tension between Cambodia and Thailand about Preah Vihear temple is in part due to false assurances given by Thaksin to Hun Sen in the past about border delineation. A possible additional reason for the tension is pressure exerted by Vietnam on Hun Sen to prove his loyalty toward Hanoi. From this perspective the current tension is reminiscent of the anti-Thai riots in Phnom Penh in January 2003 which were organized by the most pro-Vietnamese elements within the Cambodian government.&lt;br /&gt;[End]&lt;br /&gt;______________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Internal and External Enemy: The Vietnamese Experience During the Khmer Rouge Period&lt;br /&gt;SEPTEMBER , 2008&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;By Elizabeth Do&lt;br /&gt;Stanford University&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: while it is right to include the Vietnamese treatment by the Khmer Rouge as part of the victims of the Khmer Rouge trial; it is also important to point out that the Khmer Rouge killed indiscriminately, and not only the Vietnamese. But the Khmer Rouge mostly killed the innocent Cambodian people.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;However, it is also important to point out that it was the Vietnamese Communists who created the Khmer Rouge under the tutulage and guidance of Ho Chi Minh and his creation, the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP), whose main purpose was to serve Vietnam's hegemonistic interests in the former french Indochina. It is also true that, the Khmer Rouge was the one of the most ferocious and worst monster in the annal of mass killing history, including the Nazi and the former Soviet Union mass murder, as reported by the French intellectual named stephane Courtoir, in his book entitled "Black Book of Communism."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But, the Vietnamese is part and parcel of the creation of that monster. so, the article is not balanced and should have been challenged by Youk Chhang, But instead, Youk Chhang went out of his way to comply with Elizabeth Do, the author of this article's wishes to support her rightful but biased analysis, by looking for the Vietnamese families members who disappeared during the Pol Pot regime. What about the Khmer Krom people who are being culturally, religiously, and physically eliminated, as the German humanist Robecca Sommer, who in her recent visit to South Vietnam had produced a haunting video on the wholesale genocide of the Cambodian people in South Vietnam, by the socialist Republic of Vietnam entitled "Eliminated Without Bleeding?" (posted in this site as well). Youk chhang should also ask the Vietnamese to account for the K 5 Plan (See article posted below) that they implemented during their occupation of Cambodia in the 1980's when most able-body Cambodians were sent to the eastern front of Cambodia to build a bamboo curtain to isolate Cambodia from the resistance movement, in an area infested with paludism and land mines.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Did Youk chhang do anything about this? Nothing.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This article is, no more no less, than another case of "demonizing the demons" efforts by those who are supporting the Vietnamese imperialism and colonialism over Cambodia and Laos, by making the Vietnamese and Hun Sen look more like the victim/liberator than the victimizer/destroyer of the Cambodian people and society, not to mention the Chams and the Laos.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. September 14, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Vietnamese minority in Democratic Kampuchea (DK) remains an understudied population. The academic community has provided some brief, macro-level information about the Khmer Rouge’s policies towards ethnic Vietnamese in DK, but the subject has rarely been the main focus of scholarly investigation. Considering the specially charged historical, political, and racial relations between Khmer and Vietnamese people, the Vietnamese community in DK warrants closer examination. This paper aims to carry out two functions related to sharing the Vietnamese story: (1) to present the existing literature about the Khmer Rouge’s relationship with the Vietnamese government and people, and (2) to share the personal stories of seven Vietnamese families who lived under the Khmer Rouge regime.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Historical Background&lt;br /&gt;Vietnam and Cambodia share a tightly intertwined and tumultuous history. Scholars have discussed the many past injustices perpetrated by both Khmer and Vietnamese leaders. In one incident in 1751, the Khmer king commanded his subjects to carry out the mass murder of all Vietnamese people in Cambodia.&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[1] In another incident, Vietnam’s Nguyen Dynasty emperor, Ming Mang supposedly “bur[ied] [Khmers] alive and allow[ed] only their heads to show to be used as a stand for their braziers.”&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt;[2] Centuries later, the Khmer Rouge wrote about the atrocity in their September 1978 publication of Black Paper: Facts and Evidences of the Acts of Aggression and Annexation of Vietnam Against Kampuchea. &lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3"&gt;[3]&lt;/a&gt;[3] The document referred to Ming Mang’s act as a “barbarous crime” and the Vietnamese as “Yuon torturers.” &lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4"&gt;[4]&lt;/a&gt;[4] Such derogatory terms as “yuon” to describe the Vietnamese appeared throughout Black Paper and exposed the Khmer Rouge’s lingering resentment towards Vietnamese past wrongdoings.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Kampuchea and Vietnam have also engaged in territorial disputes over the Vietnam Mekong Delta, a region Cambodians believe Vietnam stole from Kampuchea.&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5"&gt;[5]&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[5] The Khmer Rouge addressed this thievery in Black Paper, recalling the Vietnamese seizure of Prey Nokor (now Saigon) and the lower Mekong area (Kampuchea Krom) as evidence of the Vietnamese acting as the “aggressor, annexationist and swallower of territories.”&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6"&gt;[6]&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[6] According to Southeast Asia scholar, Alex Hinton, such territorial disputes eventually led Khmer nationalists to render the Vietnamese as the “evil ‘other, and “While both the Thai and the Vietnamese had ‘swallowed’ Cambodian lands, the Vietnamese were perceived as particularly dangerous.”&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7"&gt;[7]&lt;/a&gt;[7] Eventually, Cambodians came to view the Vietnamese as the “historic enemy.”&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn8" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8"&gt;[8]&lt;/a&gt;[8]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The historical migration and settlement of Vietnamese people into Kampuchean territory also led to class tensions between Khmer and Vietnamese residents. Some Vietnamese people in DK worked as financial lenders, an occupation that some Khmer people associated with the exploitation of the poor.&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn9" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9"&gt;[9]&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[9] Many ethnic Vietnamese also served as prominent leaders in the Kampuchean government and army, which further deepened class divisions between Vietnamese and Khmer people.&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn10" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10"&gt;[10]&lt;/a&gt;[10] The Vietnamese minority in Cambodia even faced state-sponsored massacre. In the years prior to Khmer Rouge rule, ethnic Vietnamese suffered several attacks at the hands of the Lon Nol government. From March through April of 1970, Lon Nol executed pogroms that specifically targeted ethnic Vietnamese in Cambodia and resulted in four thousand deaths.&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn11" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn11" name="_ftnref11"&gt;[11]&lt;/a&gt;[11] According to Norodom Sihanouk, former king of Cambodia, “In 1969 there were more than 400,000 ethnic Vietnamese in Kampuchea. After [Lon Nol’s 1970] coup [that deposed Prince Norodom Sihanouk], Lon Nol and his supporters eliminated or banished to South Vietnam at least half of these Yuons.”&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn12" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn12" name="_ftnref12"&gt;[12]&lt;/a&gt;[12] Indeed, the Khmer-Vietnamese relationship was marred by distrust, hostility, and violence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Political Relationship Between the Khmer Rouge and Vietnam Workers’ Party&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Khmer Rouge and Vietnam Workers’ Party (VWP) also shared a tumultuous political relationship. With Cambodia and Vietnam both under the control of communist parties, there seemed to be hope for an Indochinese alliance. Even before the Khmer Rouge rose to power, VWP Central Committee Secretary Hoang Anh expressed an interest in Cambodia and announced at a 1971 committee meeting, “We [the VWP] should strengthen the revolutionary base in Cambodia and guide this country along the path of socialism. Here is the policy of our party.”&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn13" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn13" name="_ftnref13"&gt;[13&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;][13] Anh’s statements reflected the VWP’s desire for a strong partnership between Vietnam and the Khmer Rouge. The VWP wanted to develop an Anh-Em, or “Older brother-Younger brother” relationship with the Khmer Rouge, in which it could act as the Khmer Rouge’s older brother. Khmer Rouge leaders and their CPK organization (Communist Party of Kampuchea) seemed to share in the VWP’s hope. Speaking at a 1975 meeting of Vietnamese journalists, Pol Pot declared:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“Only when such a friendship and solidarity [between Democratic Kampuchea and Vietnam] are strong, can the revolution in our countries develop adequately. There is no other alternative. That is why, honoring these principles, we [the Khmer Rouge] consider that both parties and we personally should aspire to maintain this combat solidarity and brotherhood in arms and make sure that they grow and strengthen day by day.”&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn14" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn14" name="_ftnref14"&gt;[14]&lt;/a&gt;[14]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Despite such optimistic projections for an Indochinese brotherhood, relations between the VWP and Khmer Rouge broke down during the years of the Khmer Rouge rule. Resentful of their Vietnamese “anh” and his seemingly paternalistic agenda, the Khmer Rouge sought an independent revolution for DK. &lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn15" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn15" name="_ftnref15"&gt;[15]&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[15] Pol Pot fervently argued that the “interests of ‘Vietnamese brothers’ should not dominate in the determination of CPK policy.”&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn16" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn16" name="_ftnref16"&gt;[16]&lt;/a&gt;[16] In fact, Soviet Union archival documents reveal that Pol Pot only made his 1975 promising speech to the Vietnamese journalists in order to “relieve pressure” from Vietnam loyalists in the CPK and to “fool” the Vietnamese into believing the Khmer Rouge would follow their command.&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn17" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn17" name="_ftnref17"&gt;[17]&lt;/a&gt;[17] The Khmer Rouge’s plans for self-determination became clear to the Vietnamese in early 1977, when Pol Pot refused to attend a Cambodian-Vietnamese leaders’ meeting suggested by Vietnamese Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Hoang Van Loi.&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn18" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn18" name="_ftnref18"&gt;[18]&lt;/a&gt;[18]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Political strife soon turned into armed conflict. In mid-1977, mutual border attacks broke out between DK and Vietnam. Although border skirmishes had occurred for many years before, the border dispute in 1977 escalated into a large-scale battle between Vietnam and DK. By May 1978, DK leaders made a public radio announcement urging “Khmers to kill thirty Vietnamese [soldiers] for every fallen Cambodian.”&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn19" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn19" name="_ftnref19"&gt;[19]&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[19] The Khmer Rouge also used propaganda literature to broadcast their anti-Vietnamese campaign, such as in their 1978 paper entitled, Black Paper; Facts and Evidences of the Vietnamese Acts of Aggression and Annexation Against Kampuchea.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Although the border dispute dealt a powerful blow to the already crippling DK-Vietnam relationship, the Khmer Rouge maintained that it was the VWP’s “annexationist” intentions that ultimately caused the breakdown:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“The cause of the conflict between Kampuchea and Vietnam is not an ordinary border problem. The root of this conflict lies in the policy of expansion and annexation systematically carried out by the Vietnamese who have used all kinds of methods: seduction and peaceful method by grasping the party, the army and the State power, and cruel and barbarous military method, like those they are carrying out at present in Kampuchea.”&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn20" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn20" name="_ftnref20"&gt;[20]&lt;/a&gt;[20]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Khmer Rouge’s statements revealed their long-felt suspicion that the Vietnamese were using the guise of an Indochinese Federation to invade Cambodia and oppress it. Pol Pot warned that an Indochinese Federation would bring “hundreds of thousands” of Vietnamese swarming into Cambodia and diminish the Khmer population to a “national minority”.”&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn21" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn21" name="_ftnref21"&gt;[21]&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[21] A Khmer Rouge document voiced the same concerns, writing “The Vietnamese will bring in one or two million of their people into our country every year, and then we shall lose our territory and our race will be completely swallowed up.”&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn22" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn22" name="_ftnref22"&gt;[22]&lt;/a&gt;[22] From such statements, we see the tremendous urgency the Khmer Rouge felt to protect both its border and its race.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Eventually, the Khmer Rouge’s tensions with Vietnam abroad translated into paranoia within its own CPK party. Fearing the possibility of Vietnamese infiltration into the CPK, the Khmer Rouge began to purge many of its “pro-Vietnamese” and suspected renegade party members.&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn23" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn23" name="_ftnref23"&gt;[23]&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[23] Other victims included people “who had professional training, extensive residence overseas, or contracts with non-Khmers.”&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn24" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn24" name="_ftnref24"&gt;[24]&lt;/a&gt;[24] The Khmer Rouge even conducted background checks on their current and incoming party members.&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn25" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn25" name="_ftnref25"&gt;[25]&lt;/a&gt;[25] In a 1978 statement to the Communist Workers Party of Denmark, Khmer Rouge Deputy Secretary Nuon Chea explained that such extreme party cleansing was a top priority for the Khmer Rouge. Chea announced, “We are not worried about the external, military aggression. We worry most of all about the enemy inside.”&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn26" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn26" name="_ftnref26"&gt;[26]&lt;/a&gt;[26]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Paranoia reached a climax during the 1978 Eastern Zone massacres. Prior to the massacres, the Khmer Rouge were facing continual Vietnamese attacks along the Eastern border. The losing battle against Vietnam eventually provoked Angkar (a term used to refer to the Khmer Rouge organization) to accuse the Eastern Zone officers of colluding with the Vietnamese. According to Pol Pot, “The Eastern Zone units collaborated with the Yuon and allowed the Yuon to enter. So, only after we make war in the rear to purify ourselves will we be able to win the war at the front. Anyone and everyone who collaborate with the Yuon must be arrested.”&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn27" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn27" name="_ftnref27"&gt;[27]&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[27] To punish the Eastern Zone officers for their betrayal, Angkar carried out a massive purge of the 1.5 million Eastern Zone people who were deemed to have “Khmer bodies with Vietnamese minds.”&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn28" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn28" name="_ftnref28"&gt;[28]&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[28] The purge resulted in countless arrests and deaths, as well as many Khmer Rouge fleeing to Vietnam.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Vietnamese Minority in Democratic Kampuchea&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The political tensions between the Khmer and Vietnamese people presented problems for the ethnic Vietnamese living in DK. When the Khmer Rouge came to power in April 1975, it orchestrated the mass purge of over 150,000 ethnic Vietnamese from Cambodia.&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn29" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn29" name="_ftnref29"&gt;[29]&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[29] The purge brought thousands of Vietnamese refugees into the Dong Thap, An Giang, and Tay Ninh provinces.&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn30" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn30" name="_ftnref30"&gt;[30]&lt;/a&gt;[30] By September 1975, the regime had successfully rounded up most of the Vietnamese living in Cambodia and deported them to Vietnam. In Black Paper, Angkar rationalized their purge of the Vietnamese people by writing that “Vietnamese nationals had secretly infiltrated into Kampuchea and [were] living in hiding [among] the population.”&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn31" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn31" name="_ftnref31"&gt;[31]&lt;/a&gt;[31] Southeast Asia scholar Ramses Amer sets the Vietnamese population after the 1975 purge at 30,000, whereas Alex Hinton believes only 10,000 Vietnamese remained in DK.&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn32" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn32" name="_ftnref32"&gt;[32]&lt;/a&gt;[32] The few ethnic Vietnamese people left in DK most likely remained because they wanted to stay with their Khmer spouses or didn’t want to leave the country where they were born and grew up their whole lives.&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn33" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn33" name="_ftnref33"&gt;[33]&lt;/a&gt;[33] These people were subsequently subjected to Khmer Rouge targeting and abuse.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Starting in mid 1976, Angkar forbade Vietnamese people from leaving the country.&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn34" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn34" name="_ftnref34"&gt;[34]&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[34] When the border conflict began in mid 1977, the Khmer Rouge intensified their policies against ethnic Vietnamese in DK and eventually “launched a campaign to eradicate the remaining Vietnamese.”&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn35" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn35" name="_ftnref35"&gt;[35]&lt;/a&gt;[35] On April 1977, the Khmer Rouge issued “Directive from 870.” The order called for the arrest of “all ethnic Vietnamese, and all Khmers who spoke Vietnamese or had Vietnamese friends.”&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn36" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn36" name="_ftnref36"&gt;[36]&lt;/a&gt;[36] Ethnic Vietnamese also faced the threat of death. The Khmer Rouge carried out mass executions of whole Vietnamese communities and families. In one massacre at Kompong Chhnang Province in mid May 1977, about 420 Vietnamese adults and children were murdered.&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn37" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn37" name="_ftnref37"&gt;[37]&lt;/a&gt;[37] In another massacre at Kratie in 1978, the Khmer Rouge targeted anyone with Vietnamese blood, family members, or any Vietnamese association.&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn38" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn38" name="_ftnref38"&gt;[38]&lt;/a&gt;[38] The Khmer Rouge even commanded husbands to kill their Vietnamese wives.&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn39" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftn39" name="_ftnref39"&gt;[39]&lt;/a&gt;[39]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Personal Stories*&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As discussed above, ethnic Vietnamese faced serious dangers while living under the Khmer Rouge regime. Considering their unique circumstances, research organizations such as the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) have undertaken projects aimed at shedding light on the ethnic Vietnamese experience. Although most Vietnamese died or escaped DK during the Khmer Rouge period, DC-Cam has been able to conduct dozens of interviews with Vietnamese survivors or their surviving Khmer family members and friends. The majority of DC-Cam’s interviews were conducted in Pochen Dam village of Svay On Torng commune, Prey Veng district, Prey Veng province. Located in Eastern Cambodia along the Cambodia-Vietnam border, Prey Veng province was home to many ethnic Vietnamese people during the Khmer Rouge period. In August 2008, I conducted some follow-up interviews with the Pochen Dam families. In addition to the Pochen Dam families in Prey Veng province, I was also able to locate additional Vietnamese survivors in Svay Rieng province, also located in eastern Cambodia. In this section, I share the personal stories collected through both DC-Cam’s and my own interviews.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sum San&lt;br /&gt;In a 1998 interview with DC-Cam, a Khmer man named Lach Ny shared the story of his Vietnamese wife, Sum San. Ny remembered that in July of 1977, the Khmer Rouge began to investigate who was Khmer and who was Vietnamese in his village. At that time, his wife, his seven children, and he lived in Pochen Dam village. Ny explained that although his wife was ethnically Vietnamese, she had lived in Cambodia for such a long time that she could speak Khmer fluently and with a perfect accent. Despite this, Ny believed that the Khmer Rouge knew his wife was Vietnamese (he suspected that San’s light skin made her look Vietnamese and someone from his village informed the Khmer Rouge). Ny tried to persuade the Khmer Rouge that his wife was Chinese, but they didn’t believe him. In fact, the Khmer Rouge tried to separate Ny from his family by arresting him and putting him in prison for nearly two months in another village.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;After Ny was released, a relative told him that the Khmer Rouge had captured his wife and children. DC-Cam’s interviews with Sin Chaorn, (a man who worked as a horse cart driver for the Khmer Rouge in Pochen Dam village), Chum Chhean (a woman who worked in the same unit and group as San), and Lach Nakk (San’s sister-in-law) shed some light on what happened to San and her children. They remembered four Khmer Rouge district military officers coming to San’s house during a work break. The officers told San that she and her children needed to be reeducated at another location. At that time, San’s in-law family didn’t oppose the Khmer Rouge’s order, because they trusted the Khmer Rouge and were too scared to argue with them.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Khmer Rouge was adamant about bringing San’s children with her. At the time, San’s oldest daughter was working and living in another village. Instead of leaving the oldest daughter, the Khmer Rouge ordered her to return to Pochen Dam village so she could join her mother and siblings. The Khmer Rouge then put San and her children in a horse cart, banded their hands behind their back, and drove them away. Ny later heard from the village chief, Loek Chhem, that the Khmer Rouge’s determination to get San’s oldest daughter reflected their unique policy towards the Vietnamese people. Ny said that in his village, the Khmer Rouge killed Vietnamese children of Khmer-Vietnamese couples based on which parent was Vietnamese. If the father was Vietnamese, the Khmer Rouge killed the father but spared the children. However, if the mother was Vietnamese, the Khmer Rouge killed both the mother and children.