3.Reflections of An Expatriate on Cambodia's Past, Present, and Future; by Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D.
Reflections of An Expatriate on Cambodia's Past, Present, and Future; by Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D.
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"I would sooner have you hate me for telling you the truth than adore me for telling you lies."
(Those are the words of satirist and serial complainer Pietro Aretino, who annoyed the great and not so good of the 16th Century with a flurry of public correspondence to the editors of his age.)
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A letter of appreciation from Professor Fred Brown of the Johns Hopkins University Paul Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), here in Washington DC. for my recent presentation on the legacy of the Khmer Empire on present day events in Cambodia. If you are interested in having a copy of this Power Point presentation, please, email me at the address pasted below:
user344111@aol.com
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"Khmer Empire: Implications from its organizational and operational system, on Present Day Events in Cambodia"
A presentation at
The Paul Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS )
The Johns Hopkins University
By Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D.
Washington DC. February 25, 2008
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"Dear Kiri,I write to thank you most warmly for your fine presentation on Monday. You could see that the students really got into it and appreciated what you were offering.Had we world enough and time to spend the entire semester on Cambodia....I was so glad to see Pat again after a long gap. Thank you again, Kiri, for your kindness in coming over to our class to give this unique perspective on Cambodia.As ever,FredFrederick Z. BrownFellow, Foreign Policy InstituteSchool of Advanced International Studies (SAIS)Johns Hopkins University1619 Massachusetts Avenue, NWWashington, DC 20036, USATel: 202-663-5818; Fax: 202-663-7711E-Mail: fzbrown@jhu.edu"
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Table of contents
1.Genocidal loopholes in Cambodia
2. Vietnam Blocks entry of European Union MPs
3. Cambodia enjoys exchanges and cooperation with Vietnam
4. farce meets justice in Khmer Rouge trial
5. Press release: genocide prevention task force releases report
6.Country at croassroads as CPP extends control over government
7. Inequality is fuelling rights violations; UN warns Government
8. Prosecutors dispute at Khmer Rouge trial
9. The world most heinous crime
10. Khuang Abhaiwongse (Aphaivong), Thai Prime Minister of Khmer origin
11. Cambodia, vietnam to build processing plant to boost trade
12. The end of an NGO era in Cambodia
13. Cambodia and Vietnam vow to boost bilateral ties
14. Sok Kong (SOKIMEX Boss); I am a Vietnamese
15. The Strange immigration and the Election in Cambodia
16. One big happy family in Cambodia
17, Cambodia's first rock opera opens next month
18. Economists fear fall in investment, aid
19. An honest and vivid testimony of what life is like in contemporary Cambodia under the dictatorship of Hun Sen and his CPP
20. Identity beyond origin
21. Delayed and Denied; Khmer Rouge trial
22. Coastal development threatens livelihoods
23. Cambodia: Crime in Cold Blood; the murder of reporter Khim Sambor and his son
24. Cambodia's Moslems are geopolitical pawns
25. A Homeland for the Chams
26. Minding Cambodia's bottom line
27. Cambodia slips in corruption rating
28. A set of video clips produced by Journeyman Pictures, Australia, on major current problems facing Cambodia
29. Taksin prepares his comeback with the support of Hun Sen
30. Internal and External Enemy: The Vietnamese Experience during the Khmer Rouge Period
31. Prime Minister decorates Vietnamese troops
32. A Suggested Roadmap to Freedom for the Cambodian People
33. US Diplomat Gets his Final Say
34. Questions surrounding Preah Vihear by Ung Bun Ang, Alternative Watch
35. Cambodia - Hun Sen King of Corruption, and Rannariddh - Prince Pathetic
36. The Khmer Krom and the Khmer Rouge Trial
37. Some revealing and sincere observations on the relations between Cambodia and Vietnam by a Vietnamese-Australian student
38. Polls close in Cambodian election
39. Political tensions driving temple row
40. Thai Foreign minister quits
41. Cambodian court shattered; blocking opposition leader's defence
42. Cambodia Poll Campaigning begins
43. Court asks National Assembly to strip Sam Ransy of parliamentary immunity
44. Cambodian law maker in court threat
45. Crumbling SRP fights to avoid Funinpec fate
46. CPP vows to rule alone
47. On Cambodia human right situation by Mr. Yash Ghai (2008)
48. Opposition finds common ground only in CPP’s shadow
49. Petition against corruption sent to Assembly
50. A personal reflection; life during the KHmer Rouge regime
51, Fighting to be remembered
52. Justice in Cambodia; Past, Present, and Future
53. Going against the Cambodian conventional wisdom
54. Briefing: A time for change in election season
55. Country for sale
56, US Court finds Cambodian rebel guilty of coup attempt
57.Sam Rainsy calls for new FBI probeinto bombing
58. Tibet Crisis: Chinese Intellectuals Speak up
59. Former King, Government support China’s policy on Tibet
60. Defections rattle opposition parties
61. A Tortuous Road to Nation Building
62. Yash Ghai’s Report Slams Rule of Law, and Judicial Independence
63. Money, not Morality underpins Laws: Report
64. King Father Sihanouk gives ‘100 percent’ endorsement to CPP and Hun Sen
65. Corruption survey finds little hope for change
66. Ex. Khmer Rouge official says 'no choice' to killings: report
67. My letter to thank Congressman Donald Manzullo for his recent criticism of Hun Sen's systemic corruption and its impact on the Cambodian people
68. One-way defection; Sam Rainsy Party
69. The United States and Cambodia; Bilateral relations
70. Love-hate relationship between Thailand and Cambodia
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Genocidal loopholes in CambodiaBy Stephen Kurczy
(http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/JL02Ae01.html)
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------(Comments: In this article, the author, Stephen Kurczy, shows a more balanced view on who is doing what to delay the Khmer Rouge trial, by indicating that the French lawyer for Khieu Samphan, Verges, is not the only one who is delaying the Khmer Rouge trial, when he said that;
“Verges and other defense lawyers can't claim full responsibility for delaying the UN tribunal. Twice in the past two years the court has been rocked by allegations of internal corruption. The Open Society Justice Initiative in 2007 said tribunal staff paid kickbacks for their positions and this year in August the UN Office of International Oversight Services in New York said multiple tribunal staffers had complained of graft.”
It is Hun Sen who did the most to delay the Khmer Rouge trial. This is for his own self interests and those of Vietnam. First, Hun Sen with the help of Senator John Kerry, had hijacked the whole trial process by making it a Cambodian court instead of an international institution under the United Nations, as originally agreed. Cambodia has no legal and judicial system that can be meet the minimum of international standard, and non-corrupt. Until today, Cambodia does not even have an anti corruption law.
For Hun Sen to claim the ownership of the trial for nationalistic reasons is nothing more than a false pretense and a pack of lies.
It is common knowledge and common sense to conclude that Hun Sen will never allow the Khmer Rouge trial to be completed as long as any of the remaining former Khmer Rouge leaders such as Khieu Samphan, Ieng Sary and his wife Ieng Thirith, and Nuon Chea are still alive, for fear that they may reveal some secret information on Hun Sen association with the Vietnamese. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. December 29, 2008)
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PHNOM PENH - The Khmer Rouge's alleged former chief executioner and head of state will both appear in court this week in Cambodia. Yet instead of reeling the radical Maoist regime's most senior leaders closer to justice, the two-and-a-half-year-old United Nations sponsored tribunal's final hearings for this year will showcase defense stall tactics and set up one defendant to be the first, and possibly the only, cadre convicted for the regime's crimes against humanity. French attorney Jacques Verges, who represents Khieu Samphan, the former Khmer Rouge head-of-state, will argue later this week before the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) that the failure to translate all evidence into French has violated his client's right to a fair trial and thereby warrants his release. Meanwhile, the court is expected to announce whether former torture prison chief Kaing Guek Eav, alias Duch, will be tried under the 1956 Cambodian penal code and Joint Criminal Enterprise, a form of liability that holds all members of a conspiracy responsible for each other's crimes. The ruling could prove disadvantageous to the defense, as the Khmer Rouge is accused of some of the most egregious violations of international humanitarian law in the 20th century during its three-year, eight-month and 20-day rule. While Duch nears conviction for crimes committed during his oversight of the S-21 prison in Phnom Penh and the notorious Choeung Ek killing fields nearby, where a combined 12,380 detainees died, observers say Khieu Samphan's case showcases a defense team vigorously defending its client. "The Khieu Samphan hearing will very much send the message, 'sounds like the court is hung up on technical details and administrative issues'. The other one, with Duch, looks a lot like a trial that is actually going to deliver something in the foreseeable future," said John Ciorciari, senior legal advisor to the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam). The last time Verges appeared in the ECCC, on April 23, he refused to speak because all evidence was not translated into French. The pre-trial judges found that Verges' refusal to cooperate violated Khieu Samphan's right to be represented and "right to a timely hearing". The sideshow earned Verges a warning from the court, but also an eight-month delay in procedures. More than a year has passed since the court placed Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot's right-hand man in detention for his alleged role in "directing, encouraging, enforcing or otherwise rendering support to [the Communist Party of Kampuchea] policy which was characterized by murder, extermination, imprisonment, persecution on political grounds and other inhumane acts such as forcible transfers of the population, enslavement, and forced labor." Because of the delays and legal stalling tactics, Ciorciari said Khieu Samphan's trial is unlikely to begin until 2010. That's good news for Verges, former advocate for Nazi Gestapo officer Klaus Barbie and the Venezuelan terrorist Carlos the Jackal. He has said that the ECCC "borders on lynch-mob justice". Observers don't expect to see Khieu Samphan's release when the pre-trial chamber rules this week on Verges' appeal, legal experts say, but do anticipate another entertaining presentation from Verges. As Verges himself said in a November interview with German magazine Der Spiegel, "A good trial is like a Shakespeare play, a work of art." Verges "is someone with a lot of tricks up his sleeve, and he's very masterful at using criminal processing in a way that tells a larger narrative about justice", said Beth Van Schaack, assistant law professor at the US's Santa Clara University School of Law who served on the criminal defense team for John Walker Lindh, the American citizen who joined Afghanistan's Taliban. "He'll be using whatever legal loopholes that he can find. To a certain extent, that's what we expect from a defense." Verges and other defense lawyers can't claim full responsibility for delaying the UN tribunal. Twice in the past two years the court has been rocked by allegations of internal corruption. The Open Society Justice Initiative in 2007 said tribunal staff paid kickbacks for their positions and this year in August the UN Office of International Oversight Services in New York said multiple tribunal staffers had complained of graft. John Hall, associate professor at Chapman University School of Law in California, has said the corruption allegations could "fatally" damage the tribunal if the Cambodian government cannot stamp it out. Not surprisingly, Verges has also called the entire court into question, saying in the Der Spiegel interview, "It may be that the trial against Duch will begin soon, but not the trials against the other four prisoners … because the tribunal in Phnom Penh has already gambled away its credibility and legitimacy." Ailing comradesMeanwhile, the aging Khmer Rouge cadres complain of illness. Khieu Samphan, 77, was treated in May for a minor stroke. Ex-foreign minister Ieng Sary, 83, entered the hospital in late July after doctors discovered blood in his urine during a routine checkup. Duch, at 66, is the junior by at least a decade to the other four detainees. Yet aside from Duch, none of the detainees are expected to go to trial until late 2009 or 2010, two years after the trials were originally expected to conclude. "The more likely thing is that [Duch] happens to be the only one convicted before the other four all croak. He will, in a narrow legal sense, be the only one who got nailed," DC-Cam's Ciorciari said by telephone from Stanford University. "It sounds a bit like Duch is being set up to be the fall guy," said Cambodia historian David Chandler, the author of Brother Number One and Voices from S-21 and an emeritus professor of history at Monash University in Melbourne, Australia. However, the court on December 5 will rule on the very issue that could prevent Duch from becoming the fall guy: whether to allow as a form of criminal liability Joint Criminal Enterprise, a legal theory wherein members of a conspiracy are held responsible for each individuals' actions. On January 7, 1979, when Vietnamese forces entered Phnom Penh and stumbled on Duch's detention center, "Troops discovered a number of recently killed persons still chained to iron beds, and thousands of documents scattered in and around the buildings," according to Duch's indictment. Twenty years later, the former math teacher was found in Battambang province living under a pseudonym. He had converted to Christianity and had his children baptized. Duch was arrested and placed in Cambodian military jail until July 2007, when he was transferred to the ECCC detention center. The court's pre-trial investigation included interviews with Duch wherein he admits to receiving and conveying orders to execute, and also interviews with numerous witnesses, S-21 personnel and detainees that detail Duch's instructions to use electric shock, asphyxiation and fingernail extraction as methods of interrogation.
In their August 8 indictment, the co-investigators narrowed Duch's liability to crimes against humanity and grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions of 1949. It's what they did not charge Duch with that is the subject of the December 5 hearing. The co-prosecutors appealed the closing order because they believe Duch is also liable under the 1956 Cambodian Penal code - for homicide and torture - and Joint Criminal Enterprise (JCE). JCE is not clear-cut. In three briefs to the court, submitted in late-October, three legal experts offered differing views on JCE applicability, which comes in three classifications: JCE I, where participants share intent, such as in a heist when both the robber and the driver share the intent to rob a bank; JCE II, where participants engage in a common design, such as in a concentration camp when both the prison guards and the incinerator operators share tasks indispensable for the achievement of the camp's main goals; and JCE III, where participants in a common design are liable for those results foreseeable even if not necessarily intended, such as when the forced eviction of a city leaves the young, sick and elderly dying along the roadside. JCE III has been rejected outright as a mode of participation in Germany, the Netherlands and Switzerland, and remains highly criticized in Canada, the United States and the United Kingdom. But in Antonio Cassese's brief to the court on JCE, the editor-in-chief of the Journal of International Criminal Justice backs the form of liability and cites from the 1947 International Military Tribunal Judgment at Nuremberg: "Hitler could not make aggressive war by himself. He had to have the cooperation of statesmen, military leaders, diplomats, and business men. When they, with knowledge of his aims, gave him their cooperation, they made themselves parties to the plan he had initiated." Cassese's parallel is plain: though Brother Number 1 Pol Pot is dead, his crimes were part of a larger conspiracy that arguably included cooperation from the five Khmer Rouge leaders in detention today. Allowing JCE as a form of liability in Duch's case would bring the four other Khmer Rouge leaders in detention - Khieu Samphan, former foreign minister Ieng Sary, his wife former social affairs minister Ieng Thirith, and the regime's chief ideologue Nuon Chea - closer to responsibility for the atrocities at S-21 and further from escaping culpability. "If I were a prosecutor trying to nail the other four," said DC-Cam's Ciorciari, "I would want to link them to Duch, because his crimes are the easiest to prove. If a prosecutor wants - and it would be wise - to link them all to Tuol Sleng, I would want to use a legal theory, like Joint Criminal Enterprise, that would enable me to connect these others to the very provable atrocities of Tuol Sleng." Compelling evidenceEvidence already links Duch's torture prison with the four other detainees. Duch's named "superiors," whose identities are redacted in the indictment, are believed to include at least Nuon Chea and Khieu Samphan. Chandler has said the chain of command passed down from Pol Pot to Nuon Chea to Son Sen, the deputy prime minister of the Khmer Rouge's Democratic Kampuchea government, to Duch at S-21, which was known of and approved by Ieng Sary, Ieng Thirith and Khieu Samphan. By allowing JCE as a form of liability, the court may cast a net so wide that it implicates and leads to the subpoena of senior Cambodian officials serving in today's government; a year ago, Norodom Sihanouk's official biographer Julio Jeldres said the court appeared on the verge of collapse when it was questioned if the former king should testify. (See Khmer Rouge tribunal in jeopardy (again) Asia Times Online, September 18, 2007.) "JCE will bring other people to light," said Beth Van Schaack of Santa Clara University. "If the investigation becomes too wide-ranging, subpoenaing sitting members of the government, it could provoke some government backlash," she said by telephone from San Francisco. It remains debatable whether all three forms of JCE existed on April 17, 1975, when Pol Pot's ragtag army first marched into Phnom Penh. Cassese, an ardent backer of JCE, has been called biased by the defense because he was one of the five appellate judges at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia who authored the very phrase "joint criminal enterprise." If the pre-trial chamber on December 5 announces that JCE is not allowed, the co-prosecutors say "the full scope of torture or mistreatment of detainees that was practiced at S-21" will not be covered. Of additional concern is that the prosecutors gambled away a half-year of precious time. While Duch's trial was anticipated to begin in September, court spokesman Peter Foster said the prosecutors' appeal pushed the starting date into the first quarter of 2009. "The important thing to realize is it shouldn't be considered a delay. This isn't something out of left field," Foster said. The tribunal "takes as long as it takes. There's no ending mandate. What there is, are international standards." Van Schaack agreed, arguing that even if JCE is unexpectedly barred as a form of liability, this decision will allow the co-investigating judges to hone in on evidence and frame future indictments. "Resolving jurisprudential questions is never a waste of time," she said. "There's no doubt that people are disappointed by the lack of progress. There's no doubt that it would have been nice had things moved along, but that's one of the problems of ad hoc justice, it takes time." But what amount of time - and money - is justifiable? Rival goals of a speedy trial, yet on an international standard, will collide in public view during the final ECCC hearings of 2008 and may incite major donors of the proceedings, such as the US, to speak up and demand results, said Ciorciari. In September the US pledged its first donation of US$1.8 million. Yet the US remains concerned about the ECCC's ability to meet international standards and address corruption in an efficient manner, John Bellinger, a legal adviser to the US secretary of state, said on November 14 in an address at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy in Massachusetts. He told the audience, "Justice delayed is justice denied." Already over-budget and nearing its original end-date with not a single trial begun, the tribunal must measure the cost of justice for the victims of the Khmer Rouge, Ciorciari said, either with a trial hurdling stall tactics and rushing to a timely end, or with a trial stretching beyond the natural lives of detainees, costing hundreds of millions of dollars more, and resulting in only one conviction. "If someone doesn't say 'giddy-up,' we're in real danger." Stephen Kurczy is a Cambodia-based journalist. (Copyright 2008 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)
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VN blocks entry of Euro MPs
Written by Brendan Brady
The Phnom Penh Post; Wednesday, 24 December 2008
(Comments: While Hun Sen and his CPP are still doing their upmost to praise Vietnam including kidnapping the Reverend Tim Sakhorn and delivered him to Vietnam for trial and condemned to imprisonment, for no other reason than to protest peacefully in Cambodia against the genocide committed by Vietnam against our compatriots the Khmer Krom, the Vietnamese are now preventing the European Union parliamentarians to visit those victims. Meanwhile, Sihanouk has remained totally silent on this whole genocide issue by the Vietnamese. At the same it is sad to see that there are so many Cambodians, including those from overseas, continue to think that Hun Sen is a patriot and a good leader. Nobody can save Cambodia, if there are so many Cambodians who still behave in this atrocious manner. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. December 27, 2008)
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Khmer Krom advocates barred from flight to Ho Chi Minh City
EUROPEAN government officials visiting the region to advocate for greater cultural and religious freedoms for Khmer Krom were stopped from boarding a flight Tuesday to Ho Chi Minh City from Phnom Penh's International Airport.
Marco Perduca, an Italian parliamentarian, and Marco Pannella, a parliamentarian with the European Union, were both on an unofficial visit as members of a global human rights and democracy advocacy group, the Non-Violent Radical Party, which has consultative status with the United Nations.
The last-minute rebuff was especially surprising, they said, because the foreign minister and parliamentarians from Vietnam had agreed to meet them in Hanoi today.
"I think there are some disagreements in the government," Pannella, who is the advocacy group's president, said, suggesting that some
Vietnamese officials may have been behind the denial.
"There are parts of the government that fear demonstrations" from ethnic Khmers in Vietnam would be provoked by their visit, he said.
He said the Italian government was trying to contact Vietnamese officials to resolve the problem.
As they were about to board their flight, airport authorities presented them with a vaguely composed fax from a Vietnamese state tour agency claiming they had not followed a rule requiring that "when you are issued (an) entry visa for traveling, you must supply your tour program and details schedule".