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The horse cart driver carrying San and her children later told Chaorn that the Khmer Rouge directed him to drive the family to Ou Kon Dol pagoda. When the driver dropped them off at the pagoda, the Khmer Rouge ordered him to immediately return to the village. Since that time, no one knows what happened to San and her children. Ny believed his family was transferred from Ou Kon Dol pagoda and killed at Krang Kor. He said that during his time in prison, he overheard Khmer Rouge cadres talk about Krang Kor as the killing field where they caught and tortured Vietnamese people. Ny said that Krang Kor was one of the Khmer Rouge’s security centers and had executed between 40,000 and 50,000 Khmer and Vietnamese people. Ny visited the site after the collapse of the Khmer Rouge regime, and recalled that each mass grave contained at least 20 or 30, and sometimes up to 50, dead bodies. Ny remembered witnessing many murders at a killing site called Dey Klein in Pursat province and said he believed his family was killed in the same way the Khmer Rouge killed Dey Klein victims. At Dey Klein, the Khmer Rouge dug a massive hole in the ground. They then lined their blindfolded and hand-bound victims along the edge of the hole and used an iron stick to hit people behind their necks until they fell. Once the victims fell into their graves, the Khmer Rouge buried them, regardless of whether they were dead or not.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The last image San’s family and friends held was the image of the Khmer Rouge hauling San and her children away on a horse cart. Nakk said that after the third day San hadn’t returned, the family assumed she and her children were dead. Nakk also recalled a village meeting where the Khmer Rouge tried to dismiss people’s concerns about the disappearance of Vietnamese people. At the meeting, the Khmer Rouge told the people not to worry because the Vietnamese situation had nothing to do with “us,” meaning the Cambodian people. The Khmer Rouge made their resolve clear by saying that even the smallest child with Vietnamese blood would not be given any pity and would be killed in order to eliminate the bad blood from Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Chuy and Ngam&lt;br /&gt;Chuy and Ngam, both 100% Vietnamese men living in Pochen Dam village, shared similar experiences under the Khmer Rouge regime. Chuy, a former Vietnamese army soldier, settled in Cambodia after marrying a Khmer woman named Doung Oeun. Together, they had a daughter named Kim Va, and two other children from Oeun’s previous marriage. Ngam married a Khmer woman named Tech. They had 3 children, two of whom survived the Khmer Rouge regime and one who died during the period. Ngam and his family had lived in Pochen Dam village for more than 20 years before the Khmer Rouge took control. Both Chuy and Ngam spoke Khmer fluently, but one villager remembered that Chuy spoke Khmer with a different accent. When the Khmer Rouge took control, Oeun remembers some of Chuy’s relatives advising him to escape to Dey Kra Horn. Sek Kroeung, a Pochen Dam villager, explained that Dey Kra Horn was located in Svay Rieng and was known as a safe place for Vietnamese people to live during the Khmer Rouge period. Kroeung knew someone who had escaped to Dey Kra Horn and was able to avoid Khmer Rouge abuse. Despite friends’ and family’s advice, Chuy chose to remain in Pochen Dam village.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;When the Khmer Rouge took power, they organized people to work and eat together in cooperatives. Oeun’s mother, Nut Ao, described a typical day under the Khmer Rouge as difficult because people didn’t have enough food to eat. During the period, Chuy worked many jobs, including making manure out of cow waste and helping grow vegetables in the village. Ngam worked in the fields to build a canal and set up an irrigation system for the rice fields. Both Chuy and Nagam maintained these jobs until mid-1977, when the Khmer Rouge led them into the forest and they never returned.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Chuy’s and Ngam’s family and friends talk about the events leading up to their disappearance. Heng Huy, who had worked in the forest with Chuy and Ngam, remembers that the Khmer Rouge initially treated Vietnamese and Khmer people in the village equally. However, beginning in 1977, the Khmer Rouge began to separate the villagers into different ethnic groups. Vietnamese people lived in the Vietnamese group; Chinese people lived in the Chinese group; and Cham people lived in the Cham group. Huy adds that the Khmer Rouge also divided people into three class groups: the first group included rich and middle class people; the second group included workers; and the third group included farmers. The non-Khmer and upper class groups lived separately from each other and away from the village. Being half Chinese and an upper class group member, Huy remembers living in an isolated area in the outskirts of the village. He also says that the Khmer Rouge purged many unwanted groups of people. In one incident, he remembers the Khmer Rouge transferring several Chinese business families to live in other villages.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Following the ethnic and class segregation, the village chief ordered all his subordinate group chiefs to select one man from their group to work in Tapeou forest in Or Kondol village, Dam Rey Puon subdistrict, Prey Veng district, Prey Veng province. With ten groups in Pochen Dam, a total of ten men were assigned the job. Huy remembers the workers included Khmer, Chinese, and Vietnamese men, including him, Chuy, and Ngam. Ngam’s daughter, Ngang Kok, was only two years old at the time and didn’t remember how the Khmer Rouge approached her father about working at Tapeou. Chuy’s family remembered a cooperative chief named Chhem coming to Chuy’s house and politely asking Chuy to work in the forest. Va says that Chuy agreed to go because the Khmer Rouge had acted without force and Chuy and his family trusted them. Ao remembers Chuy packing his clothes the next morning and asking her to please look after his daughter. By 7 a.m. that morning, Chuy, Ngam, Huy, and the other workers had set off on the 10 km trek to Tapeou forest.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;While in the forest, the men developed a working routine. In the morning, they cut wood from the trees. At midday, they cooked and ate lunch. After lunch, they returned to the forest and continued working until evening. The men maintained this routine for half a month, until the day Chuy and Ngam disappeared. On the day of their disappearance, Huy remembers the village chief biking into the forest. The chief instructed the men to return to the village. On the trip back to the village, the chief’s bike broke in front of the Or Kondol pagoda. He asked Chuy and Ngam to stay with him to fix the bike, and instructed the rest of the men to continue walking. Huy says Ngam knew how to fix bikes, so it didn’t seem odd to Huy that the chief kept Ngam behind. However, when Huy and the rest of the group waited for Chuy and Ngam at Or Kondol village, the two men never emerged from the forest. When the group returned to Pochen Dam, Huy heard about the Khmer Rouge’s recent arrest of Lach Ny’s wife, Sum San. He heard that the Khmer Rouge arrested San and her children because they were Vietnamese. He then came to believe that the village chief’s bike incident in front of Or Kondol pagoda was no accident. Instead, he believes that the chief deliberately isolated Chuy and Ngam and killed them at the Or Kondol pagoda, which the Khmer Rouge were using as security center at the time. Huy believes the Khmer Rouge knew Chuy and Ngam were Vietnamese. Generally, high-level Khmer Rouge officials weren’t very familiar with villagers. However, Huy believes the village chief, who lived and interacted with the local people, informed the top Khmer Rouge about Chuy’s and Ngam’s backgrounds. According to Huy, the Khmer Rouge policy to kill Vietnamese people came from top Angkar leaders, but the information about specific Vietnamese “enemies” came from lower-level officers such as the village chief.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;After the disappearance of the Vietnamese people in Pochen Dam village, the Khmer Rouge held a meeting with the villagers. At the meeting, the Khmer Rouge tried to reassure people by saying that they had only brought the Vietnamese people to a village with more land. Despite the Khmer Rouge’s attempt to comfort villagers, Ao says her family still feared they would become targets for Khmer Rouge abuse. She remembers a villager recommending that Ao change Chuy’s daughter’s name from Kim Va to a less Vietnamese-sounding name such as Samin. Ao found it prudent to accept the advice, and since then, Chuy’s daughter has gone by the name Samin.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Seng Huor&lt;br /&gt;Half Vietnamese from her mother’s side and half Chinese from her father’s side, Seng Huor was born in Lonng Trea village, Prey Veng province. Her Vietnamese mother, Le Pi Hay, and Chinese father, Seng, worked as tailors and sold clothes. Huor had four siblings, most of whom disappeared during the Khmer Rouge period. The Khmer Rouge arrested Huor’s older brother, Seng Van, and his three children in 1977. Van and two of his children disappeared, but one child was able to hide from the Khmer Rouge and survive the period. Huor’s older sister, Seng Muoy, also managed to survive the Khmer Rouge period, and today lives in Chbar Om village. Huor’s younger sister, Seng Tieng, and brother, Seng Ke, were arrested in 1977. Following the arrest of Tieng and Ke, the Khmer Rouge apprehended Huor, Huor’s mother, and Huor’s children. In a 2008 interview, Huor’s husband, Khun Mon, shared what happened to Huor.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Prior to the Khmer Rouge regime, Huor and Mon lived peacefully in Svay On Torng village, Prey Veng province. Huor met Mon while he was a monk, and the two fell in love. In 1969, Mon gave up his monkhood, and the couple married. Huor was 17 and Mon was 28 years old at the time. They had 3 children, all boys: Chan Tha (born in 1970), Chan Thu (born in 1973), and Chan Thoeun (born in 1975). According to Mon, his family was the only Vietnamese family living in Svay On Torng village.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A resident of Svay On Torng and Mon’s sister-in-law, Chiep Lorn, described living in DK. She said that after the Khmer Rouge took control of Svay On Torng, they began to collect all the Vietnamese and Chinese people in the village to send them back to their own countries. The Khmer Rouge made it clear that this was the last time they were going to give “alien” people a chance to leave. During this time, Huor’s mother’s family came to Huor and Mon and tried to convince them to escape to Dey Kra Horn. Lorn remembered hearing many people talk about Dey Kra Horn as a safe place for Vietnamese people to live during the Khmer Rouge period. Despite the appeal of Dey Kra Horn, Huor and Mon refused to leave their village and remained in Svay On Torng under Khmer Rouge rule.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;At that time, Huor worked in the rice fields and Mon worked in the mobile unit. Looking back on the early years of the Khmer Rouge period, Mon remembers that he and his wife worked separately during the day, but reunited at their home at night. He says that life wasn’t so hard, and work was simple: if the Khmer Rouge ordered something, the people would follow the orders and there were hardly any problems. However, in 1976, living and working conditions worsened. The Khmer Rouge forced people to work on the rice fields from 7 a.m. to 5 p.m. and didn’t provide people with enough food to eat. A former Svay On Torng commune chief, Pek Pach, stated that there was no freedom during the Khmer Rouge period. Family relations broke down because the Khmer Rouge never allowed people to visit their family members. Sometimes, even if one’s relative was sick, the Khmer Rouge still denied permission to visit him or her. In 1977, Mon was assigned to work in a different commune. Because of his new job, Mon only saw his family sporadically, sometimes once every ten days and sometimes once every few months. During those visits, he was only able to stay for only three or four days.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mon remembers that the Khmer and Vietnamese people in his village had good relations with each other. He says that the Khmer Rouge initially treated Huor the same way they treated a Khmer person. Huor worked the same jobs as the Khmer people, and after work she was allowed to go home and live with her family like the Khmer people. However, a shift occurred in 1976. According to Pach, the Khmer Rouge began to round up Vietnamese people and remove them from the village. Even though the Khmer Rouge told their families they were temporarily being sent away for “reeducation” or “work in the forest,” the Vietnamese people would never return. Pach explained that using covers such as “reeducation” allowed the Khmer Rouge to easily collect their targets, because people initially believed the cover stories and didn’t put up a fight. According to Pach, the Khmer Rouge’s hostile policies towards Vietnamese people derived from their belief that the Vietnamese were invading Cambodia. At that time, there were several meetings where the top Khmer Rouge officials informed low-level officers such as Pach that Vietnamese combatants were fighting and chasing Khmer Rouge cadres along the border. Such Vietnamese aggression stirred anger and paranoia within the Khmer Rouge.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mon believes that the Khmer Rouge targeted his family based on their Vietnamese background. Mon remembers the village chief, named Ta Aok, telling the top Khmer Rouge officials that the Seng family was part Vietnamese. Khun Mut, Mon’s oldest sister who was living in Svay On Torng at the time, said the Khmer Rouge made a series of arrests against the Seng family. First, they took Huor’s sister and brother, Tieng and Ke. A few days later, two Khmer Rouge officers named Lim and Chhoeun told Huor and her mother that they needed to attend a meeting at Khlaov pagoda, and subsequently, carted the two women away. Huor, who was 25 years old at the time, left her children with her husband’s family and asked them to please take care of the children. After Huor and her mother left, the two women never returned home.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The next day, Mon returned home to the news of his wife’s and her family’s disappearance. Two more Khmer Rouge, Ta Aok and an officer named Horn, came to his home to collect his three children. His family pleaded with the officers to spare one child but they refused, saying that the children had to follow their mother. After the Khmer Rouge carted the boys away, they were never seen again. Mon believes the Khmer Rouge in Svay On Torng also followed a special policy in which they only arrested and killed children belonging to Vietnamese mothers, but spared children belonging to Vietnamese fathers. Mon says he doesn’t know why the Khmer Rouge practiced this policy and to what extent the policy was practiced in other villages. Pok So Khom, a former Khmer Rouge youth chief in Svay On Torng, confirmed that the Khmer Rouge had a policy to kill Vietnamese mothers and children in Svay On Torng. Khom said that the Khmer Rouge targeted the Vietnamese because they viewed them as the enemy.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;After the disappearance of his family, Mon remembers the Khmer Rouge coming by his home and trying to collect his wife’s belongings. Mon and his family resisted such attempts by telling the Khmer Rouge that his wife and her family hadn’t left anything behind. Later, the Khmer Rouge took Mon to Thlav commune, where the commune chief named Chaem tried to reeducate Mon by telling him not to miss his wife or children. Mon lived at the commune for one year until the collapse of the Khmer Rouge. Mon’s three sisters, Mut, Samit, and Min were also taken away to be reeducated and told not to remorse the loss of San’s children.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mon never found out what happened to his wife and children. The image of his three boys being hauled away in a horse cart remains his last memory of his family. Khun Samit, Mon’s younger sister, recalled how villagers feared the sound of the horse cart at night, because they understood it as the sound of the Khmer Rouge picking up someone to drive to the killing field. Mon later heard rumors that his wife and children were taken to Chamkar Kuoy village. When he asked villagers from Chamkar Kuoy about his family, the villagers said that all the Vietnamese people brought to be Chamkar Kuoy were killed. Later, when the Hun Sen government investigated the area around Chamkar Kuoy, Mon says the investigators found human bodies and bones and concluded that the place was a killing site.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Lorn recalls the secret manner of the Khmer Rouge, especially their secrecy about targets for execution. According to Lorn, top leaders such as the district chief organized the list of people to kill by gathering information about villagers’ backgrounds from subdistrict and village chiefs. The list was kept so secret that not even the horse cart driver who drove the people to the killing field knew the names of the victims in advance.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Meng Sim&lt;br /&gt;The story of Meng Sim, a woman with some Vietnamese blood, begins in Angkor Yuos village, Preah Anteah subdistrict, Svay Peam Roup district, Prey Veng province. At Angkor Yous, Sim lived with her husband and six children, whose ages ranged from two months to sixteen years old. Sim and her siblings had some Vietnamese blood in them from a great grandmother, who was half Vietnamese and half Chinese. Sim’s ethnic background, however, was mostly Khmer. Despite the relatively dilute amount of Vietnamese blood they had, Sim and all but one of her children had disappeared by the end of the Khmer Rouge period. Only two members of Sim’s family, Sim’s son, Peou Aong, and her husband, Ie Peou, survived the Khmer Rouge period.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;According to Aong, who was about twelve years old at the time of the Khmer Rouge period, there were two incidents in which the Khmer Rouge targeted his family. In the first incident, occurring in January of 1976, Aong remembers hearing rumors that the Khmer Rouge were collecting all the Vietnamese people living in Cambodia and returning them to Vietnam. The Khmer Rouge told Aong’s family that they looked Vietnamese and thus, would be sent back to their country. Soon after, Aong’s family was taken from Angkor Yuos to Ka-om Kam No village, in Kandal province. The family traveled with five other part-Vietnamese families, each consisting of six to seven people.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;After two days of traveling, they arrived at Ka-om Kam No. There, Aong remembers seeing about 100 other people waiting at the border village. Aong remembers there were people of all ages and that most of the people weren’t 100% Vietnamese but rather, appeared to be only slightly Vietnamese. The Khmer Rouge had accused them of looking Vietnamese and forced them to the border. After three days of waiting, representatives and military from Vietnam arrived to survey the people. In order to test the people’s Vietnamese ethnicity, the Vietnamese military asked the people at the border to speak Vietnamese. When the people couldn’t speak Vietnamese, the Vietnamese military said they weren’t Vietnamese and refused to accept them into their country. With no place for the people to go, the Khmer Rouge sent all the families back to their respective villages.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;When Aong and his family returned to Angkor Yuos village, the Khmer Rouge there treated them as “new people,” a term the Khmer Rouge deridingly ascribed to people with wealth and of different ethnic identities. The commune chief re-assigned Aong’s two older brothers to the mobile unit and the rest of Aong’s family to Thmey village, located three kilometers from Angkor Yuos. There, Aong collected wood for the village and caught mice from eating the village’s vegetable plants. Aong and his family lived and worked at Thmey until the Khmer Rouge again targeted his family.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Aong remembers the second incident occurred in early 1977, when the Khmer Rouge gathered his grandfather, Hao, and grandmother, Tab, to be reeducated. Aong says the Khmer Rouge used the term “reeducated” as a cover to secretly remove people from their homes and kill them. Peou remembered the Khmer Rouge then arrested many of Sim’s siblings and their families to be reeducated, including her sister (Meng Muoy and her family), brother (Meng Seany and his family), and her three other sisters (Meng Tech and her family, Meng Sea and her family, and Meng Peou, who was single). Fifteen days later, in February of 1977, the Khmer Rouge came for Sim and her family. According to Peou, three Khmer Rouge military officers (named Yos, Sen, and Muon) arrived at his house and ordered his family to be reeducated. At first, the Khmer Rouge picked up Sim and her two older sons around 3 p.m. Three hours later, the Khmer Rouge returned for Aong and his younger brother and sister. Aong believed that the Khmer Rouge followed the same special policy as was mentioned in Pochen Dam and Svay On Torng village. At the time, Peou was quite ill with a swollen stomach, so the Khmer Rouge left him to recover at home. Even when he asked if he could join his family, the Khmer Rouge said that there was no need for him to go. By the end of the night, the Khmer Rouge had carted away Peou’s wife, children, and the rest of the Vietnamese families from his village.&lt;br /&gt;The Khmer Rouge brought Sim and her children to Preh Koam pagoda, which the Khmer Rouge used as a detention center. At Preh Koam, Sim worried about her sick husband being alone and asked Aong and his oldest brother to return to Thmey village. Aong’s oldest brother said that he would stay with their mother and suggested that Aong return home to take care of their father. Later that night, the Khmer Rouge called Aong and his siblings to eat dinner, during which Aong slipped past the back door of the pagoda and headed home. Hours after his escape, he heard the sound of dogs barking and knew the Khmer Rouge was searching for him. After traveling ten kilometers, Aong arrived at his father’s house. However, Aong didn’t dare enter the village for fear that the Khmer Rouge would find him. Aong hid in the forest for three days and three nights. During this time, he remembers starving through the day and, at night, having to dig potatoes from the ground to eat. Finally, Aong felt so starved that he went into his father’s house. Peou then sent Aong to live with his aunt at Kampong Russey subdistrict. After 10 days, Peou recovered from his sickness and retrieved his son from Kampong Russey. Together, they escaped to Pochen Dam village, where Peou’s brother lived.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;When father and son arrived at Pochen Dam in mid 1977, Peou’s brother told the local leaders that Peou and Aong were evacuees from another village, avoiding any mention of Peou’s Vietnamese wife. At the time Peou and Aong arrived in Pochen Dam, Peou remembered the Eastern Zone massacres were underway. Because the Khmer Rouge officials in Pochen Dam were so preoccupied with the Eastern Zone massacres, Peou and Aong were able to live in the village without notice. Even when the commune chief later accused them of being “new people” and threatened to send them away, Peou’s brother vouched for them and the commune chief dropped the charges. Peou and Aong remained in Pochen Dam village until the overthrow of the Khmer Rouge in 1979. Although Peou and Aong didn’t witness what happened to Sim and the rest of their family, Aong says he later heard that the Khmer Rouge transported his mother and siblings to another location where they were killed. Like many disappearances from the Khmer Rouge period, his family’s disappearance still remains mystery.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Pheng Samai&lt;br /&gt;Pheng Samai spent the Khmer Rouge period trying to hide from the regime. Samai’s mother was 100% Vietnamese by blood, although she was born and raised in Cambodia. Samai’s father was 100% Khmer. Her parents divorced when Samai was young, and Samai never knew her father. Growing up, Samai lived with her mother and two older sisters. However, in the years leading up to the Khmer Rouge period, Samai’s family was split up. In 1970, the Lon Nol regime forced Samai’s eldest sister and her sister’s Vietnamese husband to flee to Vietnam, where they lived through the Khmer Rouge period and remain today. Samai’s other sister then traveled to Phnom Penh, after which Samai and her mother never heard from her again.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;When the Khmer Rouge regime came to power, Samai and her mother moved from their hometown of Ba Daok village to Bung Kak village, Kam Chai Mea district, Prey Veng province. Samai says that her mother never considered escaping to Vietnam because she had lived in Cambodia all of her life. At Bung Kak village, Samai and her mother were able to live closer to Samai’s cousin. There, they lived and worked with the other villagers. Samai remembers that initially there was no division between Khmer and Vietnamese people. Even when the local Khmer Rouge began to divide the villagers into different class groups and labeled Samai and her mother as “new people,” the Khmer Rouge still treated them the same way they treated Khmer people. Samai’s mother job was to feed the village pigs and collect human waste to later be used to make fertilizer. Samai’s mother knew how to speak both Khmer and Vietnamese fluently, but she never dared to speak Vietnamese during the Khmer Rouge period.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Despite Samai’s mother’s attempts at concealing her Vietnamese background, the Khmer Rouge accused Samai’s mother of being Vietnamese in mid 1978. Samai believes her mother’s light skin rose suspicions, and that some village informants exposed her. Later, the Khmer Rouge cooperative chief named Chham re-assigned Samai’s mother to another work location where she would work to make fish paste. At that time, 20-year old Samai had just given birth to her first child, so the Khmer Rouge didn’t approach her about leaving with her mother. Two days after Samai gave birth, the Khmer Rouge transferred Samai’s 58-year old mother to the mobile brigade station and subsequently took her mother to another unknown location. Samai never saw her mother again, but heard rumors that the Khmer Rouge had killed her.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Soon after, the Khmer Rouge returned to the village to search for Samai. Samai successfully evaded their attempts by hiding with her newborn daughter in mounds of hay. The Khmer Rouge continued to look for Samai, returning to her village several times a week and searching for her for up to an hour per visit. Samai remembers how she relied on her close family friend and Khmer Rouge group chief, Muon, in order to elude the Khmer Rouge. Muon and Samai had developed a good relationship while working in the mobile brigade together (Muon was the brigade chief and Samai was a group member). According to Samai, every time the Khmer Rouge sent word to Bung Kak about visiting the village, Muon warned Samai. With Muon’s help, Samai had enough time to hide with her daughter in the haystacks. While they hid in the haystacks, Samai remembers having to breast-feed her daughter to keep the baby from crying. When Samai wasn’t hiding, she resumed her life in the village. She remembers the Khmer Rouge installing loudspeakers to broadcast their town meetings to the public. During one meeting, she heard the Khmer Rouge refer to the Vietnamese as the enemy and invader of Cambodia. From this statement and her personal experience, Samai says that the Vietnamese in DK had to either hide their ethnic backgrounds or escape the country in order to survive the regime.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Himh Saman&lt;br /&gt;In addition to the few surviving ethnic Vietnamese in Prey Veng province, DC-Cam and I were able to locate an ethnic Vietnamese survivor in Svay Rieng province. In a 2008 interview, Himh Saman shared the story of how she and her part Vietnamese, part Chinese family survived the Khmer Rouge period. Saman’s father was 100% Chinese. He came to Cambodia when he was 18 years old and met Saman’s mother, a 100% Vietnamese woman, at Mesar Chhang Aok near the Cambodia-Vietnam border. They married and had four children named Ty, Savun, Savorn, and Saman. During the Khmer Rouge period, Saman’s three older siblings lived apart from the family in the mobile brigade unit, where they helped build dams and canals. Saman and her parents stayed at their hometown of Prasot village in Kandiang Reay commune, Svay Rieng district, Svay Rieng province. Saman’s parents and she spoke fluent Khmer, but Samai said no one dared to speak Vietnamese during the Khmer Rouge period.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Despite the perception that the Khmer Rogue hated the Vietnamese, Saman says the Khmer Rouge in her village treated the Vietnamese people in the same way they treated Khmer people. She remembers the harsh living conditions both groups endured: people were forced to do strenuous labor; there wasn’t enough food to eat; and when people became sick, there weren’t any hospitals or medicine to help them. Her father looked after buffalos, and her mother cared for the newborn babies of mothers who worked in the rice fields. At the time, Saman was ten years old and worked in the children’s unit. She remembers attending school for three hours in the morning, collecting human waste to use as fertilizer for the rice fields, and grinding rice through the afternoon. According to Saman, the Khmer Rouge assigned each child a quota of 105 kg of rice to grind every day. During the day, her parents and she worked separately, but at night, the Khmer Rouge allowed them to reunite and live in their own home.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Saman says the Khmer Rouge began to treat Vietnamese people differently when DK and Vietnam became embroiled in border disputes in 1977. She heard about cadres in nearby villages who collected and killed anyone with Vietnamese blood. Saman says that the people in her village did not act this way. In fact, even after 1977, the Khmer Rouge in Prasot still treated the Vietnamese and Khmer people equally. Saman believes that Vietnamese families such as hers were able to survive because of their local leaders. Before the Khmer Rouge came to power, Saman’s family maintained good relations with the cooperative and village chief, a man named Ta Yeoun. Saman believes that Yeuon did not disclose Saman’s family’s and other Vietnamese families’ identities in order to protect them from outside Khmer Rouge officers. She explains that top Khmer Rouge officials compiled a list of people to kill through information they collected from local leaders. If the local village and cooperative chiefs did not report any Vietnamese families to the commune or district chief, then the Vietnamese residents of those villagers faced very little threat of being targeted. However, if the local leaders did report to the top leaders, then the district chief would send security officers to the village and arrest the Vietnamese people. Saman said Yeoun never spoke to her about protecting her family. However, Saman recalls many times when outside Khmer Rouge officers visited her village and believed her family was Khmer. Yeoun knew that Saman’s family was Vietnamese, so Saman believes that he must have withheld the information from the outside Khmer Rouge. As a result, Saman’s family and the three other Vietnamese families in Prasot (the Man Sin family, the Seng family, and the Em family) were able to survive the Khmer Rouge period.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Common Themes from Personal Stories&lt;br /&gt;The previous accounts from survivors of DK represent a variety of experiences. Their personal stories give us a glimpse into the day-to-day relationship between the Khmer Rouge and ethnic Vietnamese in DK. From their experiences, we can also draw out recurring patterns. We see that the local Khmer Rouge held tremendous power in their interaction with both Angkar and ethnic Vietnamese villagers. Whereas Angkar operated at the top policy level, local leaders such as the village chief interacted with people at a personal level. Their local knowledge was often utilized by Angkar to locate Vietnamese villagers. In some cases, local leaders may have reported Vietnamese villagers to Angkar, whereas in other cases, local leaders may have withheld Vietnamese people’s identities from Angkar. Local leaders could also directly aid or hinder Vietnamese people. Some personal stories spoke about local leaders who arrested Vietnamese families, and other stories talked about local leaders who protected Vietnamese villagers by warning them about an imminent Khmer Rouge raid of the village. Local leaders also held some control over how they implemented Angkar’s policies against the Vietnamese. The personal stories from Pochen Dam present an example of how local Khmer Rouge developed their own policy on which Vietnamese children to arrest, depending on whether their mother or father was Vietnamese.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;From the personal stories, we also see that the Khmer Rouge often used people’s appearances to judge their ethnicity. People with light skin were often accused of being Vietnamese. Some interviewees also mentioned speech as an important signal of a person’s ethnicity. People who spoke Vietnamese, or people who couldn’t speak fluent Khmer or spoke Khmer with a different accent were also vulnerable to Khmer Rouge targeting. Interestingly, the Khmer Rouge’s treatment of ethnic Vietnamese in DK seemed to coincide with the Khmer Rouge’s political relationship with the VWP. Many interviewees remembered 1977, when the border conflict between DK and Vietnam began, as a significant turning point in the Khmer Rouge’s policy towards ethnic Vietnamese in DK. At that point, many people witnessed ethnic segregation, more Vietnamese disappearances, and more Khmer Rouge rhetoric characterizing the Vietnamese as the enemy. All interviewees who lost a Vietnamese family member or friend during the Khmer Rouge period also shared the common link of not knowing what happened to their loved one. In most cases, the Khmer Rouge used guises of “reeducation” and “arrest” in order to separate people from their families. As such, people generally shared stories about loved ones disappearing, and still today they remain unsure about their loved one’s final fate.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Conclusion&lt;br /&gt;From my document and interview research in Cambodia, it’s clear that the Khmer Rouge executed a harrowing policy of genocide and ethnic cleansing towards the Vietnamese community in DK. Their genocidal policies were not as overt or large-scale as those of Nazi Germany, but the subtlety does not diminish the horror of the outcome or the tragic plight of the victims. While my paper provides some insight into the Vietnamese experience, further research should be pursued. Further research should focus on Vietnamese people from different regions of DK. Additional research focusing on the western regions of Cambodia would allow us to conduct cross-comparison of western and eastern people’s experiences. A closer investigation of Vietnamese survivors from Prasot village in Svay Rieng province (mentioned in Himh Saman's personal story) would also be beneficial. Because ethnic Vietnamese survivors are such a rarity, the Vietnamese survivors from Prasot could contribute a different perspective about the Khmer Rouge regime than people whose Vietnamese family members died or disappeared. Further research should also derive information from both villagers and former Khmer Rouge staff. By representing both sides of the issue, the next study could provide a more comprehensive account of the Khmer Rouge's policy and treatment of ethnic Vietnamese in DK.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Additional research will finally give voice to the Vietnamese minority who lived under the Khmer Rouge regime. Not only will the information address past injustices, but it will also contribute to a broader understanding of the relationship between political and ethnic conflict. Information related to the Vietnamese minority in DK will also apply to the current prosecution of crimes being conducted in the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC). Perhaps with more information about the Khmer Rouge’s systematic targeting and abuse of ethnic Vietnamese in DK, the ECCC prosecution could consider a genocide charge against the former Khmer Rouge leaders who instigated such policies. Indeed, current and future research about the Vietnamese minority in DK will hold implications for the academic, legal, and public communities.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;__________________________&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;DC-Cam Director, Youk Chhang, Noted: 29 Vietnamese families have filed the petitions in 1976 with the Kampuchea-Vietnam Liaisons Committee in Ho Chi Minh city. They asked the Vietnamese government to look for their missing relatives in Cambodia during that time. The cases are being investigated by DC-Cam Research Team in both countries: Viet Nam and Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Bibliography of Personal Stories&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Data for the Personal Stories section of the paper were taken from the author’s 2008 interviews and the author’s review of interview transcripts and audiotapes from DC-Cam’s 1998 interviews.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The bibliography of each personal story is as follows:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sun Sam&lt;br /&gt;Interviews with:&lt;br /&gt;Lach Ny, 1998&lt;br /&gt;Sin Chaorn, 1998&lt;br /&gt;Lach Nakk, 1998&lt;br /&gt;Chum Chhean, 1998&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Chuy and Ngam&lt;br /&gt;Interviews with:&lt;br /&gt;Doung Oeun, 1998&lt;br /&gt;Sek Kroeung, 1998&lt;br /&gt;Nut Ao, 1998 and 2008&lt;br /&gt;Heng Huy, 1998 and 2008&lt;br /&gt;Ngang Kok, 1998&lt;br /&gt;Kim Va/Chuy Samin, 1998 and 2008&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Seng Huor&lt;br /&gt;Interviews with:&lt;br /&gt;Khun Mon, 1998 and 2008&lt;br /&gt;Chiep Lorn, 1998&lt;br /&gt;Pek Pach, 1998&lt;br /&gt;Khun Mut, 1998&lt;br /&gt;Pok So Khom, 1998&lt;br /&gt;Khun Samit, 1998&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Meng Sim&lt;br /&gt;Interviews with:&lt;br /&gt;Peou Aong, 1998 and 2008&lt;br /&gt;Ie Peou, 1998&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Pheng Samai&lt;br /&gt;Interview with:&lt;br /&gt;Pheng Samai, 2008&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Himh Saman&lt;br /&gt;Interview with:&lt;br /&gt;Himh Saman, 2008&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt;[1] Kiernan, Ben. “External and indigenous sources of Khmer Rouge ideology,” The Third Indochina War: Conflict between&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2" href="http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2"&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The K5 Gamble: National Defence and Nation Building under the People's Republic of Kampuchea.&lt;br /&gt;Publication: Journal of Southeast Asian Studies&lt;br /&gt;Publication Date: 01-JUN-01&lt;br /&gt;Slocomb, Margaret&lt;br /&gt;How to access the full article: Free access to all articles is available courtesy of your local library. To access the full article click the "See the full article" button below. You will need your US library barcode or password.&lt;br /&gt;COPYRIGHT 2001 Cambridge University Press&lt;br /&gt;The K5 Plan for the defence of the Cambodian--Thai border was the response of the People's Republic of Kampuchea and its Vietnamese mentors to the threat posed by the resistance forces, particularly the Khmer Rouge, to its efforts to rebuild the nation and consolidate its administration. The very real defence gains, however, were made at the cost of bitter popular resentment over the way those gains were made . When the combined forces of the People's Army of Vietnam and the Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation declared victory over the armed forces of Democratic Kampuchea (the Khmer Rouge) on 7 January 1979, peace in Cambodia was still a distant goal. It soon became apparent that despite some heavy losses in the southeastern border regions, the Khmer Rouge had survived the massive Vietnamese-led military onslaught virtually intact and their 'defeat' was, in fact, a strategic withdrawal to the densely forested and largely inaccessible mountainous regions of northwestern Cambodia adjacent to the border with Thailand. The re-grouped Khmer Rouge fighting force remained at a fairly steady level of 30,000 to 35,000 troops throughout the decade of the People's Republic of Kampuchea (PRK). [1] Perched in their distant eyries, they loomed like a dark, predatory shadow over the new regime. The psychological warfare they so skilfully conducted was as threatening as their persistent sabotage of the provincial administrative system and their constant guerrilla activities. In June 1982, the Khmer Rouge were granted international recognition through the formation of the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea (CGDK), an unlikely, unstable and highly volatile melange of the radical communist Democratic Kampuchea, the republican Kampuchean People's National Liberation Front (KPNLF) and the royalist United National Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful, and Cooperative Cambodia (FUNCINPEC). This formalisation of anti-Vietnamese resistance awarded the three groups generous financial, military and logistical support from China, the USA and other Western powers, as well as ASEAN member states. The CGDK was also granted the right to occupy Cambodia's seat in the UN General Assembly. By the beginning of 1984, the Vietnamese seemed to have lost patience with the PRK's inability and apparent unwillingness to confront the military threat posed by the CGDK. Vietnamese troops were becoming bogged down in Cambodia and their prolonged presence there was as unpopular at home as it was abroad. The radical measures they proposed to win a definitive peace were formulated in what became known as the K5 Plan. In December 1984, General Le Duc Anh, one of the architects of the December 1978 invasion and commander of the Vietnamese 'volunteer forces' in Cambodia, outlined five key points which formed the strategic framework of Vietnamese military efforts towards the defence and consolidation of the Cambodian revolution: * Indochina was a single theatre of operations so a threat to the independence of one of the three countries was a threat to all * the success of the Cambodian revolution would be decided by the Cambodian people themselves * the people at the base had to be mobilised according to the principle that strength in national defence required the combined strength of the entire population * mastery had to be achieved on two fronts, on the Cambodia--Thailand border and in the interior of the country, and while both were important, the latter was decisive * and, finally, building the Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Armed Forces (KPRAF) was 'an urgent strategic demand of the Cambodian revolution' [2] Five years after the establishment of the PRK, bases housing some 230,000 Cambodian civilians and several thousand resistance fighters controlled by the Khmer Rouge, KPNLF and FUNCINPEC (and at least one base for members of the movement known as FULRO [3]) stretched along the full length of the Thai--Cambodian border from the junction with Laos to the southernmost part of Thailand's Trat province. The full force of the 1984-85 dry season offensive commenced in mid-December when 'an impressive offensive force of more than 30,000 Vietnamese troops equipped with Soviet-type heavy artillery and tanks, and supported by several thousand PRK auxiliary troops, were sent into action.' [4] By the end of that dry season, there were no resistance bases left on Cambodian soil. The 1984-5 dry season offensive was the most aggressive in the PRK's short history and its success was due in very large part to the preparatory work done by thousands of Cambodian civilians according to the K5 Plan (phaenkar kor prahm). Robert Karniol, a Canadian journalist who spent three weeks with resistance forces inside Cambodian territory in 1986, suggests that the name of that defence plan referred to five 'phases' within 'Vietnam's blueprint for ending the Cambodian conflict'. [5] These phases, he believed, involved the destruction of the border bases, sealing off the border with Thailand, mopping up resistance units in sweep operations, consolidation of the PRK regime, and the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Cambodia by 1990. In fact, however, as the citizens of the PRK realized, K5 referred specifically only to the second of these: the plan to seal off the border with Thailand in order to prevent further infiltration by CGDK forces. 'K' (kor, the first letter of the Khmer alphabet) referred t o the first initial of 'kar karpier' (defence). As the '5' suggests, this was the fifth plan of defence. In all, there were eight of these plans. K6, for example, referred to the defence plan for the belt around Phnom Penh (kar karpier kravat Phnom Penh). [6] From 1979 to 1984, Vietnamese forces had borne the brunt of the defence of Cambodia's border with Thailand. At the same time, the People's Army of Vietnam was heavily engaged in protecting Vietnam's own northern border against the very real threat of a second 'lesson' from China after the 1979 incursion. After five years, Cambodia was reasonably expected to shoulder its fair share of the burden. In January 1984, Le Duc Tho, a long-term ally of the Cambodian communist movement and the Communist Party of Vietnam Politburo member responsible for the Cambodian dossier, chaired a political seminar for the People's Revolutionary Party of Kampuchea (PRPK) Central Committee and the PRK Council of Ministers which focused on 'the urgent task of consolidating the grass-root infrastructure of the PRK regime, the imperative need for a definitive solution to eliminate the Khmer resistance movements, and the all-round integration of Kampuchea into the Indochinese Socialist Bloc.' [7] This seminar was most probably the genes is o K5.A defector from the PRK later reported that the K5 programme of border defence work was initiated in 'March 1984 under the supervision of a committee headed by [then] Foreign Minister Hun Sen and comprising a senior Vietnamese adviser and vice-ministers from each of the ministries...' [8] The committee he referred to was the Central Leadership Committee of K5 (kenna kommatikar doeknuam mechem kor prahm), However, Hun Sen, now Prime Minister, has denied that he was the head of this committee: K5 started in 1984 before I became Prime Minister. K5 was under the responsibility of the Ministry for National Defence. Responsibility was allocated to the provincial authorities along with the [military] division stationed in that area. The recruiting of new forces or the sending of the people to participate in the Plan had to be determined by sub-decree or a decision of the Council of Ministers. [9] Archival documents from the Council of Ministers and Council of State relating to KS rarely refer to its leadership. They often state that final responsibility for K5 belonged to the Party Secretariat and the Council of Ministers and, as implied in Hun Sen's statement above, the Chairman of the latter body was the nominal head of the Central Leadership Committee of K5, which was made up of Party officials and vice-ministers. The permanent deputy head was in charge of day-to-day affairs. Thus leadership of KS was provided by its Central Leadership Committee and within that by a Permanent K5 Commission. Soy Keo, Chief of General Staff and a Vice-Minister for National Defence, was the permanent deputy head of the K5 Committee [10] until his dismissal as Chief of Staff following the Fifth Party Congress of October 1985, when Nhim Vanda took over his K5 role. [11] Chea Dara was referred to as a Vice-Chairman of the Permanent KS Commission in April 1986, and an early 1987 document mentions Khvan Seam in the same ro le. [12] That same April 1987 document specifically names Nhim Vanda as 'Vice-Minister of the Ministry for Planning and Permanent Deputy-Head of the Central Leadership Committee of K5'; and in February 1989, Lt. Gen. Nhim Vanda was still the head (protean) of the Permanent K5 Commission. [13] All official documents relating to K5 refer to a decision of the Politburo, No. 228SRMCh of 17 July 1984, so that it can be assumed that the K5 Plan was officially adopted by the Party and the state on that date. The plan for sealing the Cambodia-Thailand border to prevent the infiltration of resistance troops and supplies into the interior of the country to support their guerrilla bases consisted of the construction of a barrage, 'a long fortification structure composed of a 700 km canal, doubled with a wall. In the form of a strategic arc, it will follow 10 km inside the land border from Laos...&lt;br /&gt;__________________________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In Brief: PM decorates Vietnamese troops&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.phnompenhpost.com/index.php/component/option,com_ijoomla_ad_agency/act,click/aid,1/bid,2/cid,1/task,new/" target="_self"&gt;&lt;/a&gt;The Phnom Penh Post&lt;br /&gt;Written by Vong Sokheng&lt;br /&gt;Friday, 12 September 2008&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: If there are those who still believe that Hun Sen is not stooge of the Vietnamese and a trailtor to the Khmer Nation, just read this very brief article, but with devastating implications for the future of Cambodia and the Cambodian people, pasted below. concerning Hun Sen recent decision to honor by decorating Vietnamese officers for 'saving' Cambodia. This is amounting to thanking the Vietnamese for taking over Cambodia, lock, stock, and barrel.&lt;br /&gt;Think again, those Cambodians, especially those who are living in a free country like in this country, who recently were so excited about the Preah Vihear row with thailand, hgone to defend Hun Sen and his fake claim to defend Khmer heritage and national interests, Preah Vihear.&lt;br /&gt;Wake up these so-called nationalists before it is too late. Hun Sen is a trailtor, he is not a defender of Cambodia's national interests.&lt;br /&gt;Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. September 11, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;-------------------------------------------------------------------Prime Minister Hun Sen awarded medals to 22 Vietnamese soldiers, ranging in rank from captain to colonel, in recognition of their role in providing technical and military hardware support to Unit 70 of the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces (RCAF), according to a document signed by the prime minister and dated July 2008. The document, obtained by the Post, said the medal is known as the sahametrei.&lt;br /&gt;_________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Washington DC; August 31, 2008&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Dear Mona:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Thank you for your email and your comments on the article on the new Hun Sen capitalists that I sent you earlier. I am pasting, below, a section that is in the link that I sent you entitled 'A suggested Roadmap to Freedom for the Cambodian People.' I encourage you to read more carefully a proposed comprehensive economic, political, international affairs, and social program that I sent you previously which drawn from a link to my web site. Please, find pasted below this part of the program of the recommendations without the supporting documents, that you should really keep in mind when discussing these issues with other people.