They noted that the travel agency that sent the fax, Vungtau Intourco Hanoi, had not previously been involved with their travel plans, and their visas were valid until the middle of next month.
They had planned to meet Tuesday with Khmer Krom leaders in Ho Chi Minh City to discuss rights violations against their community including the arrest of activists.
Officials with the Vietnamese embassy in Phnom Penh could not be contacted on Tuesday. ________________________________________________________________
Cambodia enjoys exchanges and cooperation with Vietnam
ASEAN Business Weekly; December 22-28, 2008
(Comments: Hun Sen and his CPP are doing all they can to comply with Vietnam's age-old plan and efforts to totally colonize Cambodia. History has shown that Vietnam never wasted a moment to conquer its neighbors, first with Champa, then Kampuchea Krom, and now Cambodia proper. Their "Southern March" or "Nam Tien" is going now full blast to take over completely what is remianed from the Khmer Empire.
However, as I said so many times before, that the Vietnamese could not have done to destroy Cambodia, if there were no Khmer Traitors, and there are many of them such as Sihanouk, Pol Pot, and most of all Hun Sen, and his CPP murderers.
Yet, so many Cambodians still have found excuses to now believe that Hun Sen had no choice but to comply with the Vietnamese wishes, otherwise Cambodia would have disappeared even faster.
How on earth anybody could come and help Cambodia, if there are so many naive Cambodians including those living abraod who fooled themselves to believe such stupities. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. December 28, 2008)
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Cambodia is satisfied with the development of economic, commercial and diplomatic exchanges with Vietnam. Cambodian National Assembly President Heng Samrin made the remarks when he met with visiting Vietnamese National Assembly’s Council for Ethnic Minorities Chairman Ksor Phuoc Dec 16 in Phnom Penh, according to AKP.
Cambodia also wishes to continue to strengthen and widen the cooperation between both neighboring countries in the fields of investment, tourism, economy for the mutual interests of the two governments and peoples, he said.
The Cambodian National Assembly president praised for the development in Vietnam and thanked the Vietnamese National Assembly, government and people for their continuous support to Cambodia, especially in capacity building and infrastructure reconstruction.
Ksor Phuoc told Heng Samrin that the purpose of his visit was to learn about ethnic minorities in Cambodia. In Vietnam, he said, there are 54 ethnic minorities, the largest of which is Viet.
Both sides exchanged views about the difficulties in developing ethnic minorities who are reluctant to abandon old practices such as slash-and-burn agriculture, and their education is still very limited.
The delegation of the Vietnamese National Assembly’s Council for Ethnic Minorities arrived Dec 16 for a six-day official visit.
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Cambodia-VN central banks sign MoU
National Bank of Cambodia (NBC) Governor Chea Chanto led a delegation to Vietnam last week, and inked a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with his Vietnamese counterpart, Nhan Dan newspaper reported Dec 19.
The MoU includes the exchange of information regarding banking inspections to create a legal foundation for stricter management in order to help the two countries’ commercial banks operate in a safer and more secure manner in the context of international competition and integration, Chea Chanto said.
Chea Chanto said that Cambodia will create favorable conditions for the Vietnamese commercial banks to open their branches in this country
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Farce Meets Justice in Khmer Rouge Trial
By Barbara Crossette
The Nation; December 17, 2008
(http://www.thenation.com/doc/20081229/crossette)
(Comments: Barbara Croissette’s article on how the famous or infamous French lawyer Jacques Vergés had managed to make the whole Khmer Rouge Trial (KRT) more like a French comedy than a genocide trial is only partly true. First, the main role of a lawyer is supposed to do whatever he can to make his case a winning one. That is exactly what Mr. Vergés has been doing at the trial. What she missed was the fact that it is Hun Sen who has been making the whole trial a tragic farce, by stalling it for more than ten years. As I said many times before, it is not in Hun Sen’s personal interests to have all the former Khmer Rouge leaders testified at the tribunal, because they may reveal something that Hun Sen does not want to hear about his relationship with the Vietnamese.
We should not forget that it was the Vietnamese who made the Khmer Rouge. We should not forget also that it was the Vietnamese who invaded Cambodia in 1978, and made the Tuol Sleng a museum to ‘demonize the demons.’ The Vietnamese had revealed all the secret documents about Tuol Sleng for that purpose. There was nothing about any of the current leaders of the CPP. This is not surprising to me. Because, Hun Sen and his CPP secrete must not be known to the public especially to the Trial. So, Jacques Vergés theatrical maneuvering at the Khmer Rouge Trial is not only legitimate but, appropriate. But, there is no justification whatsoever for Hun Sen to delay at infinitum the trial, except to help himself, his CPP friends, and his patrons, the Vietnamese. I happen to believe that Ms. Croissette is one of the best reporters on Cambodia. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. December 18, 2008)
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The colonial scramble for Africa may have ended a century ago, but in Indochina something of a cultural struggle still goes on in the hearts of the French, and glimpses of it are surfacing in the oddest of places: a United Nations-backed tribunal where tottering, white-haired Khmer Rouge
leaders are finally facing trial three decades after their catastrophic revolution left up to two million people dead.
It is often forgotten that leaders of the Khmer Rouge were deeply involved in French communism as students in Paris in the early 1950s. One was Saloth Sar, the man who became known as Pol Pot, Brother Number One among the shadowy radical Maoists who in 1975 tried to erase the past and restart Cambodian history at Year Zero.
Pol Pot died peacefully in 1998 in his bed, in western Cambodia. But others are still alive, and are now in the custody of a joint Cambodian-UN court erected on a barren field twelve miles outside Phnom Penh belonging to the Cambodian military. There, in a pleasant enough detention center where the inmates have the cheek to complain about the food and living conditions, are housed Nuon Chea, Brother Number Two; Khieu Samphan, the erstwhile head of state and international face of the regime; the power couple Ieng Sary and Ieng Thirith, ministers, respectively, of foreign affairs and social affairs; and Kaing Guek Eav, alias Duch, the commandant of the Tuol Sleng prison and torture center, which sent thousands to the killing fields at Choeung Ek.
Khieu Samphan, free to choose his legal team at the expense of the tribunal (Khmer Rouge leaders claim poverty) has selected an old friend, the colorful French lawyer Jacques Vergès, known for his defense of Carlos the Jackal and Klaus Barbie. Vergès, to the outrage of most Cambodians who follow courtroom events, has chosen to stake his objection to the detention of his new client on the paucity of documents available in the French language. At a news conference after a hearing on December 4, survivors and still-living victims of Khmer Rouge atrocities tried to assault him and his Cambodian legal partner, who had to be hustled out by security.
Vergès's contempt for the English-speaking panels of international judges and prosecutors he faces (some of them Cambodians who long ago ceased to use the French language) is visceral. He has insulted the bench, the UN and a variety of court officials. He rails against the use of international (read French) financial contributions to the court to print "pretty posters" encouraging victims to come forward with evidence. That money should have gone into French translations, he insists.
Cambodia has not been a French colony since 1954, a couple of decades before the Khmer Rouge came to power and turned the graceful nation into a concentration camp. Yet the French government still ties aid to the promotion of the language. Cambodians complain, for example, that French is the language of instruction at the French-funded school of public health when English (not to mention Khmer) would be more useful.
There are thought to be about 60,000 documents in the Khieu Samphan file. Court officials say that all the most important ones, numbering only several thousand, have been translated and that any other specifically requested would also be rendered into French if necessary. There is simply not enough time or money to translate them all. A French-speaking translator calls this a "culture war" that he has also experienced in other UN tribunals, especially the court in Rwanda.
Vergès argues that both he and Khieu Samphan need French documents, since neither he nor his client is conversant in English. That prosecutors have dredged up a tape of Khieu Samphan speaking English at a news conference, and a French bar association record describing Verges as a lawyer who works in English or French only fires up more Gallic rage.
Khieu Samphan, now an old, white-haired man who walks slowly with a cane and looks for long periods without expression at the Cambodians in the court audience staring at him, says only that his memory is going so he has to rely on Vergès. He also says that he acted only in the interests of the Cambodian people and has no idea why he should be accused of such terrible crimes. He faces charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Genocide charges may follow, but international lawyers say these are hard to prove in cases such as this, where fellow ethnic Khmer were primary victims.
There is a larger problem than language here: the Khmer Rouge tribunal--officially called the Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts of Cambodia, at the insistence of Prime Minister Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge cadre himself--is in danger of descending into farce. Furthermore, the Cambodian side of this joint venture with the UN is riddled with corruption, as are most institutions in this sad country. Many people in villages and urban neighborhoods alike who had very high hopes when the tribunal finally opened its doors in 2006 are asking whether this is not a colossal waste of money. At the rate proceedings are progressing, most of the accused, now in their 70s or 80s, may well be dead before trials begin, stalled as the court is by pretrial maneuvers.
Yet there is much that is interesting going on outside the court, and it is positive for Cambodia. Young people for whom the Khmer Rouge era did not exist in history books until this year, given the dubious pasts of numerous government officials, are beginning to discover the country's recent history and to understand the roots of so much present societal dysfunction.
Thousands of documents and a variety of other evidence have been assembled, for history's sake and for the use of the court, by the independent Documentation Center of Cambodia. It was established with American funds in the 1990s and still gets US support. University students plunge into gathering oral histories, and the DVDs they produce are selling in the markets. Nongovernmental organizations have sprung up to monitor the Khmer Rouge court and to look around with new eyes at the current human rights situation, which has considerable room for improvement.
Foreigners, too, are coming back to look again at the accumulating evidence of the horror that wracked the country from April 1975 to January 1979, when Cambodians died by the hundreds of thousands from torture, execution, starvation, disease and slave labor. Among those returning are some who have come to regret publicly their naïve support for the Khmer Rouge in the wake of the American war in Indochina. The most recent of them to tour the country was Gunnar Bergstrom, a Swede who described himself in the 1970s as a Maoist who believed in the Cambodian revolution.
Bergstrom had spent fourteen days in the country on a propaganda junket as a guest of Pol Pot in 1978, not realizing that the Khmer Rouge were getting desperate, caught up in murderous infighting and in need of some positive publicity abroad. Bergstrom assured Europeans after his visit that the Cambodians were indeed a happy lot. He returned this fall for the first time to retrace his steps, rather like a penitent. When he went home this time in early December, he left behind a "letter to the Cambodian people."
"I have not lost faith in the possibility of a better world for all and with a world order more fair and just than the one we are living in today," he wrote, but added: "For those still appalled by my support of the Khmer Rouge at the time, and especially those who suffered personally under that regime, I can only say I am sorry and ask for your forgiveness."
Copyright © 2008 The Nation
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Press Release: Genocide Prevention Task Force Releases Report
For Immediate Release
December 8, 2008
Contact: Andrew Hollinger, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.
202-488-6133 Lauren Sucher, United States Institute of Peace. 202-429-3822
(Comments: it is comforting that the prevention of genocide report just just released and written under the co-chairmanship of former Secratary of State, Madeleine Albright, and former Secretary of Defense, William Cohen, and shows that the United states under the new leadership of barack Obama is still committed to prevent future genocide to occur.
unfrotunately, this commitment will be less than satisfactory in practice, as so many countries are more motivated by greed than by moral principles, also because, the United nations Organization is not equipped to do the prevention job appropriately and on time before the massacre takes place. the other problem is the fact that unofficial genocide such as the one committed by the Socialist Republic of Vietnam against the Khmers Krom is not taken into consideration in this new framework as described by this report.
Only if a real independent and free government of Cambodia is in place, the genocide against the Khmers Krom will continue. Because, in the United Nations framework, only member government (epspecially a permanent member of the Security Council) can intervene to ask for a UN action.
But, under the Hun Sen/Sihanouk regime, not only the Khmer Kroms are not protected, they are being persecuted by Hun Sen/Sihanouk as they are totally under the dictate of Vietnam. This submission is most strikingly shown in the case of the Reverend Tim Sakhorn (a patriach in the province of Takeo) who was kidnapped and secretely sent to Vietnam for violating the so-called 'Treaty of Peace and Friendship' between Vietnam and Cambodia. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. Decmber 18, 2008)
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Prevent Genocide and Mass Atrocities
Former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, former Secretary of Defense William Cohen and other leading figures call on new administration and Congress to make preventing genocide and mass atrocities a national priority.
Washington, DC - The Genocide Prevention Task Force today released its final report on the eve of the 60th anniversary of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The report makes the case for why genocide and mass atrocities threaten core American values and national interests, and how the U.S. government can prevent these crimes in the future.
Jointly convened by the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, The American Academy of Diplomacy, and the United States Institute of Peace, the Task Force began its work last November with the goal of generating concrete recommendations to enhance the U.S. government’s capacity to recognize and respond to emerging threats of genocide and mass atrocities.
'The world agrees that genocide is unacceptable and yet genocide and mass killings continue,' said Madeleine K. Albright, former Secretary of State and Co-Chair of the Genocide Prevention Task Force. We believe that preventing genocide is possible, and that striving to do so is imperative both for our national interests and our leadership position in the world.
'This report provides a blueprint that can enable the United States to take preventive action, along with international partners, to forestall the specter of future cases of genocide and mass atrocities,' said William S. Cohen, former Secretary of Defense and Co-Chair of the Genocide Prevention Task Force. There is a choice for U.S. policymakers between doing nothing and large-scale military intervention. We hope this report will help us utilize those options.
Other Members of the Genocide Prevention Task Force include: John Danforth, Thomas Daschle, Stuart Eizenstat, Michael Gerson, Dan Glickman, Jack Kemp, Gabrielle Kirk McDonald, Thomas R. Pickering, Vin Weber, Anthony Zinni, and Julia Taft who passed away earlier this year.
The report, which is entitled ‘Preventing Genocide: A Blueprint for U.S. Policymakers’, asserts that genocide is preventable, and that making progress toward doing so begins with leadership and political will. The report provides 34 recommendations, starting with the need for high-level attention, standing institutional mechanisms, and strong international partnerships to respond to potential genocidal situations when they arise; it lays out a comprehensive approach, recommending improved early warning mechanisms, early action to prevent crises, timely diplomatic responses to emerging crises, greater preparedness to employ military options, and action to strengthen global norms and institutions.
'We are keenly aware that the incoming president’s agenda will be massive and daunting from day one,' Secretaries Albright and Cohen noted. ‘But preventing genocide and mass atrocities is not an idealistic add-on to our core foreign policy agenda. It is a moral and strategic imperative.’
The Task Force calls for the development of a new government-wide policy on genocide prevention, which would include the following specific actions designed to better equip the U.S. government to prevent genocide and mass atrocities:
- Having the president himself demonstrate that preventing genocide is a national priority, for example by an early executive order, and continuing public statements on genocide prevention.
- Creating an interagency Atrocities Prevention Committee at the National Security Council to analyze threats of genocide and mass atrocities and consider appropriate preventive action.
- Making warning of genocide or mass atrocities an ‘automatic trigger’ of policy review.
- Developing military guidance on genocide prevention and response and incorporating it into doctrine and training.
- Preparing interagency genocide prevention and response plans for high-risk situations.
- Investing $250 million in new funds for crisis prevention and response, with a portion of this available for urgent activities to prevent or halt emerging genocidal crises.
- Launching a major diplomatic initiative to create an international network for information-sharing and coordinated action to prevent genocide and mass atrocities.
- Providing assistance to build capacity of international partners including the UN and regional organizations to prevent genocide and mass atrocities.
- The report concludes that the core challenge for American leaders is to persuade others in the U.S. government, across the United States, and around the world, that preventing genocide is more than just a humanitarian aspiration, but a national and global imperative.
The Task Force was funded by Humanity United and other private organizations.
About the Convening Organizations:
The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, a living memorial to the Holocaust, inspires citizens and leaders to confront hatred, promote human dignity and prevent genocide. Federal support guarantees the Museum’s permanence, and its far-reaching educational programs and global impact are made possible by donors nationwide.
The American Academy of Diplomacy is dedicated to strengthening the resources and tools America brings to managing its diplomatic challenges, and accomplishes this through outreach programs, lectures, awards, and writing competitions. In doing so, the Academy promotes an understanding of the importance of diplomacy to serving our nation and enhancing America’s standing in the world.
The United States Institute of Peace is an independent, nonpartisan, national institution established and funded by Congress. Its goals are to help prevent and resolve violent international conflicts, promote post-conflict stability and development, and increase peace-building capacity, tools, and intellectual capital worldwide. The Institute does this by empowering others with knowledge, skills, and resources, as well as by directly engaging in peace-building efforts around the globe.
The report may be downloaded for free at: www.ushmm.org, www.academyofdiplomacy.org, http://www.usip.org/.
Please, click the link pasted below to see the full re[ort:
(http://www.usip.org/genocide_taskforce/pdf/FINAL%20REPORT.pdf)
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Kingdom at crossroads as CPP extends control over government
Written by Sebastian Strangio
The Phnom Penh Post; Thursday, 11 December 2008
Some analysts say 2008 has seen the advent of one-party rule, but others argue the CPP's consolidation may be the foundation Cambodia needs for genuine democratic development
Prime Minister Hun Sen speaks with reporters outside the National Assembly after the first day of debates on the 2009 budget draft law.
At the tail end of a year that has seen unprecedented consolidation of power by the ruling Cambodian People's Party, observers are divided on the current health of Cambodia's democracy and the future prospects of its fragile multi party system.
While government officials have said that the peaceful atmosphere of July's national election was an indication of the country's political stability, others say the slackening support for Cambodia's opposition could see the country backslide into the one-party rule of the 1980s.
"[Cambodia] has a de facto one-party rule," said Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Centre for Human Rights.
"On the surface we have more parties, but it has pretty much been a one-party state since the coup of 1997. I don't see how we can define it any differently."
Opposition figures agreed that the CPP's large parliamentary majority - and near monopoly of positions on the Assembly's nine special commissions - augured a return to single-party rule.
"Cambodia has returned to an authoritarian kind of system," said Sam Rainsy Party lawmaker Son Chhay.
"[The ruling party] should spend more time to strengthen the country's institutions, to solve its social and economic problems."
He said that a strong opposition was the life blood of democratic states, and that debate in the National Assembly was likely to wither with the diminution of the opposition's role.
"Most of the time, in any good parliament, there is a strong opposition. When you shut the opposition up, no one will speak out and criticise the government," Son Chhay said.
Consolidating power
2008 has been a year of consolidation for the CPP, which won a resounding victory in July's national poll and increased its share of National Assembly seats from 73 to 90, while also absorbing a steady trickle of opposition defectors.
Funcinpec stalwart Serey Kosal on Tuesday announced he was joining the ruling party after nearly two decades of trenchant opposition to the CPP and Prime Minister Hun Sen.
In October, the party's ex-president, Prince Norodom Ranariddh, retired from active politics, thereby weakening - perhaps fatally - the country's flagging royalist movement.
But the CPP gains came in a national election that international observers saw as a distinct step forward, noting that the atmosphere during each poll since the UN-brokered elections of 1993 was marked by decreasing levels of political violence.
"The July 27th National Assembly elections were the best example to date of Cambodian citizens freely assembling to express their will through the vote," said US Embassy spokesman John Johnson by email.
The European Union Election Observation Mission also noted that the election "[took] place in an atmosphere which was an improvement on previous elections," despite "falling short of key international standards".
In response to EU criticisms, Tep Nytha, secretary general of the NEC, told the Post in August that he was confident the elections were conducted freely.
"The NEC followed the regulations in the Election Law, meaning that the election was free, fair and just," he said.
Some observers, however, said that analysts' undue focus on the election process overlooked less obvious indicators of democratic health, and that in key respects Cambodia fell short - irrespective of the election results.
"Democracy is not only a matter of elections," said Prince Sisowath Thomico, a former Funcinpec member who founded the royalist Sangkum Jataniyum Front Party in 2006.
"Democracy is a matter of exchanging ideas, and there is no exchange of ideas in Cambodia. People who have ideas don't have power, and people who have power don't have ideas."
David Chandler, a historian who has written extensively on Cambodia, agreed that the increasing stability of the Kingdom's electoral system since 1993 was no certain indication of the system's durability - something that could only be gauged by the peaceful transfer of power away from the CPP.
"Cambodia has a very short history of pluralism ... [and] peaceful transfers of power in Cambodia are very rare indeed," he said by email.
"Even the elections of 1993 were marked by violence, and in the end power remained pretty much where it had been before, at least as far as the police and the army were concerned."
Prince Thomico agreed that the electoral transitions of the 1990s had masked continuities in the concentration of political power.
"Cambodia has been stalled ever since 1993, and the only changes that have taken place since [then] are the replacement of Funcinpec ministers by CPP ministers," he said, adding that major ruling party figures, including Hun Sen, Minister of Commerce Cham Prasidh and Minister of Interior Sar Kheng, had dominated their posts like feudal baronies.
"To develop and grow, we have to create dynamics. What we are really creating are lordships and baronies all over Cambodia with other names: We are making okhnas, we are creating ministers," he said.
"Cambodia is completely stalled, without any real direction."
Tangible progress
But others noted that the achievements of the last 15 years had to be seen in historical context.
Chea Vannath, an independent political analyst, said Cambodia's democracy was still in its infancy and the stability of CPP dominance could provide a foundation for future democratic growth.
"[Cambodia] is such a young democracy, [so] sometimes firm control is not such a bad thing," she said, adding that the Japanese Liberal Democratic Party stayed in power for almost 60 years before ceding power to its main opposition rival.
Pointing to recent upheavals in Thailand, Chea Vannath said that having a strong opposition was no guarantee of political stability and democratic development.
"If you put a multi party system with very strong parties into the Cambodian context, you don't know what could happen, especially when you compare [Cambodia] to the situation in Thailand," she said.
Ou Virak said that although the democratic space had narrowed in 2008, that was a better measure of politicians' attitudes than that of the majority of Cambodians.
"In this environment, where you have politicians on both sides lacking a democratic culture, I think you have to go to the people," he said.
He added that democracy would make further advances in Cambodia once people saw its tangible - as opposed to abstract - benefits.
"The one thing lacking is to somehow show that democracy also impacts their pockets, the quality of their life and their ability to send their children to be educated," Ou Virak said.
"I think freedom and democracy, and people making their own decisions, are actually a part of human nature. I think every human being in the world would want to choose."
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UN official urges government to address rich-poor divide
ASEAN BUSINESS weekly, December 15-21, 2008
(Comments: this article is companion one to the preceded one on the same subject. This one confirms what the UN Resident Coordinator, Mr. Douglas Broderick who made his obeservation on the negative impact of extreme income inequality on poverty and social and political stability in Cambodia.
There can be no real political and social stability or progress as long as extreme income inequality is allowed to persist. But, then Hun Sen never was interested in the well-being of the Cambodiqan people in anyway whatsoever. He is there to fullfil the mandate that the Vietnamese had imposed on him and his CPP, if they want to continue to enrich themselves at the expense of the whole nation of Cambodia.
How can Cambodia survive if the so-called leaders like Hun Sy Vietnam for the purpose of subjugating Cambodia and to bring it under its total control along with its genocidal policy, as envisioned by Ho Chi Minh and his ancestors. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. December 15, 2008)
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The top UN official in Cambodia called on the government Dec 9 to step up efforts to halt what he described as a "widening gap" between the rich and the poor.
UN resident coordinator Douglas Broderick said recent economic growth had brought "much hope and optimism" to all Cambodians, but added that prosperity was "not evenly spread."
"Turning Cambodia's sense of hope and optimism into tangible results like better education, quality health services, the freedom to be heard and to feel safe are among the most significant human rights challenges facing Cambodia today," Broderick, said at an event marking the 60th anniversary of the UN Declaration of Human Rights.
Broderick said narrowing the gap between the rich and the poor was crucial to upholding human rights in Cambodia.
"As legislators you carry the hopes of your constituents.
You have the power to ensure that their rights are preserved and respected. And, you have the power to intervene on their behalf when human rights are violated," he said.
(DPA)
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Inequality is fuelling rights violations, UN warns govt.
Written by Cheang Sokha
The Phnom Penh Post; Wednesday, 10 December 2008
The benefits of Cambodia’s recent development remain concentrated in the hands of a few, lawmakers are told
A child plays on the fringes of Phnom Penh’s Boeung Kak lake. Conditions for Cambodia's poorest are worsening, especially in the countryside, despite apparent gains made by the economy. RISING income inequality is fueling human rights abuses across the Kingdom, making reducing the gap between rich and poor "among the most significant human rights challenges facing Cambodia today", a UN official told Cambodian lawmakers on Tuesday at the government celebration of International Human Rights Day.
"Recent years have seen Cambodia's economy grow rapidly," said Douglas Broderick, the UN resident coordinator for Cambodia. "For ordinary Cambodians, this growth has brought hope and optimism. But so far, the benefits have not been evenly spread."
Despite years of double-digit growth, the fruits of Cambodia's development have remained concentrated in the hands of a few, many rights groups say, adding that this pattern is intensifying as development makes land prices rise, precipitating mass forced evictions.
Celebrations are expected to take place across the country to mark Human Rights Day - which is officially held today - with many groups saying they will be using the opportunity to highlight rights violations.
In Dey Krahorm, villagers who face eviction will be holding a community gathering to bring attention to the issue of land grabbing in their slum neighbourhood, a press release from residents said.
Despite concerns the government would, as has happened in the past, veto public celebrations of Human Rights Day, Minister of Interior Sar Kheng stepped in to save the holiday.
According to a letter signed on Saturday, he ordered the Phnom Penh Governor Kep Chuktema to facilitate the events.
"Cambodia is a signatory of this convention [the Universal Declaration of Human Rights]," Sar Kheng wrote.
The goal of the day is twofold: to mark human rights achievements and also to shed light on rights violations in Cambodia, a coalition of NGOs called Friends of December 10th, he said.
In Battambang, at least 1,000 people are expected to fly balloons, while in Banteay Meanchey province, some 500 tuk-tuk and mototaxi drivers will gather for a solidarity concert.
In Phnom Penh, Suon Sareth, the executive secretary of the Cambodian Human Rights Action Committee, a coalition of 21 NGOs, said that 5,000 people are expected to march from Wat Lanka to Wat Botum to celebrate Human Rights Day.
All of the day's events are tied together by a common theme, "We All Need Freedom and Justice", symbolised by a blue krama, organisers say.
"Human Rights Day is a day for everyone," Suon Sareth said.
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Prosecutor dispute at Khmer Rouge trial
By Guy de Launey
(Comments: another dispute between the internaitonal prosecutors and the Cambodian counterparts recently proped up again with regards to who else should be brought to the Khmer Rouge Trial to face justice. Of course, Hun Sen continues to use his dictatorial power to delay, as long as he can, until all the most prominent former Khmer Rouge leaders such as Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan, Ieng Sary and Ieng thearith are all dead. It is clear that he will never allow any of his close associates in his CPP who were former Khmer Rouge aparachik members to be brought to trial.
Because these former Khmer Rouge leaders may reveal the truth about Hun Sen and his deadly collusion with the Vietnamese real motive behind their pretended 'liberation' of Cambodia.
So, Cambodia is in the full control of Hun Sen and the Vietnamese, while Sihanouk has enormously benefited from this deal as much as Hun Sen and his CPP have. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. december 9, 2008)
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BBC News, Phnom Penh; http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/7772624.stm
Disagreements have arisen at the Khmer Rouge tribunal in Cambodia over whether more people should be investigated.
The UN-appointed prosecutor asked judges to intervene after he and his Cambodian counterpart were unable to move forward.
It is the first time that international and Cambodian officials have had a public disagreement since the tribunal started two years ago.
The court is looking into the deaths of some two million people in the 1970s. The filing of an official "statement of disagreement" suggests the tribunal may have a serious problem.
Five former Khmer Rouge leaders are in custody awaiting trial on charges of crimes against humanity.
And international co-prosecutor Robert Petit believes several more people should be investigated.
But he has been unable to convince his Cambodian colleague, Chea Leang. And asking the judges to intervene indicates that any attempts to reach a compromise have failed.
Embarrassment
There has always been the potential for the tribunal to hit such a problem.
Although it is backed by the United Nations, it is actually a Cambodian court. And the government's enthusiasm for the process has frequently been called into question.
Many senior figures in the current administration were themselves formerly members of the Khmer Rouge.
And as the number of prosecutions rises, so does the chance of embarrassment - or worse - for people in high places.
But organisations monitoring the tribunal have said that proceeding with more cases is vital for the court's credibility.
Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/asia-pacific/7772624.stm
Published: 2008/12/09 07:44:0
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STATEMENT OF THE CO-PROSECUTORS
8 December 2008
On 1 December 2008, in accordance with Internal Rule 71(2) of this Court, the International Co-Prosecutor filed a Statement of Disagreement between the Co-Prosecutors and forwarded it to the Office of Administration for adjudication by the Pre-Trial Chamber. This disagreement rests upon the appropriateness of opening new judicial investigations into crimes committed in various locations throughout Cambodia by certain persons considered to be senior leaders of the Khmer Rouge or persons most responsible for crimes under that regime. The Office of the Administration has since seized the Pre-Trial Chamber of this disagreement for adjudication. It has also forwarded the case files to the Pre-Trial Chamber.
Preliminary investigation of the Co-Prosecutors and adjudication by the Pre-Trial Chamber of disputes between them are, by law, confidential.
This is to uphold presumption of innocence, protection of victims and witnesses and, above all, the integrity of the investigative process.
The Co-Prosecutors shall strive to achieve a consensus throughout the process of a judicial determination of this disagreement. Regardless of this disagreement, the Co-Prosecutors have been and shall continue to work together, in all their cases, to ensure that justice is rendered to the victims of the Khmer Rouge.
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The world's most heinous crimeCNN's Christiane Amanpour traveled to the world's killing fields to understand why
Please, click on the link, pasted below, to see the whole presentation as reported by CNN reporter Christiane Amanpour on recent and past genocides in the four corners of the world including Cambodia's 'Killing fields.'
(http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/11/20/sbm.overview/?iref=hpmostpop)
(comments: this article on CNN (christiane Amanpour) presentation of mass murders entitled ' the world most Heinous Crime" in the world, despite the fact there is a UN convention against genocide signed sixty years ago, genocide contnues unabated.
This is also is a constant and stark reminder of those Khmers, espcially the Khmers Krom, who strongly but naively believe that only the United Nations can save their lives, and their the cultural and religious heritage from the Vietnamese genocide. This article clearly shows that there is no such thing as a full proof antidot under the Unied Nations system against genecide anywhere in the world, as this quote shows;
"The yearlong CNN investigation found that instead of using a U.N. treaty outlawing genocide as a springboard to action, political leaders have invoked reason after reason to make intervention seem unnecessary, pointless and even counter-productive. "
Only when the majority of the people decides to stand up and defend themselves and backed by a honest and morally-based government can there be any chace of success any such genocide policy as the Vietnamese ahve been practicing against the Chams first, and now against the Cambodian people. I hope these Khmers Krom stop being naive and start to wake up that only a truly, intelligent, aware of woprld affairs, and capable can the Cambodian survive against the Vietnamese onslaught.
The only strategy to be used is a non-violent one, known as AHIMSA. Stop accusing me of being anive and too intellectual. It is you, Khmer Krom who are in the wrong direction, not me.Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. december 3, 2008)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------(CNN) -- They share a deep sorrow: an idealistic American who tried to protect the Kurds of Iraq, a Canadian general who refused to follow orders in Rwanda, a French priest who fought for the soul of Cambodia.CNN's Christiane Amanpour traveled to the killing fields of Europe, Africa and Asia for "Scream Bloody Murder."Each one tried to focus the world's attention on the world's most heinous crime: genocide. Each time, they were shunned, ignored or told it was someone else's problem.To understand why, CNN's Christiane Amanpour traveled to the killing fields of Europe, Africa and Asia for a two-hour documentary, "Scream Bloody Murder."Having reported on mass atrocities around the world, this time Amanpour traced the personal accounts of those who tried to stop the slaughter.The yearlong CNN investigation found that instead of using a U.N. treaty outlawing genocide as a springboard to action, political leaders have invoked reason after reason to make intervention seem unnecessary, pointless and even counter-productive. December marks the 60th anniversary of the U.N.'s Genocide Convention, when -- in the aftermath of the Holocaust -- the nations of the world pledged to prevent and punish future attempts to eliminate ethnic, religious and national groups. Read the 1948 Genocide Convention (pdf)
"The Genocide Convention should have stopped genocide, but it didn't," said Holocaust survivor and Nobel laureate Elie Wiesel. Intervention is a daunting challenge, he believes, because of a tendency to minimize accounts from refugees and victims. "It's better not to believe, because if you believe, you don't sleep nights. And how can you eat? How can you drink a glass of wine when you know?" 1970s: CambodiaFather François Ponchaud was a Catholic missionary in Cambodia when the Khmer Rouge guerillas -- communist revolutionaries -- seized power in 1975. They expelled all foreigners from the country.But working from France, Ponchaud gathered refugee accounts and monitored radio broadcasts to document the slave labor, torture and executions the Khmer Rouge were using to kill one-fourth of Cambodia's population.He published his findings in a major French newspaper and wrote a book, "Year Zero." But even so, Ponchaud tells Amanpour, "No one believed us." Watch a behind-the-scenes look at the making of 'Scream Bloody Murder' »1980s: IraqCNN found that intervention is often weighed against political and economic costs.Declassified U.S. government documents show that while Saddam Hussein was gassing Iraqi Kurds, the U.S. opposed punishing Iraq with a trade embargo because it was cultivating Iraq as an ally against Iran and as a market for U.S. farm exports.According to Peter Galbraith, then an idealistic Senate staffer determined to stop Hussein from committing genocide, the Reagan administration "got carried away with their own propaganda. They began to believe that Saddam Hussein could be a reliable partner." Read once-secret U.S. documents1990s: BosniaEven extensive news coverage may not lead to intervention.During the violent breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s, the media reported on the Bosnian Serbs' ethnic cleansing of Muslims: the siege of Sarajevo, the concentration camps, the use of rape as a weapon of war.It was like watching "a color remake of the black-and-white scenes we'd seen in World War II," said U.S. diplomat Richard Holbrooke, whose Jewish grandfather fled Germany when Adolf Hitler came to power.Holbrooke was an early advocate for a U.S.-led military operation against the Bosnian Serbs."I took a stand that I believed was correct," he told Amanpour. "I didn't think it was so controversial."But it would take three years -- and the massacre of 8,000 Muslim men and boys in the town of Srebrenica -- for Holbrooke to make his case within the Clinton administration.1994: RwandaIn Rwanda, where Hutu soldiers and militias massacred their Tutsi countrymen, the Clinton administration tried to avoid characterizing the ethnic slaughter as genocide.According to an internal memo, the State Department worried that under the 1948 Genocide Convention, using the term "genocide" could force the U.S. "to actually 'do something.'"The head of the U.N. peacekeeping force in Rwanda, Canadian Lt. Gen. Romeo Dallaire, begged for additional troops. Instead of reinforcements, Dallaire got an order to withdraw completely. He would not leave Rwanda."I refused a legal order," he told Amanpour, "but it was immoral." His tiny U.N. force was not enough to stop the slaughter of more than 800,000 people.2003: DarfurSome human rights advocates consider Darfur, the western region of Sudan, to be the scene of the first genocide of the 21st century.The atrocities in Darfur grow out of a civil war between rebels from Sudan's African tribes and the country's Arab-led government.In 2003, when the rebels attacked government outposts in Darfur, a U.N. human rights monitor warned that in the "escalating conflict," Sudan's government may be "engaged in ... ethnic cleansing aimed at eliminating African tribes from Darfur."At the time, world attention was on Iraq, where the United States was fighting to overthrow Saddam Hussein. The early warning on Darfur "disappeared into a big hole," according to Mukesh Kapila, then the U.N.'s top official in Sudan.Even when the U.N. Security Council put Darfur on its agenda, it took more than three years to authorize a robust peacekeeping force."There was no lack of information," says activist Eric Reeves. "There was a lack of will to stop genocide."In July, the prosecutor at the International Criminal Court accused Sudan's president of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, charges Sudan denies. Read the ICC prosecutor's charges (pdf)How will history judge the world's response to Darfur?"It will applaud the young people ... who believe in solidarity," says Wiesel. "It will certainly criticize the leaders of the world."And the next time somebody screams bloody murder to stop a genocide, will anyone listen?CNN's Christiane Amanpour, Andy Segal, Jennifer Hyde and Ken Shiffman contributed to this report.© 2008 Cable News Network.
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Khuang Abhaiwongse
(Prime Minister of Thailand of Cambodian origin)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
(Comments: Recently, a lot of Cambodians, especially those who are from overseas have been very excited and very nationalistic with regard to the row with Thailand on the recent Preah Vihear dispute. By so behaving, these well-meaning people have forgotten that they are playing into the bloody and treacherous hands of Hun Sen who has been using the old conflict between Thailand and Cambodia to deflect the real and deadly problem for Cambodia's survival, that is the Vietnamese imperialism and genocidal practice against the Khmer people and the Khmer Krom, in particular.
These so-called nationalists should have asked the following questions, which one of the two neighboring countries is more deadly for Cambodia, Thailand or Vietnam? which of the two Cambodian minorities who are now living in South Vietnam (Khmer Krom) and in Surin province (Khmer Surin) in Thailand are being liquidated, the Khmer Krom or the Khmer Surin? Did or will Vietnam ever allow a Khmer Krom to become prime minister of Vietnam, as the Thai did with Khuang Aphaivong?
Without any doubt in my mind, it is the Khmer Krom who are being physically and culturally eliminated, and the Khmer Surin are allowed to even become a prime minister of Thailand, as this article has pointed out. On the contrary, the Khmer Surin are being totally integrated into the Thai society, and even one of them (Khuang Aphaivong became prime minister of thailand three times during the 1940's, as the article pasted below has shown.
Please, think again, before pushing Cambodia even closer into the abyss, by emotionally and blindly supporting Hun Sen in his Marchialvelian scheme to make Thailand the enemy number one of Cambodia; when in reality, it is Vietnam that is the main enemy of the Cambodian people as the whole content of this web site has shown. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. November 24, 2008)
Khuang Abhaiwongseพันตรีควง อภัยวงศ์
4thPrime Minister of Thailand
In officeAugust 1, 1944 – August 31, 1945January 31 - March 24, 1946November 10, 1947 - April 8, 1948
Monarch
Ananda MahidolBhumibol Adulyadej
Preceded by
Plaek Phibunsongkhram (1944)Seni Pramoj (1946)Thawal Thamrong Navaswadhi (1947)
Succeeded by
Tawee Boonyaket (1945)Luang Praditmanutham (1946)Plaek Phibunsongkhram (1948)
Born
May 17, 1902(1902-05-17)Battambang, Cambodia
Died
March 15, 1968 (aged 65)
Nationality
Thai
Spouse
Leka Abhaiwongse
Major Luang Khuang Abhaiwongse (May 17, 1902 - March 15, 1968; Thai ควง อภัยวงศ์) was three times the prime minister of Thailand.
Khuang was born in Battambang now belonging to Cambodia as the son of the Siamese governor of the province Battambang, Chao Phraya Abhayabhubet. He visited the Debsirin school and the Assumption College, Bangkok, and studied engineering at the Ecole Centrale de Lyon in France. After his return to Thailand he worked in the telegraph department, finally becoming the director of the department.
During World War II he received the title Major, as he joined the guard of King Rama VII. This service also earned him the title Luang Kowitabhayawongse. In the governments of Phraya Phahol Pholphayuhasena and Plaek Phibunsongkhram he became minister, and was elected as prime minister on August 1, 1944, after Plaek's plans to move the capital to Phetchabun and to create the Phutthamonthon park failed to get enough approval from the parliament. On August 17, 1945 he resigned to make way for a new administration.
In 1946 he was one of the founders of the Democrat Party, and became its first leader. The fourth national elections on January 6, 1946 were won by the Democratic Party, which gained him a second term as prime minister starting on January 31. Only 45 days later, on March 24, his government lost an election in parliament and he resigned.