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Since Hun Sen does not allow any studies on the horrible living conditions of the Cambodian farmers, one has to go to another country such Thailand to find out how bad the living condition of the Cambodian farmers is. Thus, I am pasting an article on how the Thai are suffering because of the recent large increase in the prices of oil and gas in the world and its impact on other the increase in the prices of other good and services.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;From this article, one can easily conclude that how far worse the living condition of the Cambodian farmers would be. Because, if a country like Thailand where there is respect for the rule of law and political freedom, yet the Thai farmers nonetheless are suffering badly, from this thai situation one can easily imagine how horrific the situation of the farmers could be in a lawless country like Cambodia under the corrupt and dictatorial regime under Hun Sen and his extended family?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Warm regards.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Thailand; Where Are the Rice Fortunes?&lt;br /&gt;(http://www.forbes.com/global/2008/0721/063a.html)&lt;br /&gt;Laurie Burkitt 07.21.08&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: this article on rice producers in Thailand can provide a glimpse at the Cambodian rice growers’ plight. Thailand where there is more respect for law and an independent judicial system, rice farmers are still being hard hit by the rising cost of fuel and its consequences on other cost such transportation. Just stop and think a minute about the situation of the rice farmers in Cambodia where there is no such respect for law and order and no independent judicial system under the Hun Sen and his CPP regime, we can imagine the level of suffering of the Cambodian farmers. The other thing to keep in mind is the fact that the Cambodian economy is under the monopoly of one company, SOKIMEX, which is co-owned by Hun Sen and his extended family and by Vietnam (60 percent). This situation can go a long way to explain why the majority of Cambodians are suffering from malnutrition and abject poverty, while the wealth of Hun Sen and his extended family and that of the Vietnamese Sok Kong continues to grow larger and larger. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. August 29, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;Thailand is the world’s biggest rice exporter, shipping 9 million tons of rice per year, and one of the most likely beneficiaries of soaring rice prices, up more than twofold in the past year to $860 per ton and up almost fivefold since 2001.&lt;br /&gt;So far there is scant evidence of people getting wealthy off the bud. Nishita Shah’s family got its start in rice but nowadays makes its money in shipping. Dhanin Chearavanont’s CP Intertrade is one of the country’s biggest rice exporters though it barely registers a blip in terms of his fortune. Niti Osathanugrah has a 2.5% stake worth just $1 million in President Rice. The only other publicly traded Thai rice company, Patum Rice Mill &amp;amp; Granary Public Co. Limited, has a market cap of merely $89 million and no individual shareholders who qualified for Thailand’s Top 40.&lt;br /&gt;Worst off are the country’s nearly 22 million rice farmers who can barely stay in business. On average, they sell 6 to 8 tons of rice per year for a mere $418, according to Sompron Isvilanonda, a professor of agriculture at Kasetsart University in Thailand.&lt;br /&gt;Most of the country’s 100-plus rice trading companies are struggling, too, typically earning net margins of just 2%, as they face intense competition at home and from rice manufacturers in countries like Vietnam, China and India, not to mention soaring costs to transport the rice.&lt;br /&gt;At this point, “I’m reluctant to say that rice is profitable,” says Korbsook Iamsuri, secretary general of the Thailand Rice Exporters Association, whose family owns exporter Kamolkij, which controls 5% of the market.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;World order according to Confucius&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;ON WORLD ORDER:&lt;br /&gt;"To put the world in order, we must first put the nation in order;&lt;br /&gt;To put the nation in order, we must put the family in order;&lt;br /&gt;To put the family in order, we must cultivate our personal life;&lt;br /&gt;And to cultivate our personal life, we must first set our hearts right."&lt;br /&gt;Confucius (551 - 479 B.C.)&lt;br /&gt;A suggestion on the Roadmap to Freedom for Cambodia&lt;br /&gt;Initial Conditions and a Suggested Roadmap for the Survival of Cambodia and Conclusion&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Diagnostics:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Despite recent high growth rate of GDP, the finding &amp;amp; conclusion on why Cambodia is a failed state remains unchanged, and can be summarized as follows: The contributing internal and external factors to this failure are:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I. Internal problems&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(For more details on the internal problem under the dictatorship of Hun Sen and his CPP, please, see a recent report (February 2008) by Mr. Yash Ghai, the special Representative of the United Nations Secretary General on Human Rights in Cambodia, posted just below). Judging from its current state of affairs in Cambodia, namely:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;a. Systemic and pervasive corruption&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;b. Uncontrollable illegal Vietnamese immigration. No result from a recent population census was allowed by the CPP to be published on the number of Vietnamese living legally or illegally in Cambodia&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;c. Abject poverty, extreme imbalance in income distribution. Cambodian economy is controlled by Hun Sen and his extended family as reported by 'Global Witness;' according to a legal analysis (Due dlligence) done by an American legal firm on SOKIMEX, it was revealed that it has the monopoly of all he most important industrial and trade activities in Cambodia, it also was revealed that SOKIMEX is controlling more than 80 percent of all manufacturing and services business in Cambodia, is 60 percent owned and managed by Sok Kong, (a Vietnamese citizen and a close friend of Hun Sen).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;d. Systemic destruction of the environment&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;e. Epidemic spread of AIDS&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;f. Human traffic especially women and child prostitution and trade&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;g. Concentration of wealth and land ownership due to insatiable appetite for wealth accumulation by members of the CPP and FUNCINPEC, and the eviction and the taking over of the land from the poor.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;h. Gross abuse of human rights and other civil rights&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;i. Extremely weak legal framework and the politicization of the judicial system, especially the use of the courts of justice to oppress and suppress members of the opposition parties&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;j. The sale of diplomas and degrees at the high school and university levels has jeopardized the future of Cambodia by diluting the quality of manpower, thus economically disadvantages Cambodia vis-à-vis other countries in this very competitive world.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Conclusion: Cambodia is a failed state.&lt;br /&gt;-----------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;II. External problems&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;a. Until very recently, Cambodia was facing aggression from both Siam and Dai-Viet. However, since early 1990, because of the changes in the political system in Thailand, this country has become much less of a problem for Cambodia. By contrast, Vietnam, because of the autocratic and totalitarian nature of its political system remains extremely dangerous for the survival of Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;b. In dealing with Vietnam naked aggression, Cambodia must start reforming from within. The main obstacles are the strong grip of power in Cambodia by the Hun Sen and his CPP with Sihanouk’s support. Therefore, isolating Sihanouk by fully protecting and implementing the content of the constitution is the first step. The next step is to use non-violent means to remove Hun Sen and his CPP from power. It will not be easy, but it can be done.&lt;br /&gt;c. There is no question in my mind that, Cambodia can learn a great deal from the experiences of Thailand and Vietnam in fighting and overcoming their own respective foreign aggressions. Their experiences clearly show, that only by fundamentally reforming their society, and by embracing new honest and capable leaders, could they recover from national disaster caused by foreign aggressions.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;III. Conclusion and suggested roadmap&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The main causes for these economic, institutional, legal, political, and social problems in Cambodia rest mainly on the legacy from the past, especially the institution of the monarchy. The Cambodian people’s blindness and irrational trust and belief in the institution of the monarchy incarnated and perpetuated until today, by the concept of the god-king, since the Angkorian era, and exploited by King Sihanouk for his personal ego and his family’s benefit, also contributes to the downfall of the Cambodian society and nation.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The pervasive and crushing role of the monarchy combined with the conservative nature of the Cambodian society, such as the belief in prophesies and the rigidity in social organization and behavior contribute to the inertia and the inability to allow new and capable leadership to emerge and entrepreneurial spirit. This, in turn, leads to the inability to resist foreign aggressions, especially today naked and unrelenting aggression from Vietnam, and to keep Cambodia underdeveloped for lack of entrepreneurial spirit, and talents.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Only by a progressive and systemic overhaul of the Cambodian society can these problems be gradually being improved, thus allowing the Cambodian people to survive and to prosper.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cambodian Diaspora can and must play a positive role in this endeavor, by taking full advantage of their freedom and accessibility to education and management and skill formation for the pursuit of material and spiritual well-being, and last but not least, by exercising their constitutional rights to participate fully in the democratic process in those Western democratic countries to influence and to bring about international support to Cambodia. However, the main effort remains in the hands of the Cambodian people themselves.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The protection of the rights of the Cambodian people should be extended to include those Cambodians who are now living in the Southern part of Vietnam.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Their right, Security, and dignity as a minority must be accepted and respected by Vietnam as Cambodia has already accepted this principle regarding the Vietnamese living in Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The right to return to Cambodia (as Israel grants to all Jews living in the world) must also be granted to all those Khmer Krom who choose to come and live in Cambodia. This can only be done, if and only if, there is a genuine and representative government in Cambodia that can and want to protect all Cambodians against foreign aggressions.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;On the economic and social front, the first corrective measure is to deal with extreme income inequality. Although significant real growth rates have been recorded in the last few years, due mainly to large inflow of foreign investment (mainly from South Korea and China, and other South East Asian countries), because of the concentration of wealth ownership in the hands of the few (Hun Sen and his extended family, and foreigner, especially the Vietnamese=owned SOKIMEX), all income been accumulated by the few politically-powerful families and their friends&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Recent increase in inflation rate caused by the spike in the prices of oil and gas, and the prices of primary commodities, especially rice and other consumer goods, has exacerbated the level of poverty of the majority of the Cambodian people whose income is derived from the agricultural sector. Normally, the increase in the prices of primary commodities should favor those who make their living in the agricultural sector, i.e. the peasants.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;However, this is not the case for Cambodia, as the intermediaries who collect the primary products from the peasants, do not pass on the benefit of these price increases to the peasants. A possible remedy is to have a non-profit and autonomous organization whose role is to facilitate the transfer of price increase to the primary commodities growers, and not to the intermediaries.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The other main measure is the dismantling of the monopoly of SOKIMEX in the industrial and financial sectors, especially in the petroleum sector and tourism. Finally, the adoption of an anti-corruption is a necessary condition to set the stage for a better and more equitable income distribution and the alleviation of the abject poverty of the majority of the Cambodian people who depend for their livelihood on the agricultural sector. Last but not least is to make sure that the rich and the powerful pay their income and wealth tax.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This can be done only if there is a law to make sure that Hun Sen and members of his extended family make public the amount of the enormous wealth they own, and on which would pay due wealth and income tax, in order to render less vulnerable the economy of Cambodia. A program of economic structural diversification must be put in place, backed up by an encompassing reform in the quality and level of education in order to increase the level of productivity and the income of the workers in all sectors in the Cambodian economy, and also to attract more foreign investment.&lt;br /&gt;The role of the government should not be one of confrontational but one of an open partnership in development with both labor and management in the private sector. finally, the Cambodian government should use the forthcoming income from oil and gas to develop further physical and intellectual infrastructure in the form of building roads, bridges, roads, airport, sea ports, schools, and higher learning institutions.&lt;br /&gt;On the legal front, the rule of law must be fairly but strictly implemented, especially the anti-corruption law, without which there is no hope for change in Cambodia in the political, economic, and social fronts .instituted. Only with an independent and non-politicized judicial system can this encompassing program be implemented.&lt;br /&gt;In order to carry out all these required objectives and reform an honest, capable, and responsible government must be instituted. That kind of government does not exist, at the moment, in Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The United Nations and NGOs can play a crucial role in this case.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It would not be an easy process to implement this suggested roadmap to Freedom for the Cambodian people, in view of the current state of lawlessness and pervasive corruption that exist now in Cambodia under the Hun Sen regime with the full support of Sihanouk.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Is the current dismal situation in Cambodia intractable?&lt;br /&gt;The answer is Yes!&lt;br /&gt;Is this situation impossible to change?&lt;br /&gt;The answer is No!&lt;br /&gt;___________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;US diplomat gets his Final Say&lt;br /&gt;Written by Rpoger Mitton&lt;br /&gt;Phnom Penh Post, Monday, 25 August 2008&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------(Comments: although U.S.Ambassador Mussomeli' s interview (I had the opportunity to brief Ambassador Mussomeli on the situation of Cambodia, just before he went to take up hisambassadorial post in Phnom Penh, three years ago) given to the Phnom Penh Post sounds rather optimistic in his conclusion, he nevertheless pointed out to the fundamental problems that Cambodia is still facing under Hun Sen,; that is pervasive corruption and the absence of the rule of law, and an independent and depoliticized judicial system. What he did not say is the fact that there is no credible opposition leaders, including Sam Rainsy whom Mr. Mussomeli had alluded to briefly in this interview.&lt;br /&gt;He also totally avoided to address the role of Sihanouk in the Cambodian tragedy, who gave his total support to Hun Sen ot avoid being brought to the KRT Trial by Hun Sen for his role and alliance with the Khmer Rouge during the so-called liberation war against Hun sen and Vietnamese invaders. Sihanouk's total support of Hun Sen also has silenced the oppostion by using the judicial system under his control. The two main opposition leaders, Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha; who are much aware that Sihanouk is totally backing Hun Sen, they would not dare to challenge Hun Sen, as to challenge Hun Sen is equivalent to challenging the God-King himself. For most Cambodians, Sihanouk is still a God-King, highly revered and feared.&lt;br /&gt;The interview was cleverly and diplomatically crafted in order to reflect the misconceived and dangerous foreign policy to promote the closeness and alliance between the United States and Vietnam under the Bush administration in order to fight against the emerging role of China in the world; while was still able to point out the major flaws in the Cambodian society; namely, pervasive corruption and the absence of the rule of law, and not to mention the fact that he did not talk at all about Sihanouk's role in this cambodian tragedy, which is still going on. He is, no doubt, a sincere friend of Cambodia, but, he is also an envoy of the Bush Administration.&lt;br /&gt;So, please, read with caution this apparently optimistic interview of Mr. Mussomeli. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washngton D.C. August 28, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;Outgoing US Ambassador Joseph Mussomeli finds Cambodia 'mesmerising' but says much still needs to be done to bring good governance to the Kingdom&lt;br /&gt;Profile Joseph Adamo Mussomeli&lt;br /&gt;· Born May 26, 1952, in New York City&lt;br /&gt;· Education Spent two years at Rutgers University before dropping out and becoming an upholsterer. Spent several months hitchhiking through Europe before returning to the US and graduating from Trenton State College in 1975 with a BA in political science. In 1978 he received a juris doctor degree from Rutgers Law School.&lt;br /&gt;· Career Mussomeli entered the US Foreign Service in September 1980 and has served in Cairo, Egypt, as a general service officer. He served in Manila as a consular officer from 1984-1986. His subsequent tours included: North Korea Desk Officer (1986-1988); Senior Watch Officer (1989-1990); Economic Counsellor in Colombo, Sri Lanka (1990-1992); and Inspector for the Office of Inspector General (1992-1994); Political Counsellor in Rabat, Morocco (1995-1998); Deputy Chief of Mission in Manama, Bahrain (1998-2001); and as a member of the Senior Seminar (2001-2002). He concluded a tour as Deputy Chief of Mission in the Philippines (2002-2005) before being named the US ambassador to Cambodia in June 2004.&lt;br /&gt;· Family Married to Sharon Flack Mussomeli, who is also a foreign service officer. They have three children: Isaac, age 24, Alexis, age 22, and Thomas, 4, who was adopted in the Philippines.&lt;br /&gt;Source: US Embassy Phnom Penh Website&lt;br /&gt;During your time here, you've often met Prime Minister Hun Sen. What's your impression of him?He's smart. He's down to earth. You can talk bluntly with him, as long as you are not obnoxious. We've disagreed quite forcefully on several things, but it's OK. I think perhaps like other prime ministers and presidents and even ambassadors, he doesn't always get all the information he needs - bad news especially is held back and that's not good. But we get along very well on a personal level. His sense of humour is almost as terrible as mine. He does have a strong emotional streak, but lots of people do. So, yeah, I like him.He is the region's longest-serving elected leader and says he'll stay on as long as people want him. Some even think his son, Hun Manet, will take over after him. Does that worry you?Not necessarily because of Hun Manet - you know, there are some good historical, even Asian examples of next-generation leaders who really carry out the reforms that the older generation shied away from. And most of the next generation here, whether you are talking about the PM's son or the DPM's or anyone else's, are Western-educated. So there are all sorts of possibilities. But, yes, it's true that you don't know if you have a real democracy until you have a peaceful transfer of power.So we don't know if there's real democracy here, and many disagree with your view that last month's election was the freest ever held in Cambodia. How do you respond?It was a flawed election. Nobody says otherwise. We were careful not to say it was free and fair. We just said it was the best so far. And the best so far doesn't mean it's good enough. But we don't think it's productive to keep harping on the fact that it's not good enough. After all, there were some really good things about this election. The lack of violence for the most part. The greater access to the media, although completely inadequate still.The CPP would have won the election anyway, even if there had been equal access to the media [for the opposition], but I think the numbers would have been considerably different. They would still have had an absolute majority, but that isn't what they wanted. So they don't get a passing grade on media access. It still needs more openness.... I always say that modern Cambodia is only a 15-year old country. Give it some time. It's still an adolescent. It's still developing. And it is very special.After the war, with the help of the United Nations, it did resurrect itself. And we, as members of the UN, have a stake in its future. Where do we go from here, now that the CPP has a healthy majority?Well, they are in charge of everything now. There are two upsides to that. First, if things go well, the CPP gets most of the credit. But if things go wrong, whether on human rights or economically or whatever, it's their fault. There's no one else to blame now.The second upside is that it could help stop some of the corruption. Now you have a majority on your own; you don't have to give things to people to get them to join a coalition government. You don't have to play fast and loose so much in order to stay in power. The downside, however, is even more obvious. Nobody in their right mind wants any party, in any country, whether it's America or England or wherever, to be too powerful. It just goes against our democratic instincts. We don't trust people with power. It can make them too hubristic, too arrogant, too confident. And that can cause trouble.Will the opposition help curb that potential for trouble?The opposition is committed and determined. Sam Rainsy in particular is a very smart man. He has many good ideas. And he's also clearly a very patient and resilient man, which is good. But I don't know what the future will bring. There's a whole new generation waiting out there, and they will be so different from their fathers and grandfathers. We really have a bifurcated country here. We have those who suffered through the genocide of the civil war and the foreign invasions. And we have this new generation, more than 50 percent of the population, who don't know any of that. So it's going to be an interesting place for the next 10 to 20 years.Over that time, do you think the Cambodian economy will continue to do well?It has some vulnerabilities, but then people have long said that. When I first arrived here three years ago, they said it was going to be a mess - that the garment industry was going to collapse, tourism was going to be saturated and agriculture was destined to have a bad crop. None of that has happened yet. Of course, I'm still worried about all those things, but for now, it isn't going too badly. If we could expand and diversify the economy, it would do even better. Diversifying the economy seems to have been a dream for a long time.Well, we now have a window of opportunity because Cambodia is stable enough to be rediscovered, at least for Americans, and to generate more interest in business. Now that Vietnam and Thailand are getting more expensive and are more difficult to work with sometimes, this country is becoming very tempting. And it has good potential because Cambodians themselves make it more attractive. They all want to speak English. They have no sense of xenophobia that you find to the east and west. It's a pleasant place for business. So you encourage American businessmen to come here?Yes. Of course, there will be a very frank talk about corruption and how to avoid it. And about engaging early on with the highest levels of government in case you run into trouble. Because the last thing the government here wants is complaints from American business and the American government that there is extortion or blackmail. Is the corruption situation improving?I wouldn't say it's improving, that's too pollyanna-ish. I think the government has the political desire to tackle corruption, but I'm not sure they have the political will. They know that it is bad and that they aren't going to be able to take this country where they want to take it with this amount of corruption. But actually dealing with it, on a practical basis, is much harder.Why is that?Well, you don't really have a rule of law here. So when you say corruption, you almost miss the mark. It's really a culture of individuals with power and money, rather than a culture of law. And that's what makes any sane businessman nervous. What you want is an independent judiciary that understands contracts and enforces things. And you don't even have that for the most part. The culture of impunity is still too deeply embedded. The atmosphere is better now and people feel more relaxed and there's a more normal society developing, but I wish I could have pushed that along more. When I talk about this, I always tell the Cambodians that we put around 600 US government officials in jail every year for corruption. It reminds me that we also have a corrupt society and that we are doing the right thing about it. We're putting them in jail. There's no shame in admitting corruption; the shame is in denying it and not doing something about it. How are US-Cambodia relations?Getting better. After 50 years of misunderstanding and suspicion, we're laying a foundation for a healthy, normal, multifaceted relationship. The Cambodians are incredibly helpful on issues that matter to us. On counterterrorism, nobody tries harder than the Cambodians. And on counternarcotics, health issues, the return of remains from the Vietnam era and so on, they're a model for much of the region.It is nice that we have had tangible progress. And it is good that we can talk openly and frankly with this government and this people and not be so misunderstood as in the past. But it would be foolish to be too optimistic because the underlying suspicions and distrust are still there. It's going to take at least another 10 years of commitment and focus from both sides for it to be a really good relationship.Hun Sen has never visited Washington, and no American president has ever visited Cambodia. Why? You're right. One of the things that is really missing in the relationship is bilateral engagement. While it's good to have ship visits, which we got for the first time since the war, and to have the Peace Corps here, and to have a trade and investment framework agreement and so on, Cambodia really wants more recognition from the United States. High-level delegations, not necessarily a presidential visit here, but maybe a visit the other way to Washington, that would do well. We've never had a high-level visit, although we may soon get Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte.On a person level, have you enjoyed your time here?Very much. Even if I had not been ambassador, this would have been my favourite tour. Cambodia is so different and so mesmerising - the people, the culture, the country. It is just very special. I've travelled to all the provinces, and I have a map in my office with all the flags in it showing where I've been. I'm leaving it for my successor [Carole Rodley] so she'll be jealous. So you will leave feeling pretty positive about this place?Yes. Cambodia has the potential to be a different Asian country. It was so broken, and it then got such a commitment from other countries that it could remold and resurrect itself - so that it's still very Asian and at the same time more open and pluralistic and tolerant and Western-focused than Vietnam or Thailand or any of the others could ever be.