He became prime minister a third time on November 10, 1947 following a coup d'état led by Phin Chunhawan. However, the coup leaders were not pleased with the performance of Khuang's government and forced him to resign on April 8, 1948. This also ensured Plaek to become prime minister again. Khuang continued in politics as the opposition leader and leader of the Democratic Party.
Preceded byPlaek Phibunsongkhram
Prime Minister of Thailand1944–1945
Succeeded byTawee Boonyaket
Preceded bySeni Pramoj
Prime Minister of Thailand1946
Succeeded byLuang Praditmanutham
Preceded byThawal Thamrong Navaswadhi
Prime Minister of Thailand1947–1948
Succeeded byPlaek Phibunsongkhram
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CAMBODIA, VIETNAM TO BUILD PROCESSING PLANT TO BOOST TRADE
ASEAN BUSINESS
November 17-23, 2008
(Comments: the strange 'love affair' between Hun Sen and the Vietnamese government continues unabated. every other month there is new trade agreement between Cambodia and Vietnam. On the surface, these agreements look good and mutually beneficial (Also, please, see another article on the same subject entitled 'Cambodia, Vietnam vow to boost bilateral trade,' posted below in this page).
But, if we put these 'love affair' agreements between Hun Sen and the Vietnamese, in a historical context, whereby Vietnam has always been using sweet words (Friendship, solidarity between the Indochnese people) to reach its end that is the total annihilation of the Cambodian people (also the Lao people), as they have done with Champa, and still doing with Cambodia, especially with the Khmer Krom, as rebecca Sommer had starkingly recorded in a set of video clips entitled 'eliminated Without Bleeding," (posted in this web site).
Don't blame the Vietnamese, alone. It is especially the Cambodians such as Hun Sen, Sihanouk, and the khmer Rouge who are more responsible for this high crime and treason by lending their bloody hands to the Vietnamese to allow the latter to committ genocide while claiming to have only 'love' for the Cambodian people.
This 'love affair' proclaimed by the Vietnamese is so fake and deadly that it is more like a strangulation than an embrace, otherwise known as a 'kiss of death.'
The end of Cambodia is a matter of when and not if.
Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. November 19, 2008)
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Cambodia and Vietnam have agreed to build a new industrial processing factory aimed at boosting the two countries’ agricultural exports, national media reported Nov 12.
The factory will promote cooperation between the two largely agricultural countries and raise quality standards on export goods such as beans, corn, palm sugar and cashew nuts, the Phnom Penh Post said.
Officials say the products would be aimed at the local and export markets.
“The factory will be constructed near the border between both countries in order to capitalize on each country’s resources,” Hor Namhong,
Cambodian Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, was quoted as saying. News of the partnership follows Prime Minister Hun Sen’s return from a state visit to Vietnam, where he signed a trade agreement to increase
cross-border commerce.
Trade between Cambodia and Vietnam reached US$1.7 billion through the first eight months of this year, Hor Namhong said, up from US$1.19 billion in 2007.
“Vietnam has more modern technology, capital and human resources than Cambodia, so [the new factory] will offer a significant tool to develop our economy,” he said.
Le Bien Cuong, the commercial counselor at the Vietnamese embassy in Cambodia, said hopes were high that the factory would be completed soon, and that the plant would raise the quality of local products to international export standards.
(Xinhua)
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The end of an NGO era in Cambodia
By Craig Guthrie
(http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/JK14Ae02.html)
Asia Times; Southeast Asia; Nov 14, 2008
(Comments: With an increasing prostect of a large increase in income from oil and gas production, Hun Sen and his CPP's dictatorship grip on Cambodia can only get stronger. NGO's are now the first targets to be phased out or eliminated. This will allow Hun Sen/Sihanouk to run the country with no restraint and without any check and balance.
Foreign donors will also have less power to check Hun Sen/Sihanouk's dictatorial power. Most Cambodians are fully aware that behind the Cambodian facade of independence under Hun Sen/Sihanouk collaboration, there is the dark and long shadow of the the Vietnamese imperial power. Cambodia is now in the final phase of its life as a nation and a society. It is not a matter of if, but when Cambodia will disappear.
Don't blame the Vietnamese alone, it is also the Cambodians themselves, by their silence and indiffeence had allowed the Hun Sen and Sihanouk to submit to the Vietnamese 'Nam tien' or 'Southern March' to subjugate the Cambodian people, starting in the 17th century when cambodian king Chey Chetha II married a Vietnamese princess and gave Pery Nokor (Saigon) to the Vietnamese as a gift to his new Vietnamese wife. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. November 15, 2008)
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PHNOM PENH - With an overwhelming electoral mandate, robust economy and a potential bounty of oil and gas revenues, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen feels in a strong enough position to move against the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) which have been a perennial thorn in the strongman's side since he took power more than two decades ago.
In late September he called for the revival of a controversial law which would require the country's more than 2,000 associations and NGOs to complete a complex registration process and submit to stringent financial reporting requirements. The draft law is expected to be passed by Hun Sen’s Cambodia People's Party (CPP)-dominated National Assembly in the coming months.
"Cambodia has been heaven for NGOs for too long," he said in a speech broadcast on national radio on September 26, adding that he had given up hope of reading any positive reports written by international or local NGOs. "The NGOs are out of control ... they insult the government just to ensure their financial survival."
By enacting the law, Hun Sen could recalibrate the government's terms of engagement with the Western-led aid community, on which his government has heavily relied for decades to finance its budget. The move comes as private-led foreign investment has fueled the country's economic rise, led in the main by China and South Korea.
"Many of the services provided by NGOs today will one day either be privatized or the revenues of the government will grow to such an extent that the functions currently being done by NGOs will be taken over by the government," said Brett Sciaroni, chairman of Cambodia's International Business Association.
The NGO law's enactment would be a symbolic power shift between Hun Sen's CPP-led government, further emboldened by its landslide victory in this year's general election, and the Western-backed NGOs which have long chastised it over human-rights abuses and corruption allegations.
International aid agencies have for decades held the purse strings on the aid which has sustained the national economy since it emerged from the horrors of the Khmer Rouge, the ultra-Maoist regime which systematically attempted to transform Cambodia into an agricultural utopia between 1975 and 1979, and a subsequent decade-plus of civil war.
Some contend it was the Khmer Rouge's economic failures, including a devastating countrywide famine that killed many and stalked the regime's traumatized survivors, which set the stage for Cambodia's now decades-long dependence on foreign aid.
The British aid agency Oxfam began programs soon after the Khmer Rouge's 1979 ouster, despite incurring the wrath of the United States and the United Kingdom governments for helping the Hanoi-sponsored regime put in place by the invading Vietnamese.
Jacques Beaumont from the United Nations Children's Fund, and Francois Bugnion from the International Red Cross (IRC), who both arrived in Phnom Penh in 1979, were pivotal players in that humanitarian effort. They finally persuaded the IRC, which was fearful of being seen as compromising its political neutrality, into launching what turned into its most significant relief operation since World War II.
But the comprehensive aid experiment did not begin in earnest until after the signing of the 1991 Paris Peace Accords, which by and large ended the country's debilitating civil war. Since then myriad NGOs have come to Cambodia to work on everything from demining to microfinance, orphanages to agri-business, public health issues to snaring globe-trotting pedophiles.
The demining NGOs in particular made great progress, clearing an estimated 25,000 hectares of mined territory between 1992-2003. Cambodia has also been hailed as a global success story in fighting HIV/AIDs transmission, led by NGO-organized education programs and health aid. Prevalence rates have fallen by nearly half, from 3% in 1997 to 1.6% in 2006.
Fractious relations
But Hun Sen's government's relationship with NGOs and international aid agencies has often been fractious, epitomized by its tumultuous interactions with the environmental watchdog Global Witness over its consistent accusations of high-level government links to illegal logging, and with the UK-based rights lobby Amnesty International for its criticism of state-sponsored forced evictions across the country.
The World Bank also suspended US$11.9 million in funds in 2006 for seven sanitation projects when it found evidence of rampant extortion, bribe-taking, bid-rigging and procurement manipulation, leading Hun Sen to claim the multilateral lender was trying to tarnish his government's credibility. The bank only agreed to unfreeze the projects' funding in 2007 after the government promised to strengthen anti-corruption measures.
Despite Cambodia's recent economic boom, including a skyrocketing average 11% gross domestic product (GDP) growth over the past three years, a sizable portion of the nation's real income still derives directly from donor nations in amounts wrangled out each year at annual Consultative Group meetings.
The meetings were for years characterized by vague promises from the Cambodian government in response to weak demands by donors for reform, including the long-delayed adoption of an anti-corruption law. But in the past two years these demands have become less relevant with the surge in aid from China, which typically has less good governance or transparency conditions attached.
While Chinese aid is generally funneled through vast infrastructure projects - including hydropower and road projects - usually contracted to Chinese companies, Western nations' share of the average US$600 million in annual aid arrives through international aid agencies and NGOs. The process has been widely cast as a corrupt, inefficient gravy train, giving some traction to Hun Sen's complaints.
"In the 1980s, there was a popular T-shirt satirizing US Army recruitment commercials with the slogan, 'Join the army. Travel to exotic, distant lands. Meet exciting, unusual people. And kill them'," Brad Adams, executive director for Human Rights Watch's Asia Program, was quoted saying to Action Aid in 2005. "In the new millennium, it could be rephrased, 'Join the aid community. Travel to exotic, distant lands. Meet exciting, unusual people. And make a killing'."
This is still the case in Cambodia, Adams told Asia Times Online. "You can start with all the foreign consultants making more than $10,000 per month, almost always tax free. This is a huge drain on the aid budget for Cambodia and in many cases the consultants produce nothing of value for the country."
Many analysts and expatriates agree that NGOs and their workers suffer from an image crisis among the Cambodian public, partly due to their comparatively high salaries and lifestyles, which are far adrift from the 35% of the population which lives on less than $0.50 a day.
Country directors for prominent international aid agencies typically receive a $250,000 annual package, which includes a spacious villa in the capital's upmarket "NGO-ville" area, a four-wheel-drive vehicle - usually emblazoned with the logo of their donor agency or charity - and fees paid for the capital's better international schools.
The aid watchdog Action Aid estimated in 2005 that the 700 or so international consultants working for NGOs in the country earned more than Cambodia's 160,000 civil servants put together. "In 1993, yes, 99% of foreign consultants were justified; now, 5% are justifiable. The others are embedding and enabling the mentality of dependency," Center of Social Development director Theary Seng said in June.
Arne Sahlen, a founding member of the Cambodia Support Group, a 25-year-old volunteer organization, echoes Hun Sen's comments that fundraising has overtaken the focus on the actual progress of several NGO projects. According to Sahlen, "vast" resources are being swallowed up on pursuing donors that could be invested on direct project needs. "The need to please donors has warped the focus to not necessarily what is best for the project but what may look best on an application," said Sahlen.
Others contend that several NGOs are actually impeding the development of a self-sustaining private sector, mainly through the alleged abuse of their not-for-profit status to pursue business opportunities. That status helps them avoid taxes and other unofficial costs that private businesses pay, giving non-profit an unfair competitive advantage in the market, they say.
Cambodians now understand the word NGO, especially in the local context, to be a for-profit enterprise, said Sophal Ear, the author of The Political Economy of Cambodia, Aid and Governance.
"It's all a business and this is just another way to avoid taxes," he said. "When not covered by donors, capital costs for NGOs have largely been privatized, through an extensive network of 'donations' to the ruling party by Oknhas [politically connected tycoons] politicians, and civil servants."
Discretionary powers
The NGO law, known formally as the Law on Organizations, was first written over a decade ago and aims to address such complaints. It would require NGOs to submit for government approval documents detailing their structure, goals, funding resources, properties and even logos. It also entails fines and imprisonment for any NGO which fails to submit annual reports to the Ministry of Economy and Finance.
Many fear the discretionary powers the law will give the government in monitoring and sanctioning NGOs - rather than vice versa. Hun Sen no doubt had his one good eye on the anticipated bounty of future oil and gas revenues when calling for the controversial law's revival. Chevron, the US energy giant, discovered oil off Cambodia southwestern coast in 2005 and analysts have predicted the find could generate anywhere between $200 million and $2 billion in annual revenues for the government when full-scale production begins in 2010.
The government is still awaiting a key assessment from Chevron of the supposed find, and both sides have more recently played down expectations. Nonetheless, NGOS are already warning of a possible "resource curse" similar to places like Nigeria, where corrupt governments pilfered and wasted earnings derived from energy exports.
"NGOs are trying to tell us how to use the oil money, but this is of no interest to us. What is important is how to make our resources profitable," Hun Sen said in a recent radio broadcast speech.
Despite his criticisms, there are reasons for concern. A new NGO coalition has begun work to oversee the transparency of the management of future oil funds. Led by the NGO Forum, it has given little information on its structure, but has said it plans to ensure the potential financial benefits from the windfall are managed in a socially responsible manner, and that benefits filter down to the impoverished grassroots.
The World Bank, which also aims to monitor the government's oil revenue management, noted in May that international aid is often poorly managed in key sectors, with the problem of "fragmented" assistance especially acute in health and education.
In the health sector, 22 donors are currently working with over 100 NGOs to deliver $110 million in Official Development Assistance (ODA) per year through 109 projects - yet use of the national system remains at just between 13% to 18%, said the bank. The vast majority of rural Cambodians are forced to use an expensive yet rudimentary private healthcare system which is more reminiscent of poorer African than neighboring Asian nations.
The education system is also beset by severe underfunding, with thousands of graduates churned out from poorly regulated "international" universities with degrees that often leave them ill-prepared to enter the job market. Until now, the only paying option for many graduates was to work in donor agencies and international NGOs. But if Chinese and South Korean private investment flows hold up and the country's hoped-for energy bonanza is realized, that may all soon change if Hun Sen has his NGO-curbing way.
Craig Guthrie is a former reporter for the Mekong Times newspaper in Phnom Penh. He has covered Cambodian affairs since 2004.
© Copyright 1999 - 2008 Asia Times Online (Holdings), Ltd.
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Cambodia, Vietnam vow to boost bilateral ties
ASEAN BUSINESS; November 10-16, 2008
(Comments: The article posted below sows another ominous sign that Hu Sen is just a faithful stooge of the Vietnamese. He is no Cambodian patriot as he recently tried to fake his way in the Preah Vihear controversy with Thailand. The sadest part of this Preah Vihear confict is the fact that so many well-menaing but short-sighted Cambodians, including those who are living overseas, were so worked up by Hun Sen's fake nationalism that they forgot who Hun Sen really is.
All objective and well known observers have indicated that Hun Sen is a creation of Vietnam, as this article has shown. He is, to simply put, a traitor. Now, let 's ask ourselves a fundamental question; can a traitor be a nationalist at the same time?
Think again, my fellow-Cambodians, wherever you may be living. Cambodia cannot afford to fight on two fronts. Hun Sen had used the Preah Vihear issue for the sole purpose to divert the attention from the deadly and long-standing grip of Vietnam known as 'Nam Tien,' as he did in 2003, when he organized a frenzy mob to sack and burn a number of Thai-owned business firms in Phnom Penh. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. November 11, 2008)
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Cambodia and Vietnam agreed Nov 4 in Hanoi to intensify their friendship and comprehensive cooperation to lift the ties to a new height in the years to come.
Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen and his Vietnamese counterpart Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung expressed their satisfaction at the development of bilateral relations over the recent past during their talks held after a welcome ceremony in Hanoi, Vietnam News Agency (VNA) reported.
Vietnamese PM Dung stressed the significance of the visit by the Cambodian PM, saying that the visit would help strengthen neighborliness and comprehensive cooperation between the two countries.
The Vietnamese government leader spoke highly of his Cambodian counterpart’s contribution to cementing friendly and cooperative ties between the two sides and congratulated him on being re-elected as Cambodian Prime Minister for the fourth term.
Hun Sen said his visit aims to enhance friendship and comprehensive cooperation between the two countries.
He thanked the Vietnamese Government and people for their assistance to Cambodia in the past as well as during the current national construction and development.
The two PMs agreed to promote the exchange of visits by delegations at all levels to increase mutual understanding and give priorities to cooperation in human resources development, trade and investment, energy, mining, oil and gas, industrial crops and transport.
The two sides were unanimous in creating favorable conditions for trade and service activities in order to raise two-way trade to more than US$2 billion by 2010, and encouraging cooperation between localities.
They also agreed to continue their close cooperation in security and defense, as well as the fight against terrorism, transnational crimes, smuggling, and drug and human trafficking.
The two sides reaffirmed their principle of preventing all hostile forces from using the territory of either country to do harm to the other and undermining the Cambodia-Vietnam friendly and cooperative ties.
The two PMs highly valued the achievements made in the planting of border markers and affirmed their determination to accelerate the work in the principle of strictly observing the 1985 treaty on land border demarcation and the 2005 supplementary treaty. They were resolved to complete the historical work in the first six months of 2012.
During the talks, the two PMs also exchanged views on regional and international issues of mutual concern and agreed to further their cooperation at international and regional forums.
Following the talks, the two PMs witnessed the signing of five agreements, including the ones on visa exemption for ordinary passport holders, transit of goods and railway cooperation.
Other cooperation agreements were reached between the Cambodian and the Vietnamese Ministry of Information and Communications, and between the Cambodian National Radio and the Radio Voice of Vietnam.
(AKP)__________________________________________________________________________
Sok Kong: I am a Vietnamese
20 March 2008Translated from Vietnamese by WannaOriginally posted at: http://www.xwanna.com/
Original article in Vietnamese: “Tôi là người Việt Nam!"Maybe some people are still skeptical about who is Sok Kong? Now, believe me and believe him (Sok Kong)!Oknha Sok Kong said...Tôi sinh ra ở Prey Veng. Ba mẹ tôi là người VN, tôi được sinh ra ở CPC. Năm 1975 sang VN làm ruộng ở Đồng Tháp. Lúc đó tôi 23 tuổi. Năm 1979 tôi trở lại CPCTranslation: I was born in Prey Veng. My parents are Vietnamese, I was born in Cambodia. In 1975, I backed to VN and do farming at Don Thap province. I was then 23. In 1979, I returned to CambodiaTôi giàu con lắm, có đến sáu đứa: ba trai, ba gái. Con trai đầu làm việc ở TP.HCM, con trai thứ hai quản lý khách sạn và xí nghiệp may số 1, con trai thứ ba quản lý xí nghiệp may 2, ba đứa con gái còn đi học ở Úc.Translation: I have many children, including 6: 3 sons, 3 daughters. My eldest son works at HCM(Ho Chi Minh) city; My second son is a manager of a hotel and garment factory Number 01; My third son is a manager of garment factory Number 02; My three daughters are all studying in Australia.Trước đây vì một số lý do tôi không muốn ai biết mình là người VN. Còn bây giờ thì không. Tôi là người VN. Tôi vinh dự về điều đó!Translation: In the past, from some reasons, I don't want anyone to know that I am a Vietnamese. Now, it's NOT. I am a Vietnamese. I'm proud of that.Please, click on the link pasted below to learn more about Sok Kong:
(Sok Kong via Cambodian Information Center - Search)
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THE STRANGE IMMIGRATION AND THE ELECTION IN CAMBODIA
COMMUNIQUE(July 14th, 2008 (khmer mchas srok )
(Comments: This is a very interesting and penetrating analysis of the manipulations of the elections in Cambodia by Hun Sen and his CPP which is in turn is manipulated and controlled by the Vietnamese from behind the scene. The main problem in the Cambodian elections I the lack of transparency on the number of Vietnamese now living in Cambodia and are most of them illegal immigrants. The Hun Sen regime had now given legal status as residents of Cambodia to all these illegal Vietnamese. So, the electoral basis for Hun Sen can always count on these Vietnamese who are now voting for the CPP only. The future is bleak in Cambodia, as Phan Van Dong has said, “the situation in Cambodia is irreversible;” meaning “Cambodia will be always under Vietnamese control.” Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. November 2, 2008)
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The upcoming election in Cambodia is just a pretext for the Cambodian People Party-CPP (which has been installed by Vietnam) to deceive the international community with its sham democratic regime.1. The first term election in 1993 (1993-1998)- UNTAC : the coup d'état on July 5th and 6th 1997Only the election organized and governed by UNTAC in 1993 had a reasonable democratic system acceptable to the Cambodian people. This election clearly demonstrated the desire of the Cambodian people to reject the CPP and choose the FUNCINPEC. But the CPP did not concede the official result and used military force to segregate the country into two parts. To keep the peace, there was a compromise for Cambodia to have two Prime Ministers to share the power and to lead a government with an elective term from 1993 to 1998.To avoid the loss of any more elections, the CPP has been taking the measures in using all means to control the electoral system through the National Electoral Committee (NEC) where the majority of its members are from the CPP. The NEC is responsible for:
· Ascertaining rules for the national election,
· Taking care of the electoral rolls,
· Organizing the election,
· Declaring the election result.