&lt;br /&gt;___________________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;QUESTIONS SURROUNDING PREAH VIHEAR&lt;br /&gt;Alternatives Watch – July 2008&lt;br /&gt;---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: this excellent article by Ung Bun Ang, a former Sam Rainsy senior party member and a former senator, covers a good background information on the unfortunate recent row between Thailand and Cambodia on the issue of Preah Vihear listing as a world heritage by UNESCO. I would like to add only a few questions for those who got so excited and misled by Hun Sen to make Thailand another enemy of Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;Since when Hun Sen is known to ahve defended the Cambodian national interests? Is not he a stooge of Vietnam?&lt;br /&gt;Between Thailand and Vietnam, which one is the worst enemy of Cambodia?&lt;br /&gt;Both countries have sizable Cambodian minorities (Khmer Surin in Thailand, and Khmer Krom in Vietnam) in their respective country. Which one has committed geneocide against the Cambodian minority?&lt;br /&gt;Can Cambodia aafford to fight against both Thailand and Vietnam at the same time?&lt;br /&gt;Does Thailand contentious claim on Preah Vihear, oconcern only the land surrounding the temple or the temple itself? Did Thailand reject the Wolrd court of Justice's decision in the early 1960's to give Preah Vihear temple to Cambodia?&lt;br /&gt;Which of the two countries (thailand or vietnam) is more deadly to the survival of Cambodia as a nation and a society?&lt;br /&gt;Finally, domestic politics play a large role in this dispute; Hun Sen and his CPP was running for the 2008 national assembly elections, while in Thailand, the opposition to the present Samak's government, which represents taksin's interests has been trying to topple that government. The Thais also know that Hun Sen is a long time friend and close business partner of former Thai prime minister Taksin. This makes the Thais suspicious of the Preah Vihear listing by UNESCO a a world heritage monument by the present Thai government. Hun Sen also wants to diflect the attention of the Cambodian people from the centuries old imperialist policy by the Vietnamese in Cambodia by making the Thais look worse than they really are. Please, keep these in mind in trying to answer those questions that Iposted earlier.&lt;br /&gt;I hope these questions would help those Cambodians who recently got so excited that they simply overlooked the fact that they were fooled by Hun Sen's Machavellian mind to make Thailand the worst enemy of Cambodia, and Vietnam the hero and savior of Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. September 2, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;The Preah Vihear dispute raises serious doubt if the Cambodian&lt;br /&gt;government has carried out sufficient due diligence to protect&lt;br /&gt;national interests. Negotiations between governments of Thailand and&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia before they broke down had been so shrouded with secrecy that&lt;br /&gt;there are now more questions than answers.&lt;br /&gt;In negotiations prior to listing the temple in July 2008 as a World&lt;br /&gt;Heritage Site with UNESCO, the Thai government appeared generous in&lt;br /&gt;its initial proposal to put into a joint administration with Cambodia&lt;br /&gt;a large chunk of its territory north of the border line. The border&lt;br /&gt;line was established in 1907-08 by the Commission of Delimitation&lt;br /&gt;between Indo-china and Siam under the Treaty of 13 February 1904.&lt;br /&gt;Based on this border line, the International Court of Justice in The&lt;br /&gt;Hague ruled in June 1962 that the temple was wholly located in&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;Why did Thailand agree to turn a territory already under its&lt;br /&gt;legitimate control into a “disputed area” under a joint&lt;br /&gt;administration? Perhaps because the proposed area would also include&lt;br /&gt;Preah Vihear and its surrounding that the ICJ ruled in favour of&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;The Cambodian government, on the other hand, initially used the ICJ&lt;br /&gt;ruling in its application to list Preah Vihear. But it later reduced&lt;br /&gt;the area to the extent that the border line would now be adjacent to&lt;br /&gt;the eastern side of the Preah Vihear, leaving a section of the&lt;br /&gt;temple’s stair in the disputed area.&lt;br /&gt;Why did the Khmer government make the reduction? Maybe it wanted to&lt;br /&gt;remove a Thai objection to the initial proposal, or to secure a Thai&lt;br /&gt;support for the listing. This means, according to this thinking,&lt;br /&gt;Thailand would have a say in the matter. As it turned out, Thailand&lt;br /&gt;did not. The UNESCO approved the Cambodian application despite the&lt;br /&gt;Thai objection, which was maintained to the end. This raises further&lt;br /&gt;questions: why did the Khmer government not revert back to its&lt;br /&gt;original proposal after Thailand withdrew its support? Was it aware&lt;br /&gt;that Thailand would not have much say in matter? If not, why not?&lt;br /&gt;Another puzzle is why the reduction, which has effectively widened the&lt;br /&gt;disputed area, left out part of the stair. There must be a reason.&lt;br /&gt;It seems such a successful listing with part of the temple’s stair&lt;br /&gt;sticking out to the widened disputed area could now give Thailand a&lt;br /&gt;perpetual opportunity to challenge. It could weaken the legitimacy of&lt;br /&gt;the ICJ ruling, and thus the integrity of the 1907-08 border line,&lt;br /&gt;which Thailand has argued against all along. One of the Thai&lt;br /&gt;persistent arguments is that the ICJ handed Cambodia the Preah Vihear&lt;br /&gt;building, not the ground underneath and surrounding.&lt;br /&gt;The government led celebrations after the listing may have&lt;br /&gt;overshadowed the need to secure the national heritage and territory.&lt;br /&gt;The government needs to focus on the real challenge Thailand has&lt;br /&gt;persistently imposed on Cambodia. It ought to let nothing other than&lt;br /&gt;national interests drive its agenda, or to muster expertise and&lt;br /&gt;experience in international law and diplomacy to deal with the issue.&lt;br /&gt;Ung Bun Ang&lt;br /&gt;_______________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia – Hun Sen – King of Corruption and Rannariddh - Prince Pathetic&lt;br /&gt;Khmerization; Friday, August 15, 2008&lt;br /&gt;(Comments by Khmerization: Dear All; The following very interesting piece of comments was written and sent to Khmerization by Mr. Colin Pratt, an Australian ex-diplomat to Cambodia and a long term close confidant of ex-King Sihanouk, who knew Prince Sihanouk personally very well since the 1960s and who acted as an advisor to the Khmer Resistance Movement in the 1980s and, like Mr. Julio Jeldres, he was very active in the Paris Peace Accords. He is man who should know to the bones about the mores of all Khmer leaders. He had written a book about Khmer recent events titled "Killing The Khmer 1997".)&lt;br /&gt;His comments below are very interesting indeed.&lt;br /&gt;----------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;By Mr. Colin Pratt&lt;br /&gt;As the city of Phnom Penh is seized by a land sales price bubble, with black money poured in by gulled foreign investors, the rural outlands are suffering a fate exceeded only under Khmer Rouge rule.&lt;br /&gt;For over 1,000 years the Khmer peasant has had a hard but survivable and satisfying life in a land of plenty.&lt;br /&gt;Now, there is widespread distress and even starvation in outlying regions. While the few sycophants of Phnom Penh live off the riches allotted them by the King of Corruption the majority of the Khmer live in conditions that are truly appalling.&lt;br /&gt;The schools and medical centres that were opened in the Sihanouk years and destroyed by the Khmer Rouge have not been restored by the CPP government. Showtime openings of schools by the King of Corruption are shams as the “new” school closes as soon as he departs.&lt;br /&gt;The recent election was run on a doctored voters role and continues the corrupt election practices of the past. The cowed people fall into line for fear of repercussions for opposing the corrupt authorities.&lt;br /&gt;Basically the causes of this tragedy are twofold. First the evil presence of Hun Sen who was trained by the Khmer Rouge and attended finishing school in Communist Vietnam. This imitation of a man thrives on duplicity and terror, never hesitating to “erase” opposition and reward support with bribes and favours.&lt;br /&gt;The second contributor to the Khmer degradation has been the incredibly dishonest and gutless yet monumentally puerile behaviour of some of the potential opposition figures headed by that absolute travesty of humanity, Ranariddh. This poor excuse for a man has betrayed every principle of Khmer decency and national aspiration. He has been a basic cause in the tragedy that is Cambodia today.&lt;br /&gt;The coming economic decline will further devastate the poor Khmer but Hun Sen and his family and cohorts will rest easy in their swollen foreign bank accounts. Hun Sen will continue his grand plan, that of having his son succeed him as Cambodian strongman. The only, continuing irritant to this dictator is the fact of the one man who is more popular and who has more respect, King Father Norodom Sihanouk who is unassailable.&lt;br /&gt;_________________________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;The Khmer Krom and the Khmer Rouge Trials&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;By Dr. John D. Ciorciari&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Shorenstein APARC, Stanford University and&lt;br /&gt;Senior Legal Advisor to the Documentation Center of Cambodia&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: this is an excellent article for those who want to understand the tragedy of the Khmer Krom. This article also shows how difficult it is to resolve the Khmer Krom and to help them to survive as a human group within the Cambodian or Vietnamese community.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This is also a reminder to those who want to take the land of Kampuchea back by forces of arms (Please, also see the exchange of emails between a Vietnamese- Australian and me on the deadly relations between Cambodia and Vietnam, posted just below this article). The only solution is how to allow the Khmer Krom to survive the Vietnamese Genocide. Only by using non-violence and with the commitment of the Cambodian government to help them, can the Khmer Krom have any chance to survive.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;However, the Hun Sen is not only uncommitted to help the Khmer Krom, but instead, is working with his boss the Vietnamese, to eliminate the Khmer Krom from the surface of the earth. Next, is the Khmer Kandal (Cambodian in present day Cambodia) who are already fast shrinking under the Vietnamese "Nam Tien" (or Southward March,) now the westward March has begun.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wake up Cambodians!! Preah Vihear is nothing compared to the Vietnamese determined and century old genocide. The Thais are not going to take back Preah Vihear, it is already accepted by the international community. Don't be fooled by Hun Sen's trick to make him look more nationalistic than he really is. Hun Sen is not a Cambodian patriot, but, he is a traitor to the Cambodian people.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. August 3, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;----------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;For centuries, ethnic Cambodians known as Khmer Krom (literally “the lower Khmers”) have inhabited the fertile lowlands around the Mekong River delta. They once occupied the southeastern lobe of a sprawling Khmer empire, and they retain deep linguistic and cultural links to Cambodia. However, after centuries of Vietnamese expansion and colonial rule, the Khmer Krom entered modern times living at the southern tail of the serpentine state of Vietnam. When tensions have flared between Cambodia and Vietnam, the Khmer Krom have often been caught in the middle. At times, their hybrid identity has enabled them to play the two national governments off against one another for profit, but in other cases perceptions of “dual allegiances” made the Khmer Krom targets for abuse. Never was their position more precarious than during the period of Democratic Kampuchea (DK). In this article, I briefly review the predicament of the lowland Khmers under Khmer Rouge rule and ask a legal question relevant to the proceedings at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC): should Khmer Rouge atrocities against Khmer Krom be treated any differently than abuses against other segments of the population?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Historical Background&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Khmer Krom have a complicated history. Until the 14th century, the delta region was predominantly Khmer, but Vietnamese influence in the area rose over time. By the late 19th century, when French authorities included the Mekong delta region in the colony of Cochinchina, a Vietnamese majority and large settlements of ethnic Chinese traders joined the lowland Khmer population in an ethnic mélange. Although roughly one million ethnic Khmers lived in the area, they had become a relatively small minority by the era of South Vietnamese independence in the early 1950s. Nonetheless, Cambodians on both sides of the French-drawn boundary continued to refer to the delta as Kampuchea Krom (“lower Cambodia”), implicitly or explicitly expressing a sense of historical entitlement to the land.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;During the Vietnam War, the U.S. government capitalized on that sense of injustice, training significant numbers of Khmer Krom to raise arms against the Viet Cong. Those lowland Khmer soldiers became known as “White Scarves” and later established the Struggle Front of the Khmer of Kampuchea Krom (KKK), an organization bent on the recapture of the delta for ethnic Cambodians. During the same period, Son Ngoc Thanh—who was himself Khmer Krom—attempted to revive the conservative Khmer Serei (“Free Khmer”) movement, oust Prince Sihanouk, and repel Cambodian communist advances. The Khmer Serei drew many of its guerilla soldiers from the lowland Khmer population. After Marshal Lon Nol seized power in the coup of March 1970, Son Ngoc Thanh became a cabinet minister and enlisted Khmer Serei soldiers in the country’s civil war. The Khmer Serei drew many of its guerilla soldiers from the lowland Khmer population.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Not all Khmer Krom aligned with the United States and local right-wing groups. In fact, two of the leaders of the Khmer Rouge movement—Ieng Sary and Son Sen—were lowland Khmers. Nevertheless, the prominent role that groups like the KKK and Khmer Serei played in both countries put the Khmer Krom in a precarious position after the Khmer Rouge and Vietnamese communist victories in spring 1975.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Khmer Krom in Democratic Kampuchea&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Both Khmer Rouge and Vietnamese leaders viewed the Khmer Krom community with distrust, perceiving (correctly) that elements of the lowland Khmer community were engaged in resistance against their new regimes. Vietnamese troops continued to spar with KKK guerillas and saw the Khmer Krom population as a potential source of broader separatist movements that could challenge the Vietnamese concept of nationalism. Across the border, zealous Khmer Rouge revolutionaries had fresh memories of a war in which Khmer Serei troops had fought against them. They also saw the Khmer Krom as culturally impure and believed their twin cultural and political identities could complicate the business of constructing a new Cambodian state. Leaders in both countries feared that the lowland Khmers could serve as a channel for subversion by the dreaded American “imperialists,” whose deep footprints in Indochina had only begun to fade.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;To make matters worse, many Khmer Krom became caught in the middle of rapidly deteriorating Viet-Kampuchean relations. Despite years of espoused “fraternity” during the Vietnam War, there was little love lost between new leaders in Phnom Penh and Hanoi. Almost immediately after the fall of Saigon, conflict erupted along their shared frontier. Spats over disputed islands in the Gulf of Thailand soon gave way to a simmering border conflict on the mainland. The border conflict became intimately entwined with questions of ethnic and national identity. Kampuchea Krom featured centrally in Khmer Rouge thinking. It represented a “lost province” and reminder of the historical humiliation that Cambodians had suffered during centuries of Siamese and Vietnamese expansion and subsequent imperial rule. As noted above, it was also a major source of perceived threat to the paranoid Pol Pot regime. Given their ability to blend into Cambodian society, Khmer Krom were potentially ideal agents for Vietnamese interference.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Targeting the Lowland Khmers&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Few scholars have focused on the predicament of the Khmer Krom population during the DK era. The principal exception is Ben Kiernan, who conducted extensive interview research in and around Cambodia shortly after the fall of the Pol Pot regime. Kiernan has examined in great detail how the regime victimized various minority groups and elements of the ethnic Khmer majority population who were suspected of disloyalty to the revolution. His findings make it clear—from a historical if not legal standpoint—that Khmer Krom were sometimes singled out for particular abuse.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As one lurid example, Kiernan has described a series of events in the spring of 1976, when the Vietnamese army drove 68 members of the KKK fighters across the border into Cambodia. The Khmer Krom guerillas reached out to local Khmer Rouge officials, asked to meet with DK president Khieu Samphan, and voiced their desire to ally with DK forces against Vietnam. Their request was denied. Instead, their leader was taken to Tuol Sleng for torture and execution. The other 67 were driven off to face a firing squad. Despite obvious ethnic affinity, DK forces perceived Khmer Krom as a political risk, because they were identified with “annexationist” Vietnam and the dreaded American imperialists. Kiernan’s field research suggests that the KKK soldiers were identified as possible American spies or traitors for the most superficial of reasons, such as their long hair or habit of drinking milk (an “imperialist” beverage.)[1] That episode does not appear to have been unique. Kiernan also draws attention to killings of Khmer Krom in two southwestern districts—Prey Krabas and Bati—in 1975-76.[2]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The plight of the Khmer Krom only worsened over time. By 1977, a significant number of Cambodians in the DK “eastern zone” had defected across the border to join the resistance to the Pol Pot regime. Paranoia in Phnom Penh reached a crescendo, and the hunt for Vietnamese agents in Cambodia correspondingly peaked. Khmer Krom living in Cambodia were among the prime suspects. The convictions of the DK inner circle only grew after a few dozen Khmer Krom prisoners at the infamous Tuol Sleng Prison confessed—truthfully or simply to stop the torture—to spying for Vietnam. Similar abuses took place in the Kraing Ta Chan prison in Takeo, not far from the Vietnamese border. Documents from that prison—the only provincial prison to leave behind a large trove of paperwork—reveal that Khmer Krom were frequent suspects of espionage and other “counter-revolutionary” activities.[3] The documents suggest that most prisoners at the Kraing Ta Chan facility were Khmer Krom.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In 1977, other gruesome abuses against Khmer Krom took place in the Bakan district of Pursat province, shortly after the provincial chief was accused of treason by the central leadership in Phnom Penh. Through interview research, Kim Keokanitha has found that in Rumlech district, Khmer Rouge officials compiled personal histories of people working in the area cooperatives, identified Khmer Krom, and physically separated them from the rest of the community for observation. She shows that officials acting in the name of Angkar (the “Organization,” a term usually reserved for senior DK leadership) first sent Khmer Krom villagers to nearby Khnar Toteung sub-district. She then documents the disappearance and execution of lowland Khmers, noting that members of the ethnic Cambodian majority were spared that atrocity. Her interviews with numerous survivors suggest that Khmer Krom were targeted for execution due to their perceived links to Vietnam.[4] Kiernan’s research suggests that roughly 500 to 700 Khmer Krom were killed and dumped into mass graves.[5]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Ironies of Khmer Rouge Policy&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;These and other attacks ironically took place during an alleged DK campaign to liberate Kampuchea Krom. In an infamous May 1978 radio address, Pol Pot attempted to rally the army and the population, painting the struggle with Vietnam as one of national and racial survival. He exhorted each Khmer Rouge soldier to “kill 30 Vietnamese” in view of Cambodia’s smaller numbers and urged the general population to resist Vietnam on all fronts “in defense of Cambodian territory and the Cambodian race.”[6] He also accused Vietnam of a plan to “swallow” Cambodia, first by capturing “Prey Nokor” (the Khmer name for Saigon) and then by attacking Phnom Penh. Pol Pot thus suggested that the Khmer Krom were part of a unified Cambodian “race” that needed to be liberated from venal Vietnamese rule. By 1977, DK forces were indeed funneling arms to Khmer Krom rebels in southern Vietnam to foment resistance against the central government in Hanoi.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The planned recapture of Kampuchea Krom became something of an article of faith in DK policy. For example, a set of ten key regulations at Tuol Sleng Prison included the following: “Do not make pretexts about Kampuchea Krom to hide your jaw of traitor.”[7] This awkward phrase suggests that at least some prisoners voiced support for the “liberation” of Kampuchea Krom to establish their bona fides with DK interrogators.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;At the same time, as noted above, the Khmer Rouge inner circle oversaw a domestic political machine that was sending significant numbers of lowland Khmer suspects to prison or the grave. Kim points to evidence of a “political education meeting” in late 1977 or early 1978, in which Pol Pot himself hosted a group of Khmer Krom in the Olympic Stadium in Phnom Penh, telling them that he would “keep” only those who agreed to follow Angkar.[8] Drawing from interviews, Kiernan argues that by 1978, there existed a general nationwide DK policy of “screening” the ethnic Vietnamese and Khmer Krom populations and killing them. Kiernan also interviewed a number of lowland Khmers who were kidnapped by DK forces from Vietnamese soil and brought into Cambodia to perform brute labor. One interviewee noted that he and others denied their knowledge of Vietnamese, because to acknowledge they could speak the language would have meant almost certain death.[9]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Adjudicating Crimes against the Khmer Krom&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is beyond dispute that many members of the Khmer Krom community suffered grave abuses in Democratic Kampuchea. With the trials of at least five former Khmer Rouge leaders approaching, prosecutors and judges face an important legal question: should the abuses against the Khmer Krom be treated differently than offenses against other victims?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Relevant Legal Provisions&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;International law has long included provisions designed to protect vulnerable minority groups. The 1948 Genocide Convention, drafted in the wake of the Nazi Holocaust, outlawed the intentional destruction of racial, religious, national, and ethnic groups. The offense of “crimes against humanity” also evolved to protect certain groups that had suffered frequent abuse throughout history. As developed at the International Criminal Tribunal at Nuremberg, it prohibited widespread or systematic attacks against civilian populations on racial, religious, national, ethnic, or political grounds.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Countless critics have argued that these definitions are too narrow, because they exclude certain types of victims from protection, and indeed the law has begun to change. Most notably, the 1998 Rome Statute broadened the definition of crimes against humanity to include attacks against any non-military civilian populations. However, the law governing the ECCC uses the traditional definitions, and there is a compelling legal reason for doing so. The Khmer Rouge regime committed its misdeeds in the late 1970s, and basic principles of justice require that a person can only be convicted for a crime that existed when he or she committed the acts in question. Most international jurists and scholars agree that as of the late 1970s, a defendant could be convicted of genocide or crimes against humanity only if he or she committed certain abuses against one or more specific protected groups.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;To date, five former Khmer Rouge leaders—namely Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan, Ieng Sary, Ieng Thirith, and Duch—have been arrested and charged with crimes against humanity. None has yet been charged with genocide against the Khmer Krom. However, if such charges are brought, the question of how to characterize abuses against the lowland Khmers will become considerably more salient, because the ECCC provision against genocide does not protect political groups. Did the defendant(s) simply view the Khmer Krom as a group that had to be watched carefully for political reasons—like intellectuals or former city dwellers—or did the defendant(s) see the lowland Khmers as an ethnic group or part of a Vietnamese national group that had to be destroyed? The former may produce a conviction for crimes against humanity, but only the latter will lead to a guilty verdict for genocide.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Classifying the Khmer Krom&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The law governing the ECCC offers no definition of racial, religious, ethnic, national, or political groups, but if past international practice is any guide, the court will almost certainly be willing to recognize some Khmer Krom individuals members of larger racial, religious, national, or political groups. For example, Khmer Krom attacked because of past affiliation with the conservative Lon Nol regime could constitute part of a protected political group. Similarly, Khmer Krom attacked for being Buddhist monks could comprise part of a protected religious group.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Collectively, the Khmer Krom arguably belong to one of two national groups. First, those who were Vietnamese citizens could be considered part of a Vietnamese national group. To include Khmer Krom in a protected Vietnamese national group, judges would need to conclude, on the basis of some evidence, that Khmer Rouge defendants perceived them as Vietnamese nationals and abused them on that basis. Khmer Krom who were Cambodian citizens are less likely to be considered part of a protected national group. Some scholars have argued that DK policies amounted to a form of “self-genocide” in which the Khmer Rouge sought to destroy the Cambodian national group “in part.” It is conceivable but unlikely that ECCC prosecutors would bring a case arguing that Khmer Rouge leaders targeted Cambodian citizens for genocide or crimes against humanity on the grounds of nationality.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ascertaining whether the Khmer Krom constituted a distinct ethnic group is a thornier question. Under international criminal law, an “ethnic group“ usually refers to a minority population with distinct cultural or historical characteristics, such as a distinct language, religion or shared history. Detectable differences in between Khmer Krom and other Cambodians do exist—such as different linguistic accents and different habits of custom and dress. Objective cultural and historical differences between the Khmer Krom and the Khmer majority are relevant, because they are the basis upon which DK officials could distinguish between the two, but they are probably not enough to establish protected group status. The prosecutors would also need to show evidence that DK defendants perceived the lowland Khmers as a distinct ethnic group and treated them as such. That task could be more difficult.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Why Were the Khmer Krom Singled Out?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Of course, establishing that the Khmer Krom were a protected group does not mean that they were necessarily victims of genocide or crimes against humanity. To be held guilty of genocide, a defendant must have attempted to destroy a protected group in whole or in part. To be convicted of crimes against humanity, he or she must be guilty of “widespread and systematic” abuses against a protected group across a reasonably wide geographic area on the grounds of that protected group’s identity.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Historical evidence suggests strongly that the DK regime at least sometimes singled out Khmer Krom for criminal abuse on the basis of their perceived links to Vietnam. It is also easy to show that Khmer Rouge leaders frequently identified the Vietnamese as mortal adversaries, especially in the latter phases of their rule. As Kiernan, Alexander Hinton, and other scholars have emphasized, DK correspondence documents, radio addresses, and publications are replete with references to the dreaded yuon (a slanderous term for Vietnamese) and often disparaged domestic opponents as “Khmer bodies with Vietnamese minds.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The much tougher legal (and historical) question is to determine precisely why the Khmer Krom were targeted. Was it primarily on the basis of their imputed politics, their identity as ethnic minorities, or their nationality as citizens of Vietnam? In some cases, when they were accused of being employed spies of the Vietnamese state, it may be fair for the ECCC to treat them as part of a protected Vietnamese national group. However, in many other instances, it appears that DK officials mistreated Khmer Krom due to a perception that lowland Khmers were likely to be politically sympathetic to Vietnam, the Lon Nol regime, or the United States. In those cases, the Khmer Krom look less like victims of targeted genocide than a subset of Cambodian victims of ideologically and politically inspired crimes against humanity.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Why the Khmer Krom Case Matters&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One might ask why it is important to focus on abuses against the Khmer Krom, given that so many other groups also suffered unspeakable abuses at the hands of the Pol Pot regime. The Khmer Krom case is worth examining for at least two reasons:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Understanding the Tragedy&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;First, the ECCC’s role is partly to deliver justice and provide a definitive legal judgment but also to help Cambodians improve their understanding of the regime. What may sound like hair-splitting legal questions about Khmer Rouge intent are in fact fundamental to fathoming the Khmer Rouge tragedy. For years, scholars have engaged in furious debates over the driving impetus for Khmer Rouge atrocities. To what extent did racial or ethnic prejudices drive Khmer Rouge policies? To what extent were communist ideology or power politics responsible?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The debate about the motives for Khmer Rouge killing has immense historical importance. If one focuses on the genocidal or racist motives of Khmer Rouge abuses, one implicitly associates the Pol Pot regime with fascism and regimes on the far right of the political spectrum. If one stresses the ideological rationale for the killings, one shines light instead on the Maoist and Stalinist strands of Khmer Rouge policy. Most scholars have tilted toward the latter interpretation, and indeed much evidence supports placing priority on the political motives for DK terror. Khmer Rouge purges were often justified in richly communist terms. Officials frequently depicted them as efforts to defend “the revolution” against a wide range of “enemies” and “reactionary elements” working in tandem with foreign foes and “imperialists.” In the vast majority of cases, detainees at prisons like Tuol Sleng were accused of crimes like espionage and subversion that implied political motives for their mistreatment. Even when definable ethnic, religious, or national groups were clearly singled out for abuse, those offenses were often justified politically or occurred in the context of broader Khmer Rouge efforts to “screen” or “smash” perceived political foes.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Some evidence does exist to support the view that Khmer Rouge officials at various levels were driven partly by deep-seated racial animosity, particularly toward the Vietnamese. However, segregating racist and political motives is difficult. The perceived imperatives of “the revolution” may have allowed some Khmer Rouge officials to justify acting upon their ethnic or national antipathies. Ethnic and political motives also became entangled in Khmer Rouge discourse. Over time, the DK leadership began to emphasize the national and ethnic dimensions of the conflict with Vietnam. Was this the regime showing its true genocidal colors? Or was it simply an attempt to galvanize the beleaguered Cambodian masses and draw attention away from the bankruptcy and brutality of the Khmer Rouge’s domestic political regime?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The role of the ECCC is not to resolve longstanding scholarly debates about the fundamental nature of the DK regime. Its proceedings will rightly focus on particular defendants. Still, by choosing which prosecutions to undertake, holding public hearings, making arguments, and ultimately issuing verdicts, court officials can contribute meaningfully to an important debate. In that sense, the ECCC will play an important part in shaping the public’s understanding of the Khmer Rouge era.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Addressing Perceptions of Justice&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The second reason why the Khmer Krom case is important has to do with perceptions of justice. Many victims of Democratic Kampuchea—including some lowland Khmers—rightly perceive certain aspects of their experiences as unique. Many believe that they suffered through “genocide,” in part because the popular connotation of that term has come to be associated with the very gravest of crimes in history. Some survivors of Democratic Kampuchea could therefore feel cheated if the ECCC does not conclude that they were not victims of genocide. The case of the Khmer Krom may prove to be contentious, because it sits close to the border of what might be considered ethnically motivated genocide or politically driven crimes against humanity. In fact, neither of these crimes is inherently “worse” than the other. Public education needs to dispel the notion that the absence of a genocide conviction signifies diminished acknowledgement of human suffering. Nevertheless, the label of “genocide” will remain powerfully evocative for the foreseeable future.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The ECCC has an obligation to deliver justice to victims, but it has an equally important obligation to advance what the relevant court officials believe—in their best professional judgment—to be the truth. This article has not attempted to adjudicate whether the Khmer Krom suffered abuses that meet the legal definition of genocide or whether they were victims of other similarly grave human right violations. The court can usefully contribute to this important debate by determining, on the basis of the best available evidence, how to most accurately characterize the conduct of the individual defendants now set to stand trial. In that manner, the ECCC will best deliver justice and best contribute to an enhanced public understanding of the Khmer Rouge tragedy.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[1] Ben Kiernan, The Pol Pot Regime: Race, Power, and Genocide under the Khmer Rouge, 1975-1979 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996), pp. 1-4.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[2] Kiernan, p. 299.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[3] Roughly 1,000 pages of documentary material from Kraing Ta Chan are on file at the Documentation Center of Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[4] Kim Keokanitha, “Rumlech Sub-district: Khmer Krom under Khmer Rouge,” unpublished essay on file with the Documentation Center of Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[5] Kiernan, pp. 423-25.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[6] See “Cambodia’s Strategy of Defence against Vietnam,” Phnom Penh Radio Home Service, May 10, 1978, quoted in BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, FE/5813/A3/1.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[7] Tuol Sleng Regulations, No. 8. The regulations are reprinted in a number of secondary works, including Khamboly Dy, A History of Democratic Kampuchea (Phnom Penh: Documentation Center of Cambodia, 2007), p. 50. A photographic copy is on file at the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[8] Kim, pp. 10-11.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[9] Kiernan, pp. 423-25. Timothy Carney makes a similar argument, asserting that a “nationwide campaign” against ethnic Vietnamese and Khmer Krom was in place by 1978. See Timothy Carney, “The Organization of Power,” in Karl D. Jackson, Cambodia 1975-1978: Rendezvous with Death (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press), p. 83, note 3.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Independently Searching for the Truth since 1997&lt;br /&gt;MEMORY &amp;amp; JUSTICE&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Youk Chhang, Director&lt;br /&gt;Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam)&lt;br /&gt;_______________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Some revealing and sincere observations about the relations between Cambodia and Vietnam from a Vietnamese-Australian student&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: some revealing and sincere comments from Peter Nguyen, a Vietnamese-Australian who recently sent the emails posted below. It is remarkable to hear Peter Nguyen apologized for all the mistreatment that Vietnamese did to the Khmer people in general. Peter Nguyen is a young student at a university in Australia is obviously very smart and aware of what is going on in the world and especially in what is going on between Vietnam and Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;His very thoughtful analysis on the relations between Cambodia and Vietnam has confirmed all the analyses that I have written on this subject in this and the other web sites. I have always said that it is Vietnam, which is the most deadly factor for the slow but certain disappearance of Cambodia in the not so distant future.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is true that Thailand was the first to dismantle the Khmer Empire starting in the 13 Th century with the birth of the Kingdom of Sokhothai, known as the cradle of the Thai civilization, with Ram Kamheng as its most illustrious king. But, the Khmer Suring are well treated by the Thais and their cultural heritage is allowed to flourish. While the Khmer Krom in South Vietnam, are being culturally and physically eliminated slowly but surely. This is no more no less, a genocide.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Those who recently were so naive to be duped by Hun Sen in the context the recent row with Thailand over the issue of Preah Vihear, should think again. Do they want to the Khmer Surin to be mistreated by the Thai as the Vietnamese is doing to the Khmer Krom? Is not one enemy is enough? These narrow-mined and short-sighted Cambodian nationalists should think again. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. July 30, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Submitted on Tuesday, 15 Jul 2008 15:10:14 +1000&lt;br /&gt;Name: Peter Nguyen&lt;br /&gt;Email: jd7772@msn.com&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Hi Naranhkiri,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;First let me introduce myself, I'm a Vietnamese-Australian and currently studying at Griffith University. I just started university and taking international relation as I have been interested in international politics since 14, now I'm 21.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As a Vietnamese I was not aware of much of the mistreatment of Cambodian by the Vietnamese people, that you have described and feel that I should make an apology on behalf of my people for the pain my people have caused the Khmers. My sincere apology again to your people.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Even though I'm a 1st year uni student and scored bad in my english exam; hence my bad spelling and grammar, you might find my talent quite useful. Before I start I just wanted to let you know I disagree with your constant assumption that Vietnam is all the cause of all Cambodia's problem.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ok,the thing I want to point out is that your plan resembles any human rights activist plans... which is stress the problem to the public and appeal to the US government for help. I think you lack allot of tactics and understanding of the world politics. Not to be offensive but you seem to stress the problem not the solution like take down Hu Shen but not elaborate on how, your solution resolves around the fall of communism in Vietnam and begging US government to take another look at the problem which you don't understand can take decades. Also you understand yourself very well but how well do you know the enemy in this case Vietnamese. Theres alot of problem in your path to freedom because its a simple plan, a protest or demonstration will get the same result.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please don't take it to offense but just think about it. Hope it helps&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Regards Peter&lt;br /&gt;-------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;July 27, 2008&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Dear Naranhkiri,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I believe the world should have more men like you and it has been an honor. To tell you the truth I fear Cambodia suffering has just begun which lead me to your website.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I know im still young but I get a feeling something big is going to happen, a shift in world power like India japan brazil and Germany running after Permanent UN seats. Russia and USA quitely preparing for world war 3 and ofcourse the rapid rise of China. As you know India, Japan and USA has been courting Vietnam for awhile as Vietnam gaurds the gate which has stop the chinese from expanding south wards for thousands of years. The chinese influence are always in check by Vietnam but everyone fears Vietnam might side with China as it economy is rapidly growing. The Chinese have been agressively been using soft power around the world and it influence is growing alarmingly.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As for Cambodia it not like other countries its placed between world powers like korea who's foriegn policy is decided by Russia China Japan and USA. I believe Cambodia has more problems to deal with than Vietnam domination. Cambodia is a flashpoint and is waiting for a spark to ignite the whole country into an inferno.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As the US is weakening so has democracy in south-east asia and i see a whole new world in less than 10 years.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I believe you should be more involved in Cambodia politics as not many men like youself out there that are not blinded by their emotions and pride. Again it was a honor to meet you and hope you keep in touch.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Regards Peter&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;July 26, 2008&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Dear Peter:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I totally agreed with what you said. I have already written a great deal about that buffer zone concept used by Vietnam to justify its dominance of Laos and Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This 'buffet zone' concept had also been used by other nations in Europe and America. The Germans did it, and the Americans did it as well. However, acknowledging the use of the concept does not lead to accepting it. But, how to reject this imperialistic concept is easy said than done.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I know a lot of history of the world more than you can imagine possible. But, as I said before, it is up to Cambodia to come up with a strategy to survive. That strategy to survive is written in the following web page in one of my web sites.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I have never advocated the recovery of lost land in South Vietnam known as Kampuchea Krom, by forces. I have only advocated the strategy to stop of genocide against the Khmers Krom by means of non-violence. Please, see my web page on that issue entitled "A Suggested Roadmap for Freedom fro the Cambodian People."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Most Cambodians consider me as a coward or worse as a traitor because I advocate the use of non-violent means to protect the Cambodian people in South Vietnam. Here is that web page:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a title="http://cambodiana.org/ARuggestedRoadmaptofreedomforCambodia.aspx" href="http://cambodiana.org/ARuggestedRoadmaptofreedomforCambodia.aspx"&gt;http://cambodiana.org/ARuggestedRoadmaptofreedomforCambodia.aspx&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I am glad we can have a frank and up front exchange of views on the difficult and longstanding problems between the two countries of our birth.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please, keep in touch. Best regards.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Dr. Naranhkiri Tith&lt;br /&gt;Former SAIS Professor of International Economics and Finance, The Johns Hopkins University, and former Senior staff member of the IMF, Washington DC..&lt;br /&gt;----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In a message dated 7/26/2008 11:17:17 A.M. Eastern Daylight Time, jd7772@msn.com writes:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Dear Naranhkiri,&lt;br /&gt;To anwser your first question I read the cambodiana website. Second I think you missed understood me since probably from my bad grammar. I understand you want to survive and with Hun Shen government your county will never achieve prosperity and I totally understand. What I'm trying to say is that regardless if Vietnam is a democratic or communist country, it will not change Cambodia status. You have to understand why Vietnam is trying to control Cambodia and Laos. 1. Cambodia and Laos are considered Buffer zones against pro-american Thailand and pro-chinese Myanmar. Like hawaii is a buffer zone against asia, alaska against russia and purto rico against south america, also China's Tibet is a buffer against India and Russia's Kalingrad is buffer against NATO. In other words Vietnam is using Cambodia and Laos as a battleground for future wars. Inturn leaves Vietnam relatively untouched. 2. There is no real garuntee that your new government wont try to demand that Vietnam return all or parts of Cambodia Vietnam has taken over the centuries. Which might lead sour of relation between the two which put Vietnam at risk of border skirmishes in which Vietnam would force to invade Cambodia again. 