To manage the electoral rolls, the CPP has to stay alone in power. To achieve this, the CPP plotted and executed a coup on July 5th and 6th 1997 to topple the legitimately elected Prime Minister Prince Norodom Ranariddh from the FUNCINPEC, one year before the second election had scheduled. At the same time they also eliminated many opposition parties and Khmer patriots.2. The second term election in 1998 (1998-2003): the great demonstration in October 1998 had ended with a tragic bloodshedWhen the second term election was due in 1998, the CPP had rearranged the electoral rolls by deleting opposition's names from the list because most of them had to hide in the country and some of them had to seek asylum in Thailand to escape from all sorts of brutality and all sorts of threats after the coup d'état of 1997. In addition, the irregularity of the electoral rolls had suddenly jumped up enormously over the normal increase in the growth rate of population. The increased numbers in the electoral rolls during the second term election in 1998 was invented by the CPP leaders to allow Vietnamese immigrants to enter into Cambodia, assimilate with the Cambodia population in order to vote for them.According to the population's statistic in Asia published by UNESCAP, the figures show:
· In 1996, Cambodia had a population of 10,968,000 people
· In 1997, Cambodia population had risen to 11,237,000 people, it had increased to 260,000 people per year with the growth rate of 2.4 %
· In 1998, Cambodia population had suddenly risen to 12,186,000 people; it had increased to 949,000 people per year with the growth rate of 8.44 %. Four times the normal rate. These figures substantiate around 680,000 Vietnamese immigrants had settled in Cambodia in 1998, for the sole purpose of enabling the CPP to win the election that year. The CPP take over the rights of the Khmer people who are already aware of their deception.
· In 1999, Khmer population had risen to 12,450,000 people it had increased to 264,000 people per year with the growth rate of 2.16 % as it was back to the normal rate.
The arrival of Vietnamese immigrants in Cambodia until present time has been supported by the illegal treaty signed in 1983 which has been endorsed by the government.The treaty was designed to give a lawful access to the Vietnamese living at the Cambodia-Vietnam border to bring their relatives to come and live with them in Cambodia.The second election in 1998, the national and international community was entirely manipulated by the CPP who operated with absolute power to abuse every section of the Cambodia's constitution for returning to their ruling power. The opposition was eliminated by using tactics of killing, intimidating and threatening all political activists. Many of them were killed, tortured, imprisoned and suffered a great deal beyond imagination as we the Khmer people have witnessed so far.
Their running campaign, the counting of paper ballots, declaring of victory and their abusive actions to the opposition groups, these acts are unlawful, against justice and democratic principles. Consequently, during the second term election in 1998, there was a demonstration in October against the falsehood of paper ballots which ended with tragic bloodshed.3. The third term election in 2003 (2003-2008) : "the packaged election" is the constitutional coup in 2004, signatory of the complementary of the 1985 treaty to be enforceable, in October 2005:At every election, the CPP has always made difficult for the opposition groups and for the poor and disadvantaged people to enroll.Normally, at the election 2003, this term, Cambodia should have been able to implement a democratic election process because the CPP had already run a full term government (1998-2003). In the contrary, the CPP, the former Communist Party, did not at all perform the democratic way.In 2003, although the CPP had won the majority of the votes in the National Assembly, Mr. Hun Sen was not sure that he would be the Prime Minister elected. So, they did not abide by the Constitution of the country and they prevented the formation of new government. As a result, there was a constitutional coup in 2004 to force the amendment of the constitution, without a referendum. This amendment permitted the CPP to stay in the power by using the "Packaged Election" system to elect, at the same time, the Prime Minister and the President of the Parliament which is incompatible with the principle of the separation of the legislative, executive and judicial powers.While the CPP continued to lead the government, he signed in October 2005 the Supplementary Treaty to the Treaty on the Delimitation of State Border of 1985, which had automatically converted the 1979, 1982, 1983 and 1985 treaties to become the legitimate treaties. The CPP was seriously condemned by the students, civil servants and all Khmers who opposed this signature which gave up Khmer lands and seas to Vietnam. This prompted the arrest and imprisonment of civil activists who dared to oppose them.The signature on the Supplementary Treaty to the Treaty on the Delimitation of State Border of 1985 has given legitimate rights to the Vietnamese immigrants who have settled in provinces along the borders allowing them to bring their families to come and live in Cambodia.In addition, the CPP had approved in 2003, the establishment of 19 Vietnamese Associations (there are 57 Vietnamese Associations to date) in Cambodia. The Bylaws of these associations have clearly stated "every member of the Vietnamese Associations is granted the right to live and bring their family members to Cambodia".In the third term election (2003-2008), the constitutional coup of 2004 was the explicit actions to enhance the Vietnamese immigrants to have been legitimately settled in Cambodia and convert the 5 million settlers to become Khmer citizens, some of them to be as in high profile and prominent persons, e.g. lords, ladies, senators, Yeay Phoo and Sok Kong etc.From 2003 to 2008, the CPP has reinforced the expansion and strengthened the Vietnamese presence in Cambodia.4. The fourth term election 2008 (2008-2013), do Khmer have sovereignty?Looking into the collaboration between the Vietnamese settlers and the CPP, and their movement for the past 15 years, we can draw the conclusion that in this election term, the CPP will be salvaged by the 5 million Vietnamese settlers who are their saviors and the CPP doesn't need to make any effort to win this election.It is estimated about 1,906,888 Vietnamese immigrants who are registered among the 8,125,529 people with the legal right to vote in 2008. This calculates on UNTAC 1993's figures, the NEC's figures and the figures of Cambodia's National Institute of Statistic:1. -There are 23 % of Vietnamese immigrants who are registered to vote among people with the legal rights to vote, according to the NEC figures (1,906.000/8.125.641)2. -There are 30 % of Vietnamese immigrants who are registered to vote among people with the legal rights to vote, according to the UNTAC figures (1,906,888/6,318,641)NOTE: the above estimated figures do not include the 2 million Vietnamese who came to Cambodia before UNTAC and have been granted Cambodian citizenship in 1993.
Rate
1993
1998
2003
2008
0.019
NEC's figures
Figure estimated 5 years later
Figure estimates 10 years later
Figure estimates 15 years later
Cambodia
4,764,430
5,234,580
5,751,125
6,318,641
The UNTAC figures in 1993 had 4,764,430 15 years later (2008), based on the growth rate of 1.9 %, the number of the people who have the legal rights to vote is: 6,318,641.
1998
2003
2008
NEC
Increased figure
%
NEC
Increased figure
%
NEC
Increased figure
%
5,395,595
161,015
2.984
6,341,834
590,709
10.271
8,125,529
1,906,888
23.47
The calculation of the population in 2008:With the growth rate 1.9 % of the Cambodian population base on the substantial sources:
· From UNTAC, 15 years later (1993-2008) Cambodia's population was 11,698,201 = 2,000,000 + 9,698,201 (Khmer people)
· From the NEC figure, Cambodia's population is 14,500,000, so the new immigrants figure is 4,801,799 = (14,500,000 – 9,698,201)
· The new immigrants figure represents 33 % of the Cambodia's population (Khmer, Vietnamese and others)
· The new immigrants figure represents 49 % of the Khmer's population (only Khmer e.g excluding the Vietnamese settlers, and others)
CONCLUSION:The democracy in Cambodia has been implicated by the close relationship and strong collaboration between the CPP and the Vietnamese settlers over the rights of Khmer people living on their homeland.The election system implemented by the CPP would totally prevent any opportunity to the other political parties with a genuine intention to serve the Khmer people's interest. The CPP has 83 million Vietnamese people to back them up. The CPP would do anything to get their support and assistance at every election in the framework of the Indochina Federation under Vietnamese supervision.In the term of 2008, the future of the Members of Parliament of the Cambodian National Assembly will be under the pressure from the Vietnamese Associations in Cambodia (because the CPP won the election thanks to the Vietnamese immigrants and in turn, the CPP must legitimize the status of these immigrants to have the right to establish in Cambodia). The close collaboration between the CPP and the Vietnamese immigrants via the sham democratic election game is the strategy to manipulate the international community to achieve their goal of establishing the Indochina Federation which is controlled by Vietnam. Once Cambodia becomes a part of the Indochina Federation, the Vietnamese immigrants will no longer need the protection of the CPP. In the opposite, the CPP will be a hindrance to the Indochina Federation because they are originated from Khmer people who would like to preserve their identity, culture and tradition, so they cannot be trusted and can be rebellious to them. But, Vietnam would not take risk to let the CPP reverse the situation (as Pham Van Dong's world statement in 1979 of his vision on Cambodia: "La situation au Cambodge est irreversible ....").The election serving the Cambodian people's interest should be conducted in a free and fair system. But if the Vietnamese immigrants have the right to vote in inflated numbers figure, this election is only a game to fool the international community.The only solution for the Khmer people now is to unite and claim our sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity through the international laws and exercise our right of being sovereign Khmer people in our homeland.Paris, 14th July 2008Dr Sakhonn CHAKGeneral Representative of Khmer Mchas Srok
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One big happy family in Cambodia
March 20, 2007
By Bertil Lintner
Asia Times
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(Comments: This article on Hun Sen and his network of family ties that controls practically all aspects of the Cambodian life, is the main reason why Cambodia is in such a deep hole. It is not easy for Cambodia to get out of Hun Sen's deadly control, especially when he has the support, both of Sihanouk and the Vietnamese. The other tragedy for Cambodia is the fact that there is no credible opposition leaders of the caliber of Nelson Mandela, Mahatma Ghandi, or Aung San Suu Kyi, to be able to successfully challenge the dictatorship of Hun Sen. The future of Cambodia does not look very good, at this juncture. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. Novemer 1, 2008)
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PHNOM PENH - Cambodia's rough-and-tumble politics have long been bloody, marred by frequent political assassinations and violence. But never before have they been quite so blood-linked.
The English-language fortnightly Phnom Penh Post published without comment in late February a family tree it had compiled, revealing how the top leaders of the ruling Cambodia People's Party (CPP) have become more intimate through an old-fashioned Cambodian custom: arranged marriage. And the growing family ties run all the way to the top of Cambodia's political pyramid, Prime Minister Hun Sen, Southeast Asia's longest-serving leader.
For instance, there is Hun Sen's brother, Hun Neng, currently serving as governor of Kompong Cham, whose daughter, Hun Kimleng, is married to the deputy commissioner of Cambodia's National Police, Neth Savoeun. Meanwhile, Hun Neng's son, Hun Seang Heng, is married to Sok Sopheak, the daughter of Sok Phal, another deputy commissioner of the National Police. Hun Sen's 25-year-old son, Hun Manith, is married to Hok Chendavy, the daughter of Hok Lundy, the National Police commissioner.
Another of the premier's sons, Hun Many, 24, is married to Yim Chay Lin, the daughter of Yim Chay Li, secretary of state for rural development. One of Hun Sen's daughters, Hun Mali, 23, meanwhile, is married to Sok Puthyvuth, the son of Sok An, Hun Sen's right-hand man and minister of the Council of Ministers. The friendship between Hun Sen and Sok An dates back to the early 1980s, when Hun Sen was foreign minister and Sok An director of the office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Now those personal ties run blood deep as in-laws.
And that's just a sampling of the connections at the highest echelons. Heng Samrin, who was Cambodia's head of state from the Vietnamese invasion in January 1979 to the United Nations intervention in 1991, and now serves as president of the National Assembly and honorary CPP president, has a daughter named Heng Sam An, who is married to Pen Kosal, an adviser to Sar Kheng, deputy prime minister and minister of the interior - as well as brother-in-law of Senate and CPP president Chea Sim.
Heng Samrin's adviser, Cham Nimol, is the daughter of Cham Prasidh, minister of commerce. Another of Cham Pradish's daughters, Cham Krasna, is engaged to Sok Sokann, another of minister Sok An's sons. Sar Kheng's son, Sar Sokha, meanwhile, is married to Ke Sunsophy, daughter of Ke Kim Yan, commander-in-chief of the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces. And Hun Sen's wife, Bun Ramy, currently serves as president of the Cambodian Red Cross, while its second vice president, Theng Ay Anny, aka Sok An Anny, is Sok An's wife.
Family traditions
There has been no official reaction to the Phnom Penh Post's revealing study. Intermarriage among members of the ruling political and business elites is not uncommon in Asia.
In neighboring Thailand, Field Marshal Phin Choonhavan's son, Chatichai Choonhavan, became prime minister of Thailand, while his daughter, Khun Ying Udomlak married Phao Sriyanond, director general of the Thai police. Another high-ranking Thai army officer, Thanom Kittikachorn, was the brother-in-law of fellow military dictator Praphas Charusathien, while his son, Narong Kittikachorn, also became a military strongman, while his sister Songsuda married Suvit Yodmani, who has served with several Thai governments.
Sino-Thai tycoons are known to have arranged their children's marriages to members of other top business families to progress their commercial interests. But in Cambodia's case, where many of the political elite were wiped out during Khmer Rouge-led purges between 1975 and 1979, the number of political marriages is extraordinary. And these new family ties between the children of ministers and top officials potentially set the stage for the CPP's grip on power to continue for generations.
Significantly, the CPP's family connection is emerging simultaneously with a waning of the royal family's influence over national politics. Ever since Hun Sen and his inner circle of friends and advisers ousted former prime minister Prince Norodom Ranariddh in a 1997 coup, the royalist Funcinpec party's political fortunes have waned.
Ranariddh was forced into exile after the bloody putsch that killed many of his party members, but later returned to Cambodia to become president of the National Assembly after inconclusive general elections in 2003, when the CPP was unable to garner enough votes to form a one-party government and after much squabbling joined with Funcinpec in a wobbly coalition.
One of the sons of former king Norodom Sihanouk and half-brother of the present monarch, Sihamoni, Ranariddh resigned that post last March and subsequently left the country again. While he was away, he was dismissed as co-chairman of the Council for the Development of Cambodia as well as the National Olympic Committee. He later returned to Cambodia - and was ousted as president of Funcinpec, the main opposition party, amid an internal power struggle in October that many political analysts believe Hun Sen had a hand in.
Not surprisingly, perhaps, several of Funcinpec's original leaders were also related. Ranariddh's uncle and former king Norodom Sihanouk's younger half-brother, Norodom Sirivudh, served as foreign minister in a Funcinpec-led government in 1993. Ranariddh's half-brother, Norodom Chakrapong, meanwhile, helped found Funcinpec but later defected to the CPP. Their half-sister and Sihanouk's eldest child, Norodom Bopha Devi, has served as minister of information and culture, while her latest consort, Khek Vandy, was elected to the National Assembly on a Funcinpec list in 1998.
But Funcinpec's family pride has waned considerably since it emerged as the biggest party in the UN-supervised elections in May 1993, when it captured 45% of the popular vote and outpaced the CPP, which came in a close second with 38%. Many political observers think Ranariddh's recent ouster from Funcinpec may represent his last political gasp.
His former Funcinpec colleagues recently sued him on allegations that he embezzled US$3.6 million from the sale of the party's headquarters last August. The Phnom Penh Municipal Court found the prince guilty and sentenced him - in absentia - to 18 years in prison. Ranariddh had recently set up a new party, aptly named the Norodom Ranariddh Party (NRP).
Funcinpec, the NRP and the opposition Sam Rainsy Party will be among 10 different political parties standing against the CPP juggernaut in upcoming commune council elections, which are scheduled for April 1 and widely viewed as a bellwether indicator for next year's general elections.
It may well be an April Fool's election, with the opposition fractured and vulnerable and the CPP allegedly pursuing a campaign of violence and intimidation against opposition candidates and their supporters in rural areas. Khieu Kanharith, CPP minister of information, predicted on February 22 that his party would win about 97% or 98% of the positions in the commune councils, and 95% of the vote in the general elections next year. That may well be the case, as Cambodia is fast morphing into a one-party state dominated by the CPP.
The Phnom Penh Post in its February 9 edition quoted a foreign diplomat as saying: "The CPP controls the government, the National Assembly, the Senate, 99% of the village chiefs, the provincial governments. Their influence goes through the judiciary, through the police ... Practically everything is controlled by one party."
That assessment would appear to jibe with 55-year-old Hun Sen's January 9 pronouncement that he does not intend to stand down from the premiership until he is at least 90 years old. By then, a third generation of CPP family-tied politicians and officials, if everything goes according to the apparent plan, will just be coming of political age.
Bertil Lintner is a former correspondent with the Far Eastern Economic Review, where he reported frequently on Cambodian politics and economics. He is currently a writer with Asia-Pacific Media Services.
(Copyright 2007 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)
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Cambodia's first rock opera opens next month
The Associated Press Published: October 29, 2008
http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2008/10/29/arts/AS-Cambodia-Rock-Opera.php
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(Comments: It is not often good news have come out of Cambodia under the dictatorship of Hun Sen and his CPP. for change the article posted below shows that Cambodians are no more no less as inteligent and creative as other people. But, the oppression under different autocratic regimes since the Angkor time, had suppressed the creative inctinct of the most Cambodian people. It is nice to see that despite these continuous and wholesale oppression, the creative spirit of the cambodian people has survive. This first rock opera produced by Him Sophy, a Russian-trained composer, is a clear and hopeful indication that the indomptable creative and artistic spirit of the Cambodian people has survived and still alive and well. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. October 29, 2008)
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PHNOM PENH, Cambodia: Cambodia's first rock opera will make its world premiere in Phnom Penh next month, a cultural milestone in the Southeast Asian country where performing arts were banned during the brutal Khmer Rouge years.
"Where Elephants Weep" is an East-meets-West blend of traditional Cambodian music with Western rock that is modeled after "Romeo and Juliet" and inspired by the Broadway musical "Rent."
Organizers said Wednesday the show will open a 10-day run Nov. 28 in a converted movie theater in the capital, Phnom Penh, a year later than its planned debut at the end of 2007.
The show was commissioned by Cambodian Living Arts, a project of the Boston-based nonprofit organization World Education, which seeks to revive traditional Cambodian performing arts and inspire contemporary artistic expression among Cambodians.
Charley Todd, a co-president of the CLA's governing board, said the opera had a successful preview last year in Lowell, Massachusetts, which has a sizable community of Cambodian refugees. But producers needed extra time for fine-tuning.
"It's now ready for world premiere here in Phnom Penh," Todd said.
It is expected to later tour in other countries, including the United States, South Korea and Singapore.
Organizers hope the play will send a message that Cambodia has more to offer than its centuries-old Angkor temples and macabre tourist attractions.
"What we want is that the world knows Cambodia not only for Angkor Wat and the (Khmer Rouge) killing fields but for the living arts, the arts of today," he said.
Arts and entertainment were banned when the Khmer Rouge ruled Cambodia between 1975-79 and killed some 1.7 million people through starvation, disease, overwork and execution. Execution sites from the time now serve as grim attractions for tourists visiting Cambodia.
"Where Elephants Weep" is an operatic take on "Tum Teav," the Cambodian version of "Romeo and Juliet."
It tells the story a Cambodian-American who lost his father during the Khmer Rouge era and returns home after Cambodia's civil war to trace his roots. In Phnom Penh, he meets and falls in love with a Cambodian woman who works as a karaoke singer.
The music was composed by the Russian-trained Cambodian maestro Him Sophy. He was inspired by the musical genre of the rock opera "Rent," which he saw twice during a trip to New York City.
He decided to do a hybrid rock opera using contemporary and traditional instruments and set out to work on it with Americans John Burt, the opera's producer, and Catherine Filloux, the librettist.
Cambodian musicians in the performance use electric guitars, electronic drums, keyboards and traditional instruments like buffalo horns, bamboo flutes, gongs and the chapei, a long-neck lute with two nylon strings.
After seven years of work, Him Sophy said he expected a celebration both on stage and in the country.
"It is going to be a big national cultural event," Him Sophy said. "And the entire team is committed to making it happen flawlessly and perfectly."
Copyright © 2008 the International Herald Tribune All rights reserved. ____________________________________________________________________
Economists fear fall in investment, aid
Written by Post Staff
Friday, 24 October 2008
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(Comments: It is a common wisdom in Hun Sen's Cambodia, to think and believe that the current financial crisis would have little or no impact on Cambodia's economy.
This is nothing even near to any truth. In view of the fact that the current financial crisis is the result of the unreguleted financial system, which in turn, had led to the creation of such extremely destabilizing and corruption-prone financial instruments such as sub-prime mortgage, and derivatives. These instruments, in turn, led to the building of a house of cards that would collapse under the first pressure of one of these unstable foundations. Just, now turn your attention, for a brief moment, to the current wild economic situation in Cambodia where there is still no anti-corruption law. How, can the Cambodian financial system be expected to remain unaffected? When the financial systme is affected, the real economy will certainly be affected with a lag.
Two article posted below, show that the Cambodian economy is already being negatively affected by the current world financial crisis. The only question is how deep will the Cambodian economy would be affectd. Washington DC. October 27, 2008, Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D.)
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CAMBODIA risks a slowdown of foreign direct investment and a dropoff in official development aid (ODA) as the impact of the global financial crisis spreads to developing countries, economists say.
"FDI could slow quite considerably with the financial meltdown ... not a reversal necessarily of capital, but a slowdown in the inflow of capital," said Eric Sidgwick, senior country economist for the Asian Development Bank (ADB).
This year, FDI inflows amounted to some US$900 million. The amount of ODA pledged to the Kingdom was $690 million.
"We don't know if rich countries will cut ODA yet," Minister of Commerce Cham Prasidh told the Post, adding that the government was anticipating that donors would soon become less inclined to cough up assistance for the Kingdom.
However, Nguon Meng Tech, director general of the Cambodia Chamber of Commerce, said, "People should not worry too much about foreign aid."
"Donor nations already have prepared their budgets for this year and will not change them now," he said, adding that he thought the private sector had also secured sufficient investment to weather the crisis.
But key business figures say economic turmoil overseas is already having a significant impact on FDI.
"Hundreds of my workers are losing their jobs ... if this continues, the impact on my business will be serious," Mong Reththy, president of Mong Reththy Group, told the Post.
He added that his company recently lost $1 million when the price of palm oil dropped from $1,200 to $500 per ton.
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Credit crisis rattles civil society
Written by Post Staff
Friday, 24 October 2008
Many local civil society groups are concerned that their donations will dry up as the credit crisis takes hold in developed nations, limiting future generosity
Major development partners such as the UN may be unlikely to pull out, but local NGOs are concerned about the impact of the global credit crisis on their funding.
CAMBODIA's civil society groups are under threat from the global credit crisis that looks set to severely limit the amount of available donor funding.
"The government collects tax and has other sources of income, but NGOs have only one source of funding: donors," said Thun Saray, president of Cambodian rights group Adhoc.
Adhoc has an average monthly running cost of between US$100,000 and $200,000, which all comes from donors. Were donors to reduce funding in 2009, the organisation would have no option but to cut back on lower-priority projects, Thun Saray said.
According to Eric Sidgwich, senior country economist for the Asian Development Bank (ADB), inflows of foreign aid, or official development assistance, were likely to be "more resilient" than inflows of foreign direct investment, at least in the immediate future, due to the fact that aid comes from government budgets. In the long term, there is a risk that the amount of aid could decrease, but it would not be until 2009 before the effects would really be felt, he said.
"It is a hope that countries like Cambodia, which are still heavily aid dependent, who still have high instances of poverty, will be somewhat shielded from these events," Sidgwich said. "But I think the jury is still out on that," he added.
But for many, such as Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights (CCHR), the lack of long-term security is a major concern.
"Now we have to have funds of more than $250,000 to operate our projects for next year," he said. "But we are still worried about [the credit crisis] because it will affect our organisation ... if it continues."
He expressed worry over the chance that hundreds of millions of dollars of aid for poverty alleviation projects would be lost.
"If donor countries have a financial crisis, they will think about whether to donate funds to Cambodia," he said.
Not such a problem
Others, such as Youk Chhang, director of the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam), were less concerned. He said DC-Cam's annual running costs are approximately $500,000, most of which is covered by the organisation's investment endowment, which is held in New York, and funds from the sale of books, pictures and DVDs about its work.
"Our investment endowment earns interest of about $200,000 per year," he said, adding that the sale of books, pictures and films earns DC-Cam about $100,000 per year. Another $200,000 comes from donors.
The government is also concerned that both aid to the government and donor funding for NGOs could dry up, said Mey Vann, director of finance at the Ministry of Economy.
He said that the government is currently devising a strategy to lobby donor countries to keep providing aid to Cambodia, even in difficult times, saying the Kingdom remains one of the world's least developed countries, he said.
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An Honest and vivid testimony of what life is like in contemporary Cambodia under the dictatorship of Hun Sen and his CPP
(Comments: I am happy to post this exchange of emails between Saron Khut ( A manager at Intel Corp. in Portland, Oregon) and myself on the observations that Saron made during his recent trip to Cambodia. It is a rather rare piece of evidence on what daily life is like under the dictatorship of Hun Sen with the support of Sihanouk. Saron unique perspective on the economic, political, social situations in Cambodia under the dictatorship of Hun Sen and his CPP, is the more credible that I can testify that Saron has no hidden agenda (Political or fianancial), and he is an honest and intelligent person, and his only motivation to write this eyewitness account of the current events in Cambodia, is based on the fact that he cares deeply about his country of birth, Cambodia and the Cambodian people. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. October 22, 2008)
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October 22, 2008
Dear Saron:
Thank you for your agreement for me to post your observations on your recent trip to Cambodia. It is important because it is a first hand information and you don't have any hidden agenda, but only to say what you have seen and heard.
Your observation is what I call a first-hand and on the scene information of what life is like in contemporary Cambodia under the deadly Hun Sen/Sihanouk regime.
It is part of a historical records, like a book (Entitled 'The Customs of Cambodia;' Publisher the Siam Society, Bangkok, 1987) written by Zhou Daguan (or Chou Ta Kuan in old spelling), the famous Chinese diplomat who visited Angkor at the end of the 13th century (1296-7), and painted a vivid and accurate account of what life was really like then. It is still the only first hand testimony of how people (Cambodians at all social levels and also Chinese immigrants) lived during that period of the Khmer Empire at the highest point of its of its power. I had quoted part of his memoirs in my web site and in my book. If you have not read that book, you should buy one and read it.
Once again, congratulations for your keen sense of observations and as a witness to history of Cambodia during its lowest point.
Best regards.
Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D.
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Dear Om,
The only good about my trip to Cambodia was seeing my family again and had the opportunity to meet lok om Sin Sisamouth's wife, Kow Thong Ngoat. The main purpose of the trip was to deliver $1000 to Sin Sisamouth's wife in Steung Treng. My friend and I had a fundraiser and pay a tribute to the famous singer and I was asked to give her the money and take video. I did just that.
While I was there I had an opportunity to talk to some people about Cambodia and the current government. Keep in mind that these are mostly my friends and family members but most agree that the government is not good. They talk negatively of Hun Sen but they don't know what to do.
I have a cousin that used to be with Son San party but is now a motor scooter driver because he refused to join the CPP. He knows a lot about what has happen and what is happening, especially about Sihanouk and his involvement with the Killing field. However, he told me that the subject is forbidden in Cambodia to talk about it. He just shook his head in disgusted. He did mention that the Khmer Rouge Trial is a waste because it is trialing the wrong people.
Another former soldier and ex-MP lost the will to be patriotic. He fought against the KR and he worked for the government but now he only live just for the sake of living and nothing else. He doesn't care anymore about Cambodia because Cambodia doesn't care for people like him. He has no will to fight for her anymore. How could he risk and fight for a country that doesn't value his contribution but instead only uses people like him to secure their own interest. He sacrificed his life and the life of his family so the rich can be rich and look down on the poor, why should he continue to do that? He even said that he doesn't care if Thailand or Vietnam takes Cambodia. He even made a comment that there need to be war to maybe wake up those rich and powerful people of their greed and what they could lose. I am leaning toward agreeing with him.
The poor is poor and there is no hope for them. They have no resource and knowledge on how to overcome the common issues on rice farming. The two weeks I was there, the fields are flooded and the rice crop is not doing well. It's another bad year for farmers.
On the election, it was peaceful and we know that Hun Sen won easily. I happen to run into one of PBS journalist from New York, that was covering the election and he said that it was quite surprising how peaceful it was. It was surprising but I think many people didn't vote and didn't care for it. People lose hope. How can they have a fair election when there is no system in place to legitimize those who voted? There is no way to track the names on those that cast the ballots. No identification so voter fraud is most likely to take place, so they gave up.
On the economic view, there is no hope either. The only thing those people got is market. Trading among themselves to stay alive. Yes, it is true the city is growing but it is for the benefit of foreigners and the rich. I do have to say that Phnom Penh is the Lexus capital of the world. Cambodia got a great contrast from ox cart to Lexus. There are many new buildings and houses build but they are priced at 250k and up (cash only). Land in PP and Siem Reap are worth more then gold and it is controlled by the few.
For me, there is nothing to be proud of when I was there. I see people living but they have little future. It is a big distinction between the few rich and the many poor. Although there are lots of movements I sense that it is a country of the walking dead. People are banking on $2 a day earnings and they are lucky, no one in their family get sick. There are just too many problem those people are facing. In my opinion, Cambodia need something drastic to take place.
This is only my perspective of my two weeks in Cambodia.
Regards,
Saron
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Identity beyond origin: The Cham
Written by Bjorn Atle Blengsli, Alison Carter and Alberto Perez-Pereiro
The Phmom Penh Post; Friday, 17 October 2008
Misusing archaeological history for nationalist ends
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(Comments: This article written by Bjorn Atle Blengsli, Alison Carter and Alberto Perez-Pereiro is a welcome one as renders a lot of justice to both the cambodian and the Cham people. Unlike David Lempert's article (A homeland for the Chams), this article provides a more balanced and more scholarly analysis of the long and complex Khmer/Cham relations. It is sensitive to the plight of the Chams, and also it recognizes the importance and the specificity of the Khmer civilization. I would like to thank the authors of this important and scholarly written article for their courage to correct a false and unscholarly work by David Lempert. Please, also see the other two realted articles on the Chams/Khmer relations posted in this page. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. October 21, 2008)
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Imam San Muslims at Udong on Sunday. The recent article by David Lempert that appeared on October 10 raises many issues concerning the Cham people and their history. However, it strikes us that many of his assertions about how the Cham should reconnect to their history are based on a very shaky understanding of Cham history and contemporary circumstances.
Firstly, the Cham are discussed as if they were a uniform group, possessed of a single history. Even when Champa existed, it consisted of different city-states with a sphere of influence that included a coastal area as well as upland peoples related to today's Jarai and Rhade. Today the Cham continue to be a diverse group. And while there is a tendency to adopt intellectual currents originating in the wider Muslim world, there are still Cham that maintain a sense of connection to Champa. The recent festival this week honoring Imam San, who established the Muslim community in Udong, and the wealth of folk histories throughout the country that name Champa as a homeland, demonstrate that the Cham are not suffering from historical amnesia.
Instead, what we encounter today is the realignment of history, culture and religion in ways that may be more appropriate to current needs. The adoption of foreign forms of Islam cannot be regarded as simply an erasure of Cham history; rather it needs to be seen as an integration into a worldwide community of Islamic faithful, the umma, which provides them with a certain cultural coherence and legitimacy in a country where they are still often regarded as outsiders.
The history of a people is always a product of their present circumstances. We pick and choose events and figures of the past which resonate with our own conceptions of self in the present and transform this into our "history". How many Americans who celebrate the 4th of July actually had ancestors on the continent when the revolutionary war took place? Very few, but immigrants to the country eventually adopted this and other holidays as a way of being part of American society. In effect, choosing a different past was fundamental to belonging in the present.
For many Cham, the architectural ruins of yesteryear are not relevant to their sense of identity today. As anthropologists, we are prone to lament declining interest in what we ourselves find fascinating, but ultimately it is for people themselves to decide how they should forge their identities. If the Cham decide that Champa is not worth remembering, we may feel a sense of loss, but the world will get over it - when was the last time anyone shed a tear because there are no good Sumerian restaurants anymore, or that not enough people still celebrate their birthdays according to the Mayan calendar?
Secondly, there is the question of the archaeological record. Lempert proposes Cambodia as a place for a Cham homeland by drawing on archaeological evidence, but with his tenuous examples Lempert appears to instead be co-opting Khmer history so that it may be given to the Cham. It goes without saying that no Southeast Asian community existed in a vacuum; there was always interaction between different civilisations. However, Lempert's broad statements, such as that the Cham "taught" Khmers goldworking based purely on similarities in vocabulary, is deeply problematic.
For archaeologists who study pre-Angkorian Cambodia and Funan, there is no strong evidence that the Cham "jointly gave birth to the Oc Eo - Phu Nan [sic] civilisation" as Lempert states. The first self-identifying reference to Champa civilization does not appear until the late sixth century AD on an inscription in My Son, Vietnam. Lempert proposes archaeological sites, such as Sambor Prei Kuk, as the centre for a Khmer-Cham reconciliation site - ideal because it "may have had Cham influence". While there was most likely interaction between the two regions, there is insufficient evidence to declare Sambor Prei Kuk a joint Khmer-Cham site. What is certain is that the Cham have a strong archaeological history, whose study is underdeveloped. Rather than proposing to adopt Khmer history, Lempert should call for more research on Champa civilisation while training a new generation of Cham archaeologists.
Thirdly, Lempert ignores what reaction the Khmer public would likely have if his suggestions were to be implemented. Even talking of a Cham homeland would strengthen fears that the Cham are not loyal citizens. Attributing joint Khmer-Cham authorship to the architectural legacy upon which much of Cambodia's sense of nationhood is constructed would also be poorly received. We need only recall the firestorm of criticism unleashed when last year it was suggested that king Jayavarman VII might have been half-Cham to predict what the probable reaction will be. Khmers already feel embattled enough holding off the Thais at the border. They are unlikely to appreciate yet another rival making claims to their cultural patrimony.
We recognise that Lempert truly has the interests of Cham people at heart and so appreciate his opening of a discussion on these issues. Nonetheless, we worry that his assumptions concerning Cham identity rest on foundations that are not altogether sound and that the implementation of any cultural program that accepts them as the primary point of departure from which to move policy forward will ultimately lead to serious consequences for Khmer-Cham relations, where the Cham community that Lempert seeks to champion will be the likely loser.
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Anthropologist Bjorn Atle Blengsli has studied Chams in Cambodia for seven years, conducting field work for embassies and research institutes, including the National Bureau of Asian Research.
Alberto Perez-Pereiro is an anthropology PhD candidate at Arizona State University, studying historical memory and identity among the Cham of Cambodia.
Alison Carter is an archaeology PhD candidate at the University of Wisconsin, studying pre-Angkorian trade networks in the lower Mekong. -________________________________________________________________________
Delayed and denied
October 15th 2008
From Economist.com
(http://www.economist.com/world/asia/PrinterFriendly.cfm?story_id=12411498)
(Comments: Another delay in the Khmer rouge Trial. As I said many times before, there no good reason for Hun Sen to bring the Khmer Trial into completion. On the contrary, there are a lot of reasons for Hun Sen to delay this trial. First, the Khmer rouge trial may reveal a lot of unwelcome and implicating information about Hun Sen and his senior CPP colleagues’ role during the Khmer Rouge regime.
It is safe to say that the Vietnamese invading army had suppressed all the implicating information on Hun Sen and his senior colleagues when they first entered Phnom Penh in 1978.
This suppression of the information of the role these senior CPP members allows Hun Sen to often say that he was only a simple soldier in the Khmer Rouge army; while in reality, many well-informed and well-respected scholars had mentioned that Hun Sen was a brigade commander in the Eastern zone, during the Khmer rouge regime. Delaying the Khmer Rouge trial also would allow the Khmer rouge leaders now under trial, such as Khieu Samphan, Ieng Sary, Nuon Chea, sufficient time to die of natural causes, thus preventing them from revealing the truth about the role of Hun Sen, and his ex-Khmer Rouge friends and colleagues in the genocide against innocent Cambodian men, women, and children during the Khmer Rouge regime. Therefore, Justice continues to be delayed and denied to those Cambodians who were slaughtered by the Khmer Rouge in the 1070’s. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. October 16, 2008)
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Trials of Khmer Rouge leaders are put off again
WILLIAM GLADSTONE's old saying that justice delayed is justice denied certainly applies to the trials of the ghastly Khmer Rouge regime, which terrorised Cambodia in from 1975 to 1979. The insane, communist-inspired party, led by Pol Pot, tried to eradicate the entire educated population and turn Cambodia back into a primitive agrarian society. Millions were slaughtered or died of starvation before Vietnam invaded and brought the regime down.
In 2003, after years of arguments at the United Nations, a special court was created to try the Khmer Rouge's leaders-although by then Pol Pot had died, at liberty. Since then, the tribunal's progress has been glacial. On October 9th, the first of its trials, which it had been promising would start this month, was again postponed indefinitely. Such delays could cause world powers to lose interest in a war-crimes tribunal that is no less important than those investigating tragedies in Rwanda, Sierra Leone and the former Yugoslavia.
The latest arguments over legal niceties mean that months more will pass before Kaing Kek Iev, alias Duch, will be tried for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Now aged 65, he ran the Tuol Sleng interrogation and torture centre in Phnom Penh, the capital. Nowadays it is a "genocide museum"-a ghoulish tourist attraction with rusting shackles still attached to the walls of tiny cells and display cabinets containing the skulls of some of the countless victims.
Duch was arrested in 1999, and another four former regime leaders, in their seventies and eighties, were detained last year. The five prisoners won the court's permission last month to speak to each other, despite worries that they might collude and jeopardise their trials.
The tribunal, based in the outskirts of the capital, is an unwieldy compromise. The original proposal was for it to be entirely under the UN's control, like the tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. But China threatened to veto this, perhaps fearing that such an independent international body would unearth embarrassing evidence of its close support for the Khmer Rouge.
The Cambodian government, led by Hun Sen (a former Khmer Rouge officer, though not himself implicated in the regime's enormities), was also keen to ensure the UN did not have too much control over the tribunal. So what was agreed in the end was an "Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia", with a majority of local judges. The result has been constant tensions between the international and Cambodian staff.
Early last year allegations surfaced that Cambodian staff were being forced to give part of their salaries to their bosses. This is a common practice elsewhere in the country's corrupt and ramshackle public institutions, where workers are prepared to forfeit most of their meagre official pay in return for the opportunities for side-earnings that state jobs offer. A preliminary inquiry by the UN found the accusations credible, but it lacks formal investigative powers-and the government, which does have such powers, would rather hush it all up.
Despite the scandal, big foreign donors recently agreed to keep funding the court for now. Its costs, from its inauguration to its expected conclusion in 2010, have soared from an initial budget of $56.3m to $170m. America, Germany and Japan have just made fresh contributions but the Open Society Justice Initiative, one of George Soros's charities, which is monitoring the tribunal, reckons it is still short of $74.6m.
As with the countless other foreign-funded projects to help Cambodia, rich-world governments and charities are in a sticky situation. They pour in money and push for reforms to ensure that it is not wasted or stolen, while suffering the indignity of Mr Hun Sen thumbing his nose at them, knowing that whatever they threaten, they will not withdraw their funding.