3. MOST IMPORTANT Vietnam is weak point is from the back. Even though Vietnam has a weak navy but they can defeat any enemy that land on its shores. I'm not saying this justifies Vietnams action but give you an understanding of why they doing this. Also you must also understand WHY the US government is cosing up to Vietnam. This is what I meant sorry I never read over my work. :D yer if something dosn't make sense I'll try to rewrite it for you.Best regards Peter&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;July 27, 2008&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Dear Peter:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Thank you for your very kind words on my behalf. I am greatly encouraged that we can engage in this kind of difficult but necessary, dialogue on the destiny of our respective country, in a very sincere and frank manner, with mutual respect and understanding.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are already too many Cambodians who are in politics already, but, there are practically none as thinkers. Because, I am an intellectual by training and background I chose the more difficult road to enlighten my countrymen and the world on the situation of our mutual countries and what can be done to minimize the tragic situation that Cambodia is in now.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I chose this difficult road to travel, because, as an Cambodian-American intellectual, I feel responsible for the destiny of the people of the my country of birth. I have no ambition whatsoever in politics, to be anybody in Cambodia. For your information, I come from a very prominent political family in Cambodia, (My father was prime minister of Cambodia in the mid-1950's). I am an American by choice, as I came here not as a refugee, but as an immigrant.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;So, as you can see now why I spent so much time in trying to inform the public at large through my web sites, in order to give Cambodia a better chance to survive, even knowing that the probability for the Cambodian people to survive is so very small, but, we cannot give up.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Thank you for your very kind and generous words on what I am trying to do, and for engaging in our enlightening discussion on the problems concerning our two countries. Stay in touch. Best regards.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D.&lt;br /&gt;Former professor of International economics and finance at the Johns Hopkins University and former senior staff member of the International Monetary Fund&lt;br /&gt;Washington DC.&lt;br /&gt;________________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Polls close in Cambodian election&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: This article by the BBC shows that Hun Sen will win this Sunday 2008 election, not because he is a good leader, because he is a bloody dictator. Hun Sen has been controlling every aspects of life in Cambodia, since he was put in power by the Vietnamese in the mid-1980.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As pointed out by most international and local observers that violence has declined, not because Hun Sen had given up his habit to kill those who oppose him, but, because he did need need to do so. Should the need arise to suppress any opponents, Hun Sen still has that power to eliminate any opponent who dare to challenge him. Also, Hun Sen has been able to keep the absolute power, because there are no credible and honest opposition leaders in present day Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The long-term outlook for Cambodia remains bleak for the majority of Cambodians, even tough the recent high performance of the Cambodian economy has been registered. Because the majority of Cambodians are still living in abject poverty, while powerful and rich friends and family members of Hun Sen and his CPP are living in opulent villas and driving Lexus and Mercedes cars. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D, Washington DC. July 28, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;-----------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Millions of Cambodians have voted in a general election widely expected to return Prime Minister Hun Sen to office with a firmer grip on power.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;His Cambodian People's Party holds 73 assembly seats out of 123, and analysts say his majority is likely to increase.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The prime minister, who has ruled since 1985, has gained huge approval for taking a tough stance in an ongoing dispute with neighbouring Thailand.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The countries are arguing over land surrounding an ancient monument.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Both nations have massed troops near the 900-year-old Preah Vihear temple - which belongs to Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Each claims the land surrounding the temple, and the dispute has raised nationalist fervour in Bangkok and Phnom Penh.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"People are more focused on the border issue at Preah Vihear temple than on the election," Hang Puthea, who heads an election-monitoring body, told AFP news agency.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia is due to hold talks with Thailand on the issue on Monday.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;No more coalition?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Eleven parties are contesting the polls, but most analysts believe the CPP will secure another five-year term in power.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Under Hun Sen, Cambodia has achieved high economic growth - helped by revenue from the garment and tourist industries.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cambodian politicians and party activists know the CPP will use violence if necessary&lt;br /&gt;Brad Adams&lt;br /&gt;Human Rights Watch&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But the country is also experiencing soaring inflation and there is growing discontent over endemic corruption - both of which could favour opposition leader Sam Rainsy, correspondents say.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Sam Rainsy Party - which has a strong power base in the capital but is weaker in rural areas - currently holds 24 seats in the 123-seat parliament.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The CPP, with 73 seats, has been ruling in a coalition with the royalist party, Funcinpec, which holds 26 seats.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But a 2006 constitutional amendment means the CPP requires only a simple majority - rather than a two-thirds majority - to rule in its own right.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;So all the indications are the CPP will be returned to office, with no need for a coalition partner.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Poll violence&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Tens of thousands of Cambodia's eight million registered voters left the cities to vote in their home villages.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A ban on alcohol was enforced to ensure a peaceful poll - the fourth since decades of civil war ended.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Previous elections have been hit by violence. Scores of people - mainly opposition supporters and activists - were killed or beaten in the run-up to elections in 1998.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Campaigning for Sunday's vote passed off comparatively smoothly, but rights groups have flagged up ruling party control of the media and intimidation of opposition activists as continuing problems.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"Cambodian politicians and party activists know the CPP will use violence if necessary - which means the ruling party doesn't need to do so," said Brad Adams, of US-based Human Rights Watch.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;International and domestic monitors scrutinised the voting, which began at 0700 (0000 GMT) and closed eight hours later.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Story from BBC NEWS:&lt;br /&gt;http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/1/hi/world/asia-pacific/7527325.stm&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Published: 2008/07/27 08:27:47 GMT&lt;br /&gt;____________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Political tensions driving temple row&lt;br /&gt;By Jonathan Head&lt;br /&gt;BBC News, Bangkok&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: As I have said before that there are more factors behind just the issue of Preah Vihear. Hun Sen is the main factor in this new fare up of tension between Thailand and Cambodia. The other related issue is the fact that the present party in power in Thailand is a facade for former Prime Minister Taksin Shinawatra, and Taksin had made his fortune in Cambodia thanks to Hun Sen's support. This, in turn, had made the Thai suspicious of Taksin's relation with Cambodia, especially with Hun Sen.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;More deadly, is the hidden fact that Hun Sen wants to make the Preah Vihear dispute to show that he is defending the sovereignty of Cambodia. But, in reality, he wants to divert the attention from a more deadly threat from Vietnam, which is Hun Sen's real boss.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Unfortunately, most Cambodians are so naive and so short-sighted that they see only the short term facade gain from Thailand, and not the long term loss from the Vietnamese imperialism. Sad, but true, this tragicomedy of decept continues to palgue the destiny of the Cambodian people, fueled by Hun Sen's high treason. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. July 15, 2008).&lt;br /&gt;----------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;A week after the controversial listing of the ancient Preah Vihear temple as a World Heritage Site, the dispute that has flared up between Thailand and Cambodia is still causing tension.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The 11th-Century Hindu temple lies along the border between the two countries, but in 1962 the International Court of Justice judged that it belonged to Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;However the land surrounding the temple is still disputed, and the only practical access is from Thailand.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The issue has stirred up nationalist emotions in an already sensitive political climate in both countries.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Early on Tuesday three Thai protesters crossed into the temple - which remains closed - and were detained for a short time by Cambodian troops.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Cambodian authorities also say 40 Thai soldiers crossed into their territory briefly, although they are putting this down to confusion over the precise line of the border.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;For both sides there is more at stake than a temple.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia is preoccupied with a hard-fought general election campaign, in which Prime Minister Hun Sen aims to extend his more than two decades in power.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Last week he encouraged thousands of Cambodians to join a rowdy celebration of the temple's new international status in the capital, Phnom Penh.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In Thailand feelings are running even higher; the government elected last December was already floundering under a combined assault by street demonstrators, unfavourable court verdicts and the parliamentary opposition.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Its opponents have accused it of incompetence, and of being led by nominees of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was deposed by a coup in September 2006.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Now the government is being attacked for selling out the country over Preah Vihear, because it initially supported Cambodia's bid to list the temple.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of Thailand's top courts judged that decision to be unconstitutional, as it was in effect a treaty which needed parliamentary approval, and it has barred the government from offering any further co-operation with Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As a result Foreign Minister Noppodol Pattama was forced to resign last week, one of three ministers to lose his job over the past two months.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Opposition from elite&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The volatile state of Thai politics is the principle reason the row has blown up.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Thai society is still deeply polarised between those who support Mr Thaksin, and want him to stage a political comeback, and those who loathed his leadership style and mistrust the motives of the government, which is led by his party.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The fact that before being appointed foreign minister, Mr Noppodol had been Mr Thaksin's chief lawyer made his position particularly vulnerable.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;His critics accuse him of putting his former client's business interests in Cambodia before the country's interests over the temple, something he has strongly denied.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;That suspicion harks back to the five-and-a-half years Thaksin Shinawatra was in office. As an immensely wealthy and successful businessman himself, he promoted his can-do ethos around the country, especially in poorer rural areas.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He believed in the global marketplace, and in exposing Thais to its risks and opportunities. He pushed hard to privatise state-owned industries and get free trade agreements with as many countries as he could.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Inevitably he provoked opposition from those who felt they would lose out, or from those who felt he cared more about making money than about Thailand's traditions and interests.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The most vehement opposition to the Preah Vihear World Heritage bid comes from the same groups who objected to many of Mr Thaksin's policies: the traditional, royalist and aristocratic elite and elements of the Bangkok middle class.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Historical rivalry&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But there are also genuine historical grievances at play.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The international court decision awarding Preah Vihear to Cambodia in 1962 was not unanimous. It rested largely on Thailand's failure to protest against the French-drawn border line in the decades before.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;At the time it was mapped, a hundred years ago, Thailand had few skilled cartographers of its own.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The French colonial cartographers were supposed to draw the border along the forested edge of the Dangret Escarpment, but they veered in a few hundred meters to put the temple on the Cambodian side. It is not clear why the Thais did not object then.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But it is worth remembering that in 1941 Thailand fought its only war of the 20th Century with French colonial forces over where the border with Cambodia should lie. A huge monument in the centre of Bangkok still commemorates that conflict.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;At different periods in the past Thai and Khmer empires have vied for dominance in the region; the town next to the famous Khmer ruins at Angkor Wat is Siem Reap, which means "Siam [Thailand] flattened".&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Khmer-style temples like Preah Vihear still dot much of Thailand's north-east.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;That historical rivalry still resonates today. Only five years ago the Thai embassy in Phnom Penh was burned down by an angry mob after a Thai actress was wrongly quoted as saying Angkor Wat should belong to Thailand.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As it awaited news of the listing of Preah Vihear as a World Heritage site, the Cambodian government took the precaution of reinforcing security around the re-built Thai embassy.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Story from BBC NEWS:&lt;br /&gt;http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/asia-pacific/7507425.stm&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Published: 2008/07/15 14:16:15 GMT&lt;br /&gt;____________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Thailand foreign minister quits&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: The recent resignation of the Thai foreign minister is an indication that Thailand will not sit silent while the Hun Sen/Sihanouk regime has allowed the Vietnamese to silently and unabatedly sending millions of illegal immigrants into Cambodia. Hun Sen also has allowed Vietnamese to build schools and to teach the Vietnamese in Cambodia in their own language, while refusing to recognize the same rights to the Khmer people living in Kampuchea Krom (South Vietnam). The Khmer Kampuchea Krom are being systematically subjected to a deliberate genocidal policy impletented by the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV), as indicated by Rebecca Sommers, a German humanist and fislm maker who documented the whole atrocities against the Khmer Krom in a Video entitled 'Eliminated without Bleeding.' Officially, Vietnam has indicated that there are only 900,000 Khmer Krom, while estimates by international NGOs had put that figure around 7 to 10 million Khmers Krom still living in present-day South Vietnam, their ancestral homeland.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The recent resurgence of Thai nationalism over the temple of Preah Vihear, is a sign that Thailand will not allow Vietnam to take over Cambodia and push their border with Thailand to western part of Cambodia. This situation had already occurred once before during the first half of the nineteenth century (1845-63), when both Vietnam and Thailand became the co-suzerains of Cambodia. Only when the King Norodom had asked the French emperor Napoleon III to intervene, did Vietnam and Thailand loose their grip on Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Vietnam’s current plan is to, at least, take over that part of Cambodia to the East of the Mekong River, while Thailand’s plan would consist of taking over the rest of Cambodia, west of the Mekong river. Sad but true, this scenario is a repetition of the event that had taken place once before as I mentioned earlier. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. July 11, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Thai Foreign Minister Noppadon Pattama has resigned after a top court ruled he had violated the constitution by signing a deal over a disputed temple.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia had been petitioning to have the temple on the Thai-Cambodian border listed as a World Heritage site.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But judges ruled the government should not have backed Cambodia without asking parliament, as the temple is built on land disputed by the two countries.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Some Thais saw the move as an implicit surrender of sovereignty claims.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Preah Vihear Hindu temple, near the Thai-Cambodian border, was awarded Unesco World Heritage status on Monday.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Assertive courts&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mr Noppadon made the announcement that he was stepping down on national television.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"But I insist that I have done nothing wrong. I have not sold out the country. I love Thailand, and would not cause any damage to the country," he said, fighting back tears.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"I want to see national reconciliation. In order for the government to continue working to solve the country's problems, I resign."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Always a controversial choice as foreign minister - he used to be a lawyer for former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was ousted in a military coup in 2006 - Mr Noppadon's position became untenable after backing the Unesco World Heritage bid.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;His support for the temple's listing sparked a wave of nationalist anger, and matters were made worse when the Constitutional Court ruled two days ago that the minister's actions had violated the constitution.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mr Noppodol is the second minister to resign from Thailand's embattled government, and according to the BBC's South East Asia correspondent Jonathan Head, he may well not be the last.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another minister resigned in May over allegations he had insulted the king.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The constitutional court, one of the country's top three judicial bodies, also disqualified the health minister from office this week.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The courts have become unusually assertive in punishing government officials for what in the past might have been viewed as minor offences, our correspondent says.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The role of the judiciary was strengthened by the new constitution, which was drafted under military rule last year, so it could act as a check on the power of elected governments.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As prime minister, Mr Thaksin was often accused of abusing his power - a principal reason given to justify the coup that ousted him.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The coalition government now led by his allies risks being crippled by these repeated judicial interventions, our correspondent adds.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The 900-year-old Hindu temple has been the subject of a border dispute for decades.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The International Court of Justice ruled in 1962 that it belonged to Cambodia and has been at the centre of a bitter dispute between the two neighbours ever since.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Story from BBC NEWS:&lt;br /&gt;http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/asia-pacific/7499116.stm&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Published: 2008/07/10 09:54:26 GMT&lt;br /&gt;______________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cambodian court shuttered, blocking opposition leader's defence&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: Cambodian Justice under Hun Sen and his CPP is not to serve the Cambodian people in a neutral and impartial way, but to serve only Hun Sen's interests under the Vietnamese control. In spite of this fact, Sam Rainsy still wants to form a coalition government with Hun Sen, as he had already tried so many times before, and to be rejected unceremoniously.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This shows that Sam Rainsy is purely and simply a crass politician. There is nothing to do with being a Mandela of Cambodia as one of the American NGO had believed he was at one point in time in the past. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. July 9, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;----------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wednesday July 9, 4:03 PM&lt;br /&gt;PHNOM PENH (AFP) - Cambodia's opposition leader Sam Rainsy went to court Wednesday to refute defamation charges brought by the foreign minister over Khmer Rouge remarks, but no one was there to take his evidence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The door to the court was locked when Sam Rainsy arrived. After a security guard let him in, prosecutors did not show up to receive the documents he wanted to file in his defence, he said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"The prosecutors all fled. They are scared by Sam Rainsy," he told reporters as left the court.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Foreign Minister Hor Namhong filed a defamation lawsuit in April at Phnom Penh Municipal Court against Sam Rainsy over remarks alleging that he was a former Khmer Rouge member.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Hor Namhong has long said that he and his family were prisoners at a Khmer Rouge camp, and has successfully sued people in the past for claiming that he had links to the regime.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sam Rainsy, who leads the main opposition party running in general elections on July 27, went voluntarily to the court on Wednesday to submit documents in his defence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He accused the court of being "vulgar and a puppet" and urged the people to "open a new page of history in this year's election" to oust the government.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"The election is near and they want to intimidate me but I'm not scared," Sam Rainsy added.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Court officials could not be reached for comments immediately.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sam Rainsy and his eponymous party are considered the main opposition force when Cambodians go to the polls, but Prime Minister Hun Sen's ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP) is expected to dominate the election.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Up to two million people died of overwork and starvation or were executed under the Khmer Rouge, which outlawed religion, property rights, currency and schools during its 1975-1979 rule.&lt;br /&gt;________________________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia poll campaigning begins&lt;br /&gt;By Guy Delauney&lt;br /&gt;BBC News, Phnom Penh&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Political parties in Cambodia have begun their campaigns in the run-up to next month's general election.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Thousands of supporters of the main parties have been holding rallies around the country and there have been processions in the capital, Phnom Penh.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are high hopes that Cambodia's fourth democratic election will be a peaceful one.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But there have been concerns about legal moves against the main opposition leader, Sam Rainsy.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;'Less tense'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The mobile sound system operators are out in force.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Dozens of small, flat-bed trucks are criss-crossing Phnom Penh, blasting out music, political slogans - anything to get the attention of potential voters&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Party members cram into the back of each vehicle - the ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP) supporters all in white, their coalition partners Funcinpec in yellow.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Supporters of the main opposition Sam Rainsy Party wave placards bearing the bespectacled face of their leader. Police hold up the traffic to let the processions through.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is a rare chance for parties to rally their supporters. The authorities usually place severe restrictions on large gatherings and marches.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But now there will be a month of campaigning for the elections, which take place on 27 July.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Martin Callanan is the chief observer from the European Union's election monitoring mission.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"There are obviously a few difficulties in terms of campaigning for some people during the election," he says.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"But the atmosphere generally seems to be so far, fingers crossed, not as tense. And there's certainly not as much violence as there has been in previous elections."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The European Union is sending more than 100 observers. They will be joined by almost 14,000 monitors from local organisations.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Story from BBC NEWS:&lt;br /&gt;http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/asia-pacific/7474700.stm&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Published: 2008/06/26 08:03:35 GMT&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;_____________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;UN urges Cambodia judicial reform&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia must reform its judiciary in order to improve its human rights record, the UN has said.&lt;br /&gt;The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Louise Arbour, said the justice system needed to address its lack of training, independence and integrity.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Her comments came at the end of a five-day visit to Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Relations between the UN and Cambodia have been tense following earlier reports criticising the country's human rights record.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The timing of Ms Arbour's comments could not have been more pertinent, says the BBC's Guy Delauney in Phnom Penh.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The past two weeks have seen lively debate about the qualifications of Cambodia's legal officials, especially those set to preside over the trial of officials linked to the former Khmer Rouge regime.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Some of the judges only hold the equivalent of high school certificates.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Others completed their legal training in Soviet-bloc countries in the 1980s when Cambodia had a communist government, backed by Vietnam.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"The problems with the judicial branch of governance are profound," Ms Arbour said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"Lack of professional training, insufficient guarantees of independence and lack or perception of lack of integrity are at the heart of what needs to be addressed, both by legislation and by a change of the culture."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Criticism 'unacceptable'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen had earlier described UN officials in his country as long-term tourists and had accused a special envoy of being deranged.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;On Thursday however, his spokesman denied reports that the government was planning to close the UN's human rights office in Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"What the government wants is for the human rights groups to tell the truth about the work the government is doing, to show the facts and avoid just viewing Cambodia as hell," Eang Sophalleth quoted Hun Sen as saying.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In March, Hun Sen called UN envoy Yash Ghai "deranged" after he suggested too much power lay in the hands of the prime minister.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The row erupted in March when Mr Ghai said Cambodia's government was not committed to human rights, and power had been too centralised around "one individual".&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Hun Sen said Mr Ghai should be sacked by UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan and dismissed UN rights staff in Cambodia as "long-term tourists".&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mr Sophalleth said Hun Sen had told Ms Arbour Mr Ghai's comments were out of order.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"The prime minister said it was not acceptable. If the prime minister does not have power, how can he lead the country?" he said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Story from BBC NEWS:&lt;br /&gt;http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/asia-pacific/4996440.stm&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Published: 2006/05/19 06:18:18 GMT&lt;br /&gt;___________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Court asks National Assembly to strip Sam Rainsy of parliamentary immunity&lt;br /&gt;W by Cheang Sokha and Cat Barton&lt;br /&gt;Wednesday, 18 June 2008&lt;br /&gt;Tracey Shelton&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sam Rainsy on the hustings, 2007. Supporters fear that a court request to strip Sam Rainsy of his parliamentary immunity is a prelude to the opposition leader's arrest.&lt;br /&gt;Opposition leader Sam Rainsy faces arrest, his supporters warn, after the Phnom Penh Municipal Court requested that the National Assembly strip Rainsy of his parliamentary immunity.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The move comes as the court is preparing to investigate Rainsy on charges of defamation and disinformation, allegations made by Foreign Minister Hor Namhong.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sam Rainsy Party officials called the request an attempt by their main rival, the Cambodian People's Party, to force Rainsy to flee the country ahead of the July 27 general election.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Speaking to the Post on June 18 from Kompong Speu province, Rainsy said the ruling party hopes that by portraying him as a criminal, it can deflect attention away from its own shortcomings as polling day approaches.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"The CPP is not able to solve the issues that affect the country and make people miserable. Land grabbing, inflation – the CPP cannot solve these problems so they try to divert public attention with these tricks," Rainsy said June 18.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In a letter issued to National Assembly President Heng Samrin on June 16, the court’s chief prosecutor, Ouk Savuth, and deputy prosecutor, Ek Chheng Huot, asked the Assembly to "temporarily suspend the immunity of Sam Rainsy," saying that the court had collected enough evidence to warrant further investigation into accusations of defamation leveled against Sam Rainsy by Foreign Minister Hor Namhong.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Chheng Huot confirmed he made the request but offered no further comment.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The National Assembly is not currently in session. It is not expected to meet again until after the election in July. Sam Rainsy Party lawmaker Son Chhay said that convening parliament to debate Rainsy's immunity would be "highly unusual," and such a move would likely indicate a larger political conspiracy.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Namhong’s allegations stem from an April 17 speech made by Sam Rainsy in which Rainsy accused Namhong of directing the Khmer Rouge’s Boeng Trabek prison, a detention center for intellectuals and members of the royal family.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Namhong has said repeatedly that he was an ordinary prisoner at Boeng Trabek, denying that he worked for the regime whose 1975-79 rule over Cambodia resulted in 1.7 million deaths.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"Hor Namhong filed a complaint against Sam Rainsy for defamation and disinformation on April 22," said the letter, a copy of which was obtained by the Post on June 17.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"The court has investigated the case and collected evidence that Sam Rainsy is suspected of defamation and disinformation," the letter said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The court request follows the week-long detention of opposition newspaper editor Dam Sith, who was jailed last week for quoting Rainsy’s allegations in the newspaper Moneaksekar Khmer. Sith was released June 15 pending trial.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Opposition party members fear the court's request is a prelude to Rainsy's arrest.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"We are preparing for the worst, which is that he will have to go to Prey Sar [prison]," said Sam Rainsy Party Deputy Secretary General Mu Sochua.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"If Rainsy has to go to jail, Rainsy will go to jail. But we are strong," she said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Rainsy last lost his parliamentary immunity in 1995 while he was in self-imposed exile in France, shortly before he was convicted of defaming Prime Minister Hun Sen in a case that drew heavy international criticism.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Although he was later pardoned and returned to Cambodia, Rainsy said the ruling CPP is still trying to shut him down.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"I am used to this kind of harassment – I know the ruling party is trying to stop my activities. They are very concerned ... they want to threaten me to push me out of the country," he said, dismissing the upcoming polls as "meaningless" in the face of the CPP's political maneuvering.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"They have secured victory even before voting day, as they have harmed the opposition. They're using the courts, fake witnesses, fake evidence, to crack down on the opposition," Rainsy said, referring to recent statements by Hun Sen that an opposition party defector has accused Rainsy of involvement in a number of violent plots, including a 1998 attempt on the prime minister's life.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"This election is not a real election; it is just a facade of election -- a travesty," he said. "Now they want to silence the opposition altogether by arresting the leader of the opposition."&lt;br /&gt;____________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia lawmaker in court threat&lt;br /&gt;By Guy Delauney&lt;br /&gt;BBC News, Phnom Penh&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The leader of Cambodia's main opposition party is facing the possibility of prosecution just weeks before the country's general election.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Phnom Penh municipal court has asked the National Assembly to remove Sam Rainsy's parliamentary immunity from prosecution.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cambodia's foreign minister has brought allegations of defamation and disinformation against him.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sam Rainsy has described the legal moves as a "political threat".&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If the National Assembly agrees with the court's request, the opposition leader could be called in for questioning, prosecuted and possibly jailed.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A conviction for defamation no longer results in a prison term. The law was changed after an outcry over its use to detain several human rights activists two years ago.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But Sam Rainsy also faces a charge of disinformation - which does allow for a custodial sentence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Election run-up&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Foreign Minister, Hor Namhong, pressed charges over remarks the opposition leader made about him in a speech.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Prime Minister Hun Sen has also ordered an investigation into allegations that Sam Rainsy Party officials were connected to domestic terrorist groups.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sam Rainsy himself has dismissed both sets of allegations as attempts to intimidate voters in the run-up to the general election.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But a government spokesman accused the opposition leader of playing "dirty tricks".&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The leader of Cambodia's second-largest opposition party, Prince Norodom Ranariddh, is currently in self-imposed exile.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He faces an 18-month jail term for breach of trust if he returns to Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Story from BBC NEWS:&lt;br /&gt;http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/asia-pacific/7460860.stm&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Published: 2008/06/18 10:50:52 GMT&lt;br /&gt;__________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;Crumbling SRP fights to avoid Funcinpec fate&lt;br /&gt;Written by Vong Sokheng&lt;br /&gt;The Phnom Penh Post; Thursday, 12 June 2008&lt;br /&gt;TANG CHHIN SOTHY/ AFP&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: in the article posted below, members of the Sam Rainsy party appear to have massively moved to join the CPP of Hun Sen. This is very predictable. Sam Rainsy is too narrow-minded and too self centered to be a good leader. Like most Cambodians leaders, it is power that motivates him most. Sam Rainsy has a major flaw in his character, which is over-confident in his ability to maneuver people around him. However, facts are different and had shown that he lacks sophistication and grasp of the complexity of the world and especially of the Cambodian situation.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;For instance, When he first broke away from Ranariddh's FUNINPEC, he immediately tried to allied himself with Hun Sen, after the 1997 coup d'état. He also used the Vietnamese issue to enhance his reputation as a nationalist, not, knowing that is a non-starter, as most international NGOs have already tagged him as a racist.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Vietnamese issue is a real dilemma for all Cambodian politicians. They have to be careful not to appear racist. Only by adopting a wise approach and a wise strategy such as NON-VIOLENCE, can Cambodian politicians hope to have any chance of being successful in fighting against the Vietnamization of Cambodia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another major flaw of Sam Rainsy as a politician, is the fact that he never consulted senior members in his party for any decision, small or big, regarding the policies to be implemented in Cambodia. At the beginning of his political career after the 1993 UN-sponsored general elections , he was the darling of the international NGOs. Even one of the NGOs had likened him to Nobel peace prize winner and leader of South Africa, the great Nelson Mandela. Now, that same person of that NGO had recently told to me and Kem Sokha that it was a major mistake on his part to have compared Sam Rainsy to Mandela.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;More recently Sam Rainsy went out of his way to apologize to Hun Sen that he was wrong in bringing a suit against the great Cambodian dictator and traitor for having been behind the 1997 grenade attack of his party, even though, the FBI and other eye-witnesses have confirmed that it was Hun Sen's private body guards who threw the grenade at the crowd at that time.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;So, this is what Sam Rainsy is all about, immoral and self-centered. He will do anything to be in power. How many times he had offered Hun Sen to be his coalition partner, only to be rejected by Hun Sen. Sad for Cambodia to have such immoral politician! Unfortunately, he is not alone aming Cambodian politicians to possess this unfortunate and disastrous behavioral characteristic. Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D. June 17, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Opposition party leader Sam Rainsy answers journalists’ questions at the SRP headquarters in Phnom Penh on June 10. CPP officials around the country have said that as many as 160,000 SRP members have defected in recent weeks, a figure Rainsy says is exaggerated. In the run-up to next month's national election, officials with the Cambodian People's Party say that their activists in the provinces have been charged with co-opting Sam Rainsy Party members as the ruling party engages in a policy of silencing the opposition's voice in government.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sam Rainsy Party defectors are deluging the ruling CPP's ranks, according to party officials who say that tens of thousands of opposition members across the country could abandon their posts ahead of the polls in exchange for government jobs promised by Prime Minister Hun Sen.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"We know that the SRP defections will cause the opposition party to lose seats in the National Assembly. We learned this from Funcinpec, which splintered just as the SRP is doing now," said Cheam Yeap, a CPP lawmaker representing Prey Veng province, where he said more than 2,000 opposition party members have crossed sides.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Yeap told the Post on June 11 that Sam Rainsy Party defectors will be posted to the government as secretaries of state, undersecretaries of state and advisers.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"No one [in the CPP] is upset about the new appointments because, as the prime minister said, no government officials are being removed, only added," he said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cambodians go to the polls on July 27 in an election that is likely to see the CPP win enough votes to quit the coalition government agreement that has been in place since the early 1990s, forcing it into an often uncomfortable partnership with its political rival Funcinpec.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But Funcinpec, formerly a bastion of royalist politicians, was similarly dismantled following the 2003 general election as Hun Sen awarded prominent government positions to acquiescent party member.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;CPP district bosses around the country have said that as many as 160,000 opposition members have defected in recent weeks&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"We did not offer them money to join us. Their political will was exhausted," said Phay Buncheoun, deputy governor and CPP chief for Kandal province. "They lost confidence in the SRP," he added.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But Sam Rainsy has hit back, claiming that the ruling party was exaggerating the number of defections.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"The number of defectors is very low and will have little impact on the coming elections. Those who abandoned us have done so merely out of self-interest," he said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Election monitors say that the CPP's divide and conquer tactics were to be expected before the election, but that plundering the nation's coffers to buy off defectors was wrong.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"We see that there is trend of inducing politicians to grab power in the government shortly before elections, and it is inappropriate because it puts a burden on the national budget," said Thun Saray of the human rights monitor Adhoc.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Hun Sen's personal adviser Chum Kosal confirmed on June 11 that salaries for the newly appointed opposition defectors would be drawn from the national budget.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Saray added that discontent with the Sam Rainsy Party leadership may have encouraged defectors - a point conceded by opposition party vice president Kong Korm, who blamed the defectors' displeasure on their own failure to work for the party.&lt;br /&gt;"They were not happy, so they left, which is normal," Korm said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The CPP's Yeap, however, phrased it in harsher terms.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"We have a Khmer proverb: ‘The fish always swim to cool water.' The SRP is boiling; the fish no longer want to live in hot water," he said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(Additional reporting by Meas Sokchea)&lt;br /&gt;_________________________________________________________________________&lt;br /&gt;CPP vows to rule alone&lt;br /&gt;Written by Nguon Sovan&lt;br /&gt;The Phnom Penh Post; Friday, 30 May 2008&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(Comments: Hun Sen just declared that after this election, he will no longer allow any other to join his cabinet, therefore, he will be the sole prime minister and rule Cambodia as a dictator. This is long overdue. Hun Sen, has been playing a game with democracy. But don’t blame Hun Sen alone in this political tragic game, the opposition has a lot to be blamed as well. There are no acceptable, respectable, credible, and capable opposition parties. The Sam Rainsy Party has surrendered to Hun Sen by asking him for pardon on the 1997 grenade attack on his party even tough there is sufficient evidence to implicated Hun Sen in this killing. Kem Sokha has no more credibility by being accused of corruption when he was the head of the Human Right organization. Also by choosing Pen Sovann as the senior vice president of his Human Right Party, he literally endorsed the invasion of Cambodia by Vietnam, as Pen Sovann continue to say publicly. Meanwhile Hun Sen has the full support of Sihanouk and his son the king, Sihamoni. Vietnam continues to send in illegal immigrants and to control Cambodia’s economy through its control of SOKIMEX, whose majority share is owned by a Vietnamese national and a friend of Hun Sen. It is a very sad and tragic story for the Cambodian people, indeed!!&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The tragic life of the majority of the Cambodian people under Hun Sen and his CPP is well captured by Milton Osborne in a recent book on the history of Phnom Penh.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;An excerpt from the ‘forward’ by William Shawcross in a recent book authored by Milton Osborne entitled ‘Phnom Penh: A Cultural and Literary History,’ (to read reviews on this book please, go the page entitled 'Books and Reviews' in this web site) he summarizes the current situation of Cambodia under Hun Sen as follows:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“There was corruption in 1959 when Milton Osborne first came to Phnom Penh, but nothing on the scale of that which prevails today. Today in Phnom Penh power is money and money is power and people in shanty towns fear the powerful men’s bulldozers, which can tear through homes to construct new shopping mall. There is a culture of impunity which continues the Cambodian trauma.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As Osborne says ‘the tragedy of the Cambodian history’ has been played out decade after decade in the lifetime that he has known it and chronicled it so movingly and so well. He concludes that ‘only a supremely unperceptive optimist would suggest that the tragedy is no longer part of the drama played out each day in Phnom Penh.’&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D., Washington DC. June 10, 2008)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-----------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;Prime Minister Hun has vowed that his ruling Cambodian People’s Party would govern alone if victorious in July’s general elections, ending a coalition government deal that has been in place since the early 1990s and quashing hopes that minor parties could have some share of power.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“In the past there was a stalemate ... so I had to facilitate this party or that party and enter into a coalition government. Now the winner gets 100 percent [of government],” he said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“If there is 