The prime minister heaped special scorn on Yash Ghai, the UN's human-rights envoy to Cambodia until last month when he resigned, tired of being insulted by Mr Hun Sen-who has called him "deranged" and dismissed him as a "tourist"-and getting no back-up from the outside world. Mr Hun Sen has been promising a new anti-corruption law for years. Foreign diplomats and aid-agency chiefs in Phnom Penh know perfectly well that even if passed, it would make little difference. But it would at least look like progress, and would also give their bosses back home the cover for continuing to shower money on the country.
Having just increased his majority in an election marred with irregularities, Mr Hun Sen feels pretty safe in power. For all his flaws, his iron fist has at least pacified the country after the long civil war that followed the fall of the Khmer Rouge. Most Cambodians are too young to remember its horrors. For good or ill they, like their government, seem to have more pressing concerns than bringing the regime's elderly, surviving leaders to justice.
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Coastal development threatens livelihoods
Source: ASEAN Business, October 13-19, 2008
The beach looks idyllic with white sand and seagulls but soon it will be populated with high-end resorts. Sophal, who requested his family name not be revealed, does not know what will happen to his home once the evictions begin.
“This entire area will be cleared out,” he said. “I don’t know when, or why. They [the government] don’t tell us anything. Just that a big buyer came and bought it.” “Some powerful people in the government
are taking all the land ... and soon we’ll have nothing left,” he said.
These 192 hectares of land were allegedly ceded to high ranking military officer Sar Soeung, who uses the space as private property, a report by the Hong Kong-based Asian Human Rights Commission
revealed.
According to Cambodian officials, Sihanoukville, one of Southeast-asia’s popular backpacker resorts, is poised to become the region’s next big tourist destination.
To expedite the process, the government regularly hands land concessions to government-tied elites at the expense of poor residents, claims Cambodian human rights watchdog Adhoc.
“These concessions and evictions are mostly a problem of corruption,” Cherp Sotheary, Sihanoukville coordinator for Adhoc, said. “Most of the private investors who got concessions are affiliated with the ruling party, coming in the form of joint ventures with foreign companies.”
The Sihanoukville governor’s office was not available for comment. The Council for the Development of
Cambodia (CDC) announced Sept 13 it had granted permission to the Cambodian Pol Cham Group to develop a fivestar resort and golf course on Koh Tonsay, or Rabbit Island, reported the Phnom Penh Post.
But that project will require the eviction of 14 families, who claim they were compensated only 900 dollars when they demanded 20,000 dollars.
“In Sihanoukville, the fishermen and their communities depend on the environment to earn their living, usually by farming vegetables,” Sotheary said. “When the investments come, they clear the land and locals lose their income.”
Other islands have been ceded to British, French, Chinese and Russian investors, but residents claim the government did not inform or consult them about the purchases.
Sihanoukville governor Say Hak, however, guaranteed residents the right to stay with legal documentation under Cambodia’s 2001 land law. The central Cambodian government also declared the coast and islands public property that could not be developed.
According to a 2008 report by Yash Ghai, the UN Special Representative for Human Rights in Cambodia, land laws are “regularly” violated “with impunity by influential individuals, companies and government entities”.
(IRIN)
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CAMBODIA Crime; In cold blood
The circumstances surrounding journalist
Khim Sambo’s murder point to official
involvement,
writes Vincent MacIsaacri
FRIDAY, OCTOBER 3, 2008 SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST
(http://tinyurl.com/3ed232)
(Comments: Recently, an American official in Cambodia, stated that Cambodia political killing has slowdown markedly. In other words, Hun Sen regime has improved its human right records by slowing down political killings. Is this statement accurate. The answer is a plain no. why, because Hun Sen did not need to kill because he can use the judicial system under his full control to bring down any politicians that he thinks is dangerous to challenge his dictatorial power. But, if he thinks that any politician is threatening his power, he will not hesitate to resort to murder, as seems to be the cases in the murders of reporter Khim Sambor and his son, in cold blood. Hok Lundy the Vietnamese-Cambodian chief of the mafia like police force in Cambodia, a close friend and an in-law of Hun Sen. The FBI was called to investigate the cases. I don't have any faith in the investigation, because, the Bush administration had decided to make Hun Sen an ally of the United States to fight against the increasing power in the region and in the world. Sad, but true. Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D. Washington DC. October 11, 2008)
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Two weeks before he and his 21-yearold son were shot dead, Cambodian journalist Khim Sambo reported on a not uncommon topic in opposition affiliated newspapers. When gamblers from the upper echelons of the ruling Cambodia People’s Party (CPP), accompanied by armed bodyguards or police, have prolonged losing streaks, it sometimes erupts in anger and even violence.
“When they lose, and cannot borrow more from the casino, they arrest the casino owners,” he wrote under one of his numerous pseudonyms, Srey Ka, in the June 28-29 weekend edition of the daily Khmer Conscience, which is affiliated with the opposition Sam Rainsy Party (SRP).
However, Khim Sambo – whose own anger needed to be “toned down”, according to a former colleague – went further than most, mocking the behaviour of a senior police officer described by many as “one of the most dangerous men in Cambodia”.
He reported on an incident that allegedly occurred – SRP newspapers are often accused of fabrication or exaggeration – on June 25 at a casino complex at a border crossing with Vietnam in the town of Bavat in Svay Rieng province.
After losing his shirt at Le Macau Casino and Hotel, the officer borrowed from the casino, lost that, borrowed more – and lost again. When the casino manager refused to lend any more, he had him arrested by the junior officers accompanying him, Khim Sambo reported.
He went further, describing how the officer stacked the deck: “When he loses US$100,000, the casino returns US$50,000. But he plays until losing the returned money, and demands to borrow more. If any casino owner dares to say ‘no’, he threatens to arrest him.”
Khim Sambo did not identify the officer by name but dropped enough hints so that when he concluded his report by stating “there is no need to name [the CPP gamblers] because everyone in Cambodia knows who they are”, he assumed readers would be able to identify the officer, a source said. “He did not think he had put himself in danger because he did not identify the officer by name,” the source said on condition of anonymity. Several others – all of whom requested anonymity, citing concern for personal security – said that Khim Sambo was writing about Cambodian National Police Commissioner Hok Lundy.
The former governor of Svay Rieng province has been at the top of Cambodia’s police force since 1994. “There is hardly anyone in Cambodia who has shown more contempt for the rule of law than Hok Lundy,” Human Rights Watch has said. He “represents the absolute worst Cambodia has to offer”, it said.
“We believe the killing is related to that article,” Son Chhay, the whip of the opposition Sam Rainsy Party claimed, though he declined to identify the subject of the article.
The editor of Khmer Conscience, Dam Sith, who had been jailed on defamation charges in June, said he knew nothing about the article when interviewed by phone last Thursday.
That day, he was interviewed by one of the two agents from America’s FBI, said to be “supporting” their Cambodian counterparts in the investigation.
“I told them I don’t know anything about who is behind the killing, and that I hope they find who it is,” he said.
Chan Soveth, a programme officer at the Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association, warned that “if the FBI cannot work independently [their assistance] is just a political game”.
He arrived at the scene of the double homicide about 30 minutes after it occurred at about 6.30pm on July 11and has been investigating ever since. He fears the police are protecting the perpetrators rather than trying to solve the crime.
Khim Sambo, 47, bled to death on the side of a busy street in central Phnom Penh, minutes after being shot twice in the back while riding a motorcycle driven by his son Khat Sarinpheata. The young man died the next day in a Phnom Penh hospital, after being shot twice while cradling his dying father, said Chan Soveth.
The killers, two men on a motorbike who approached Khim Sambo and his son from behind, were probably hired assassins, he said, pointing out that they used a K-49 pistol with a silencer.
“They had no fear of being arrested. They weren’t wearing helmets and made no attempt to disguise their identity. They acted like they were under protection,” Chan Soveth said.
When he arrived at the scene, he was able to gather information from bystanders but, when he returned the following morning, no one would speak to him, he said. Silence permeates human rights groups in Cambodia. When asked who he thought was behind the killing, Chan Soveth declined to answer. “I want to continue living in Cambodia,” he said.
He believes the murders were intended to create an atmosphere of fear ahead of the July general election, which the CPP won by a landslide. This view was widely promoted by Cambodian and
international human rights groups who expressed outrage following the killing.
But SRP whip Son Chhay disputes that there was any link between the killings and the election. “It was not a political killing,” he said. “There was no order from the top of the CPP,” he said.
“[Prime Minister] Hun Sen does not know who is behind the killings. If Hun Sen knew who was behind the killings, the FBI would not have been allowed to join the investigation.”
He added: “The FBI has been allowed in because the CPP believes they will be unable to find evidence of government involvement,” though he in no way suggests that the CPP has turned benevolent.
“Their behaviour, their totalitarian thinking is very much like the Khmer Rouge. Either you support the CPP or you are an enemy of the state. Killing opposition members is acceptable,” he said.
Son Chhay and Chan Soveth said they feared that the FBI was likely to be used by the Cambodian police to provide a veneer of legitimacy to what the latter described as a “sham
investigation”.
Son Chhay noted: “They have this great ability to manipulate the international community and they will manipulate the FBI to make sure nothing happens [with the investigation].”
This is already happening, he said, pointing to a police statement published in the Cambodia Daily this month quoting Phnom Penh’s police commissioner as saying that an “FBI official had agreed that the killings were motivated by someone seeking revenge against the journalist’s son”.
Senior police officers have suggested that the target of the killers was not Khim Sambo but his son.
In his initial report into the crime, Chan Soveth found no evidence that either the father or the son were involved in a personal dispute that could have led to their murders.
US embassy spokesman John Johnson said he was aware that some human rights investigators had accused the local police of a cover-up. Because the investigation was ongoing, he said, he could not comment on the details of the case.
The FBI agents were playing a “purely supportive” role in the investigation at the invitation of the interior ministry, he said. Besides two investigators, who arrived on September 14, a forensic artist had arrived last week to assist local police with a sketch of the assailants, he added.
One day after meeting the FBI agents, Phnom Penh deputy police chief Hy Prou, who is in charge of the investigation, said there were no leads on a suspect and that the complexities of the case made investigating it difficult.
However, the fact that editor Dam Sith was interviewed for the first time after the FBI agents arrived could signal that the bureau is nudging the Cambodian police in a new direction – towards the articles Khim Sambo wrote before he was killed.
In an interview at his home last Saturday, Dam Sith said that one of the questions asked by the FBI agent, who was accompanied by a translator from the US embassy and two Cambodian officers, concerned the kind of articles Khim Sambo had written for him. He said he replied: “A lot of articles about different things.”
Dam Sith is a father with three young children. Since Khim Sambo’s killing he does not leave his home unless he has to. He looked like he had not slept in weeks and was in a highly nervous state.
In 2006, Hok Lundy was denied a US visa due to allegations that he was involved in drug and human trafficking. The following month, however, the FBI awarded him a medal for his efforts in fighting terrorism. In April last year, he was finally granted a US visa, to attend a Counter-terrorism workshop.
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Cambodia's Muslims as geopolitical pawns
By Geoffrey Cain
(Comments: This article provides a unique view and analysis on important problem facing Cambodia's quest for survival under the corrupt and dictatorial regime of Hun Sen and his CPP. Historically, looking from the external side, Cambodia has been facing two threats from thailand and Vietnam. However, there is a great difference bewteen the threat from these two countries. Vietnam is definitely the more dangerous for Cambodia's survival. Thailand being a more democratic and sharing with cambodia a common cultural heritage, there is more room to maneuver. Only recently, because of Hun Sen diabolical design to make Vietnam look like a better friend to cambodia, he started the row with Thailand on the issue of Preah Vihear. Unfortunately, a lot of Cambodians, including some well-meaning and well- kown Cambodians fell victims of this fake nationalism fabricated by Hun Sen .
Just to make my points clearer on the diiference between the more deadly threat from Vietnam and the more reactive threat from Thailand, just look at how these two neighboring countries have been treating Cambodian minorities in their own respective country. The Vietnamese are committing genodide against the Khmer Krom,,as reported by rebecca Somers, the german humanist, whereas, the Thais has allowed the Khmer Surins to be fully integrated in their society and to even be appointed as prime minister after the end of World War II.
Now let us look at the potentialenemy from within. The Moslems community in Cambodia consists of two groups; the Chams and the Chvears. The Chams are those who espcaped from Vietnam genodicde and came from the former Kingdom of Champa which was totally obliterated by Vietnam in the 17th century. The Chvears are those who came from Malaysia and Indonesia who convert the Chams into Islam. The Cham and the Chvears have comon racial background being of Malay culture and race. As the article has pointed out, the Chams as in all Moslems cases pledge their allegiance to religion first, and the state in which they live, second. this is the real problem for cambodia as a sovereign nation.
In addition, there are some scholars such as David Lempert, (see article entitled 'A Homeland for the Cham'; Lempert is a one who admires Ben Kiernan who is well-known as a strong supporter of Vietnam)) goes so far as to suggest a homeland for the Chams, not in Vietnam where the original home of the Chams, Champa, was located, but, in Cambodia. In other words, the Chams homeland is to be located in Kompong Cham, which tantamounts to caving a territory out of the Cambodian land, thus creating a state within a state.
In addition, as the outgoing US Ambassador, Joseph Mussomeli, had pointed out that these Cambodian Moslems have very close tie with the Middle east countries and received an enormous amount of financial and religious assistance (import ofImams, building of new mosques) from them to advance the cause of Islam in Cambodia. This 'state within the state situation' can only bring more instability for Cambodia down the road, if we add to that priority givien to Islam first before the state by the Moslems, the issue of international terrorism's support by these Moslems, Cambodia future is bleaker than ever before, indeed!
Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. October 9, 2008)
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PHNOM PENH - Competition for influence in Cambodia, recently seen as a two-country race between the United States and China, has now seen another deep-pocketed suitor emerge: petrodollar-rich Gulf states.
While Washington has required counter-terrorism cooperation for its assistance, and Beijing has sought greater access to markets, Middle Eastern countries seem keen to build
religious ties with Cambodia's Muslim Cham minority.
Kuwait and Qatar promised as much as US$700 million in August, packaged as soft loans and investment deals to help develop Cambodia's relatively primitive infrastructure. The massive aid packages include agriculture and energy-development initiatives, and a new open skies agreement
granting Kuwait Airlines direct flights to Cambodia.
Beyond the economics, was a geopolitical twist to the aid package. Prime Minister Hun Sen agreed in principle to a Kuwaiti request not to support military or economic interventions against Iran, a target of US criticism for allegedly developing a secret nuclear weapons program. Hun Sen also plans a tour in January to strengthen political and economic links with Middle Eastern countries.
The financial aid package made big business headlines, but what went relatively unnoticed were the millions of dollars earmarked for building Muslim institutions. The impoverished and
marginalized Cham, estimated to number about 400,000, have long sought and received funds from Middle Eastern patrons in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and regional neighbor Malaysia to build mosques and religious schools, travel on the haj and study overseas.
With that assistance, an increasing number of Middle Eastern imams have taken up residence in Cambodia's traditionally moderate Cham communities and often promoted Wahabbi and Da'Wah Tabligh fundamentalist interpretations of Islam.
Concerns that foreign influence was stoking local terror risks first arose when four Muslim teachers from southern Thailand, Egypt and Cambodia were arrested at Phnom Penh's Cham-run Om-al-Qora school in 2003 for allegedly being members of the Jemaah Islamiyah regional terror group and using the school as a terrorist training center.
The arrests came days before the Association of Southeast Asian Nations' regional form opened in Phnom Penh, where then-US secretary of state Colin Powell was scheduled to attend. One Cham religious leader said the arrests were a political tactic to "woo the Americans", while Cham opposition parliamentarian Ahmad Yahya lashed out at Hun Sen, referring to him as a "second Pol Pot" because "he used to close schools as well".
Terrorism concerns intensified when authorities discovered that alleged top al-Qaeda operative Riduan Isamuddin, alias Hambali, took refuge in the same school in the months leading up to
his August 2003 capture in Thailand. The US has since reiterated its concerns that radical Islamic organizations operating in Cambodia were winning more influence over the Cham.
In an August farewell speech this year, US ambassador to Cambodia Joseph Mussomeli told reporters that "there are some organizations here that are very radical and that are very intolerant, and they are trying very hard to change the attitude and the atmosphere of the Muslim population here in Cambodia".
Last year, the US helped to establish a National Counter-terrorism Committee and this year opened a Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) office in a massive new US Embassy. Robert Mueller,
director of the FBI, said at the office's opening ceremony that Cambodia was important "because of the potential for persons transiting Cambodia or utilizing Cambodia as a spot for terrorism", according to news reports. Mueller was the first FBI director to ever visit Cambodia.
The minority Cham, the antecessors of the region's once-dominant Champa kingdom, have long been open to foreign influences. They are also no stranger to official oppression and prosecution, both in Cambodia and Vietnam. Ben Kiernan, who heads the Cambodian genocide project at Yale University, estimates that 90,000 of a total 250,000 Cham population were killed during the genocidal Khmer Rouge regime which ruled between 1975 and 1979.
Only 21 of a total 113 imams, or Islamic teachers, survived the radical Maoist regime, along with only 15% of Cham-built mosques, says Kiernan. That tragic history, academics and analysts say, have made the Cham more susceptible to outside religious influences. Islamic charities from Gulf states first entered Cambodia in 1991, when a ceasefire was declared among warring militias, according to academic Agnes De Feo, author of the upcoming book, Muslims of Cambodia and Vietnam.
Foreign identity
Faith-based charitable organizations, which Cham often refer to generically as "Kuwait", came mainly from the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, and gained significant clout
over the ethnic minority's traditional Malay Muslim culture. Indian and Pakistani Islamic organizations, mostly promoters of the Tablighi Jamaat, or dawah, an apolitical movement aimed at revitalizing Muslim communities considered to be in danger of losing their Muslim identities, arrived later
in the 1990s.
The result was a schism in the Cham community between the Tabligh Jamaat and Wahhabists, which have generally sought to fit Cham Islam into a more universal framework of Wahhabism, according to De Feo. However, scholars credit foreign Islamic groups for revitalizing the Cham's once-vibrant culture and sense of Muslim identity after its decline in the 1970s. Cambodia had 280 imams in 2007, a marked increase from the 21 that survived the atheist Khmer Rouge era.
With charities from the UAE funding much of their construction, it is customary for Cham to name newly built mosques "Dubai", followed by the Cambodian city or village in which they reside. De Feo and other scholars note the new mosques do not resemble Khmer Buddhist pagodas as they did pre-1975, but rather have taken the form of standard mosques in Gulf states.
Other mosques have taken on Indian and Pakistani forms, implying, some say, a shift from the Cham's traditional Malay Muslim-influenced practices. Cham formal dress has also recently changed to resemble more dawah and Middle Eastern styles, says De Feo.
Cham leaders have used foreign funds to start at least 19 cultural organizations that promote Cham heritage, most notably the Cambodian Muslim Development Foundation, run by Osman Hassan, secretary of state at the Ministry of Labor, and the Cambodian Islamic Development Association, led by opposition parliamentarian Ahmad Yahya, which develops and promotes local Muslim institutions. Few such groups existed before 1975, and their establishment post-1991 signifies a cultural resurgence among the Cham.
Sith Ibrahim, an ethnic Cham who is a secretary of state in the Ministry of Cults and Religions, recently told the Phnom Penh Post that "Cham Muslims have received direct benefit from the government's political and economic links with countries such as Malaysia, Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Kuwait."
At the same time, scholars cite mainstream Khmer concerns that the foreign-backed Cham cultural reawakening has caused them to resist Cambodia's new drive to speed up economic development and integrate with the global economy.
Influenced by fundamentalist Gulf charities and increasingly assertive local Cham organizations, the group's religious leaders often now say they don't want to cede their unique ethnic identity for a sense of Buddhist Khmer universalism. Critics say the Cham are instead conforming to foreign interpretations of Islam, which emphasize loyalty to faith before loyalty to the state.
Some argue a similar mindset has entrenched in Southern Thailand, where foreign-influenced ethnic Malay Muslim insurgents are have been fighting a bloody battle against the predominantly Buddhist Thai state for decades. The Thai daily The Nation reported in 2004 that hundreds of Cham attempted to cross into the southern Thai province of Pattani after the deaths of nearly 100 Thai Muslims at the hands of the military.
Despite those incidents, De Feo argues that despite deep-rooted historical connections Cambodia's Cham and southern Thailand's Malay Muslims operate in completely different geopolitical contexts. Unlike Thailand's Muslim secessionist insurgents, the Cham have no claim to independence and therefore little reason to embrace militant ideologies. Many Cham still view themselves as immigrants to Cambodia and they are an ethnic minority elsewhere in the region, including Vietnam and Malaysia, De Feo claims.
Other analysts say the Cham pose little threat, even with the growing presence of cash-rich Wahhabist charities in their areas. Some point to a January 2008 report by the US Congressional Research Service which advocated developing "a foreign aid approach that addresses the attractiveness of China's policy of non-interference with domestic affairs" and engaging "regional Muslim states and populations in a way that both supports moderate Islam in its struggle against radical Islam and brings the United States closer to regional Muslim states".
Instead, the US's current focus on developing counter-terrorism initiatives in Cambodia is pointed directly at Cambodia's ethnic Cham. Whether the US believes that threat is real, or is rather using it to strategically position itself vis-a-vis China's growing economic clout, is still an open question. But with the big, new Middle Eastern investments earmarked for Cambodia, and with the Hun Sen government's and the local Cham's warm response, the US may now find it has two major cash-rich competitors for influence rather than one.
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Geoffrey Cain is based in Phnom Penh and a contributor to the Far Eastern Economic Review and Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN), a United Nations-run news wire service. He may be reached at geoffrey.cain@gmail.com.
© Copyright 1999 - 2008 Asia Times Online (Holdings), Ltd.
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A homeland for the Chams
Written by David Lempert
The Phnom Penh Post; Friday, 10 October 2008
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Find creative ways to connect young Chams with their history
Following the first genocide trials at Nuremberg in the 1940s, the calls for punishment were linked to plans to re-create the homeland for one of the stateless victimised groups in Europe. Today museums continue to be built to promote the cultures of genocide victims at the sites of the destruction and in the diaspora. With so much talk in Cambodia about genocide - the destruction of a race or culture - one might expect some discussion about the victims and their cultures beyond the simple fix of feeding bellies and the projected spending of US$60 million on punishment of a small group of accused. But when it comes to helping restore the culture of the most clearly identifiable of victimised cultures in the country, the Cham, the only international body offering support seems to be the Muslim world, even though their assistance may be contributing to taking the Cham even further away from their history and the civilisation they built in Southeast Asia.
In Phnom Penh you can visit the National Museum, where the French and now the Cambodians warehouse some of the best pieces of the country's art that still remain public. You can also visit sites of mass murder and torture and hear about the horrors of destruction of the country's cultural groups. But you won't exactly be sure from the Genocide Museum which groups were the victims and what they were like before the genocide, or what they need to have their cultures restored. In fact, you might not hear anything about the Cham, or about two other ethnic groups that may have become extinct in Cambodia during the civil war era, according to Ben Kiernan (the Kola in Battambang and the Sa'sek in Kampong Speu) and it doesn't seem like anyone is really researching the specific impact on ethnic groups or how best to restore and promote their survival.
History of the culture
If you are looking for images of the country's ethnic groups in Cambodian history, the place to actually find them is on the friezes of Angkor Wat and the Bayon, and those of Banteay Chhmar. But these depictions are largely of imperial supremacy of the Khmer, with groups like the Cham being defeated by the Khmer. When it comes to the Cham, these protected ancient friezes reinforce the victimisation of the Cham rather than offer a solution to protect them.
Why do the Cham deserve better? Though the Cham are now a stateless people in Asia, mostly converted to Islam - following the religion of the one group that offered them any resources and dignity as they were forced to flee the Vietnamese for their lives over the past centuries - their civilisation may once have been the most important and extensive in Southeast Asia and was at least as important as that of the Vietnamese (Kinh) and the Khmer.
It was the Cham who taught the Vietnamese improved rice-farming and silk-production techniques. It was the Cham who may have taught the Khmer gold work, given the Cham-influenced words in Khmer related to gold work. It was the Cham who designed many of the boats of the region and who developed the most significant ports. Though still not clear in Khmer history, archaeologists speculate that it may have been the Cham who jointly gave birth to the Oc Eo - Phu Nan civilisation, who may have supported and even partly founded the Angkorian Empire of Jayavarman II in the ninth century, and who may have played a significant role in the ruling classes of Angkor. Yet, while the Vietnamese are thriving and the Khmer have a state, it is the Cham who are losing their history and their numbers.
Back in the 15th century when Angkor (and Khmer culture) came under attack, the destruction of Cham culture and of Cham populations and the taking of their ancestral lands had already been under way for centuries. Nevertheless, even then, there are estimates that the Cham population may have numbered about five million, and have roughly equaled the populations of the Kinh Vietnamese and the Khmer. The territorial size of the three empires was also roughly the same. One need only start some 200km from Hanoi and head practically the length of the country, to close to Saigon, to find the extent of citadels, brick towers, waterworks and artwork of the Cham; much of it unrecognised and endangered in Vietnam without the Cham on the land to protect it and with little support from the international community.
Today, there are about 70 million Kinh Vietnamese, about 12 million Khmer, and only roughly 300,000 Cham, with the Kinh having taken all of the Cham territory and a large portion of the territory of the Khmer. At least half of the world's Cham now live in Cambodia, where they fled the earlier genocides from the Vietnamese and sought to create a republic with the help of Malayan Muslims; ultimately concentrating in Kampong Cham and along the country's rivers. Estimates of the suffering of the Cham under the Khmer Rouge differ, with Ben Kiernan suggesting that up to 100,000 of 300,000 in Cambodia were killed. Michael Vickery estimates less. Whatever the numbers, the Cham remain without a homeland and vulnerable.
The situation today
The irony of the Cham's situation today is that the uncoordinated efforts from the international community to protect or recognise the Cham seem to disconnect young Cham from their histories and prevent them from having the choice of shaping their destinies and owning their past.
The international community says it is protecting the Cham by turning their religious site of My Son, in Vietnam, into a Unesco World Heritage Site, and by supporting the Cham art museum in Da Nang, built originally by the French, as well as through preservations/excavations of a few of the pretty Cham tower sites and excavations of some earlier pre-Cham (Sa Huynh) cultural sites. But what they restore is selective and they choose what is of interest to foreigners, to the economics of tourism, and to the Vietnamese government. There are some 25 citadels and regional capitals of the Cham and their precursors in Vietnam, dating back 2,500 years, but Unesco isn't aware of half of them and Vietnam does not compile its own list.
Connect Chams with their history
The Muslims say they are protecting the Cham by offering them scholarships to the Arab world and by rebuilding mosques. They say that the decision of dressing like Muslims and studying Middle Eastern texts is the preference of most Cham and consistent with their more recent history.
The international development community and the Khmer say they are protecting the Cham by kneading them into the economic fabric of urbanising Cambodia (and many Cham communities today hug the banks of towns and cities) even though they offer them no political autonomy or special representation.
What is lost in this picture is the connection of young Cham with their heritage. Cham in Cambodia don't study the history of Champa (the Cham in Vietnam) and of the Sa Huynh. They don't seem to study the architecture or the art or the ancient crafts and pride of the Cham in Muslim or public schools or their homes. They don't visit their ancestral temples in Vietnam.
They are not involved in international preservation efforts for their history. They know their Muslim family names but not their ancestral lineages. Even here in Cambodia, most cannot recount the history of their Cham king who ruled the country in the 17th century and where he is buried.
It may not be feasible or possible to "buy" a homeland for the Cham on their ancestral lands or to establish an autonomous region for the Cham in an area between Cambodia and Vietnam, such as Kampong Cham, but the idea at least deserves to be on the table.
So does the idea of a special investment in school books and an open corridor of internationally funded exchanges for young Cham to go visit their ancestral temples and to have exchanges with Cham in Vietnam.
Last year I designed a proposal for a Vietnamese-Cham reconciliation site - a joint heritage and culture museum, to be run with the Cham. I'm happy to share that proposal with others and to offer it as a basis for a similar site in Cambodia.
There are four different sites in Cambodia where such a Khmer-Cham reconciliation site and heritage and culture museum would make sense because of the shared history and shared Hindu-Buddhist cultural past: Banteay Preah Nokor and sites around the Kulen mountains (in both sites there are ninth century towers that suggest Cham influence), and Sambour Prei Kuk as the earlier site, that may have Cham influence. The fourth one is the area around Udong, the old Khmer capital.
Of the sites, I would suggest Sambour Prei Kuk first and Banteay Preah Nokor second. Sambour Prei Kuk, the pre-Angkorian capital in Kampong Thom province, deserves to be a World Heritage site. Banteay Preah Nokor, in Kampong Cham province, is closer to Cham communities and to the Vietnamese border, though less likely to attract visitors, which is the real purpose of a museum. The site has one of the best preserved dirt citadel wall enclosures in Southeast Asia, as well as large moats and artificial lake systems that are key in the development of the Khmer baray system. Hun Sen has already announced it as a site for protection and perhaps some kind of reconstructions. Those reconstructions could include Cham and Khmer architecture, with exhibitions.
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David Lempert, Ph.D., is an anthropologist whose
research on the Cham is supported by the Luce Foundation
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Minding Cambodia's bottom line
Written by Brendan Brady
The Phnom Penh Post; Wednesday, 24 September 2008
(Comments: This interesting and very informative interview, of Senaka fernando a senior manager of a well-known and reputable American financial firm, Pricewaterhouse&Coopers, by the Phnom Penh Post, in which Mr. Fernando gave a good and detailed look at the real and difficult conditions in which foreign and local investors are facing under the corrupt dictatorship of Hun Sen and his CPP. It is a fair and honest assessment of the Cambodian situation, and reflects the reality in doing business in Cambodia.
Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. October 3, 2008)
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Since 1995, Senaka Fernando, a senior manager at the Cambodian branch of financial services giant PricewaterhouseCoopers, has observed the rise of the Cambodian economy
VANDY RATTANA
(Senaka Fernando outside the PricewaterhouseCoopers offices in Phnom Penh.
Education Graduated from St Joseph’s College in Colombo before passing the Licentiate Examination given by the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Sri Lanka. Fernando is a member of London’s Institute of Marketing.
Career Fernando worked with various international agencies in Cambodia and elsewhere in the region, as well as consulted with the Cambodian government ministry programs before being employed at PricewaterhouseCoopers).
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When did PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) start in Cambodia?
We follow our clients. The entrance of a major client into the Cambodian market, British and American Tobacco, prompted us to come here in 1995.
Who were PwC's clients in the early days?
After the passage of the foreign investment law in 1994, foreign investors gradually started to trickle, and if you look at our revenue numbers from '95, '96, '97 they were always on the rise. Even though there wasn't much inflow of commercial clients in the beginning, the donor money kept flowing to Cambodia and we helped manage their projects. Donors look at us to see the projects they fund are properly managed and there's financial transparency. They would give money to a ministry, which would set up a project implementation unit whose finances we would manage.
Is it difficult to set up a company in Cambodia?
It is quite easy to set up a company here. If you want to set up a 100 percent foreign-owned company, you can, unlike with some other countries in the region where you sometimes have to enter a joint venture with a local partner.
Who are PwC's clients?
We get referrals from our PwC network saying we have a client that's coming to Cambodia to look for real estate, set up a factory, set up a bank, and we give them advice on the investment environment. In recent years we've been working a lot with property management, banking, hotels, casinos, and the most recent trend in growth has been in financial services, construction and real estate. The diversity is becoming wider. We advise them on how to set up - how to structure a company and how to tax plan - and once they are in operation we do audits.
The central bank also happens to be an audit client. There aren't many countries in the world where we do an audit of the regulator. If you take the Asean region, it's only Cambodia. When we audit the National Bank, we audit them like any other client. It is part of the whole transparency process because it is in the national bank's constitution that they need to be checked and audited.
Do you ever decline clients?
We have a long checklist to go through before accepting a client. One classic example where we reject is when someone comes in for an audit with two sets of books - one for internal purposes and one for tax purposes where they manipulate the numbers. That's a trigger point for us to decline the client. Most of the time when we turn down clients it's because they don't want to give us the information about their numbers and accounts upfront.
Do you use a country-specific auditing approach in Cambodia?
We have one audit approach, which we will follow in the United States, in Cambodia, in Afghanistan. Depending on certain factors, we may do some extra work. For example, in a country like Cambodia when, say, constructing or purchasing a school for an aid-funded project, there will be extra work done to see how the biddings are awarded because that can be especially tricky.
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DONORS LOOK AT US TO SEE THE PROJECTS THEY FUND ARE PROPERLY MANAGED AND THERE’S FINANCIAL TRANSPARENCY.
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What are your clients' major concerns?
[Currently] inflation, but it is difficult to get information on inflation in Cambodia.... More generally, the legal system - the enforcement of laws and code systems - is one of the major concerns for any foreign investor coming here. That's the first thing they ask about. Most of the basic laws are already there - the law on commercial enterprise, the law on secure transaction. There is also a whole checklist of laws the government needs to pass to comply with the World Trade Organisation. If they pass all of those pieces of legislation, the legal network will be there. But enforcement of the law is really crucial.
We're trying to address some of these concerns in the Private Sector Working Group, where stakeholders get together with the government. We raise issues to the government on behalf of our clients and some of the clients participate directly in the working groups. For example, smuggling, corruption - these are issues that are being discussed in the working groups in an ongoing basis.
What industry has the largest room for growth?
Agriculture, because that's a huge market that hasn't been properly tapped into. We have been contacted by the Kuwaiti Investment Fund about investing in agriculture in Cambodia.
There hasn't been much investment in agriculture in Cambodia and the land is fertile here.
What are your clients most excited about?
The growing purchasing power of local people because you see a middle class emerging - especially for the beverage and mobile phone industries. When you see our clients' numbers, you see a consistent trend in growth.
Will you be providing services to the upcoming Cambodian Stock Exchange?
I think they would want us to audit. That's what we do in many other countries, like in Vietnam. When people are going to be listed, there is certain advisory work that we help our clients with. We have had inquiries from some of the companies thinking of joining. The listing requirements have not yet been published. The Ministry of Economy and Finance know that accounting firms will have to play a crucial role for the stock exchange.
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Cambodia slips in corruption rating
Written by Thet Sambath and Georgia Wilkins
Phnom Penh Post; Wednesday, 24 September 2008
(Comments: Cambodia under Hun Sen and his CPP is getting worse in terms of pervasive corruption practice. This new rating by transparency International (TI) confirms the opinion of many objective and independent observers that Cambodia is slipping further into the abyss of corruption with all the devastating negative impact on the livelihood for the majority of the Cambodian people (Please, the clips of videos posted just below to get the details how corrupt Cambodia is under Hun Sen with the help of Sihanouk) .
What happen to the former king named Sihanouk? Did he say anything about this pervasive and devastating corruption under Hun Sen and his CPP? We did hear anything from him, not even a word. On the contrary Sihanouk has been praising Hun Sen as a great leader, and has been saying that he is supporting him 100 percent.
Why? Because, Sihanouk now depends on Hun Sen to avoid being brought to testify in the Khmer Rouge trial. To protect Sihanouk, Hun Sen had forced the National Assembly under his control to pass a law to give immunity to Sihanouk against any request to the former King to testify in the Khmer Rouge trial. It is a well-known fact that Sihanouk was deeply involved with the Khmer Rouge during the late 1970's and 1980's, when he was the head of the resistance movement.
Sihanouk was bragging, when the Khmer Rouge tribunal was stalling, that he would go anywhere to testify. Now that the Khmer Rouge Trial is going ahead, Sihanouk is hiding under Hun Sen's dictatorial shield of protection. So much much the bravado uttered from the former king when the Khmer Rouge tribunal was in limbo. Now, that Khmer Rouge Trial is in place and running, Sihanouk shows his usual self to be a coward and a liar. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. September 27, 2008)
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The new Transparency International graft rankings are out and the Kingdom has dropped five positions from last year, now 14 from bottom.
CAMBODIA'S annual corruption rating has plummeted, according to an international transparency index.
The ratings, released by Transparency International (TI) in Berlin Tuesday, ranked Cambodia the 14th-most corrupt country in the world, five positions worse than its 2007 rating, and the most corrupt country in Asia after Myanmar.
"In the poorest countries, corruption levels can mean the difference between life and death, when money for hospitals or clean water is in play," TI said at the report launch.
Municipal health director Veng Thai denied that corruption could be claiming lives in the Kingdom, saying "there is not much corruption in the health system in Cambodia".
Bun Uy, secretary of state for the Council of Ministers, also said Tuesday that the ratings were meaningless.
"Every country has corruption. Even if they are rich countries, they are still corrupt," he said. "The prime ministers of Indonesia, Taiwan and Thailand are all accused of corruption even though they are rich countries," Bun Uy said.
Om Yentieng, Prime Minister Hun Sen's adviser on human rights, criticised the organisation for using developing countries as a political tool.
"This organisation is putting Cambodia to the bottom just to mock it. What are the ratings based on?" Om Yentieng said.
But Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Centre for Human Rights (CCHR) said Cambodia's ranking showed the government was still "holding the country hostage [to corruption]."
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Please, click on this link to see an excellent set of video clips produced by Journeyman Pictures, Australia, on the many aspects of the deadly and deep-rooted problems created by the Khmer Rouge and Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge turned traitor, facing present-day Cambodia, including:
(To watch these interesting and captivating clips, please, click on the link posted below, and go to the panel in the right-hand side entitled "Related Videos," to watch each of these clips contained in the attached list)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wCuFSsK003w&NR=1)
1. Bamboo Railway
2. Cambodia-Thailand Diplomatic Stand Off
3. Cambodia's New Oil Wealth
4. Deadly Politics
5. Democracy Endangered
6. East Cambodia - Land Grab
7. Judging Cambodia
8. Justice or Else
9. Khmer Decline
10. People's Power - fighting for Peace
11. Run for Your Life
12. Saving Asia wild Life - Cambodia
13. Scambodia - Cambodia
14. Stolen Innocence
15. Stop the Traffic
16. Tomb Raiders
(Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. September 21, 2008)
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Thaksin prepares his comeback with the support of Hun Sen
Khmer Intelligence News
September 17, 2008
(Comments: it is interesting to see that some Cambodian bloggers such as Khmer Intelligence News, has now recognized the connection and collusion between Hun Sen and Taksin Shinawatra, exposing the real reasons behind Hun Sen's recent decision to celebrate the listing of Preah Vihear by UNESCO with great fanfare. This intentional and diabolical decision had provoked the Thai people and the Thai government to respond by sending troops to occupy Preah Vihear.
You can see that what I have been saying for quite sometime has now become more publicly acknowledged that Hun Se is using the Preah Vihear issue as an issue to deflect the Cambodian people's wrath from Vietnam to Thailand. Unfortunately, it is working, as many shortsighted Cambodians (including those from overseas such as Khmerization group) got excited against Thailand, as was the case in the 2003 riot against Thai businesses in Cambodia, orchestrated by Hun Sen. This is the more absurd that these so-called Cambodian 'patriots' don't realize that fighting against both Thailand and Vietnam, at the same time, is equivalent to committing suicide for Cambodia.
Please, find pasted below an article by Khmer Intelligence News on this important but dangerous dilemma for the Cambodian people.
Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D. Washington DC. September 17, 2008)
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Thaksin prepares his comeback with the support of Hun Sen (2)
Former Thai Prime Minister and business tycoon Thaksin Shinawatra has recently signed an official deal with Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen to allegedly develop Cambodia's south-western maritime province of Koh Kong.In fact, Thaksin wants to secure very convenient Cambodian-based facilities to prepare his political comeback in Thailand. Hun Sen is well aware of Thaksin's hidden agenda but the pair have many things in common.The current tension between Cambodia and Thailand about Preah Vihear temple is in part due to false assurances given by Thaksin to Hun Sen in the past about border delineation. A possible additional reason for the tension is pressure exerted by Vietnam on Hun Sen to prove his loyalty toward Hanoi. From this perspective the current tension is reminiscent of the anti-Thai riots in Phnom Penh in January 2003 which were organized by the most pro-Vietnamese elements within the Cambodian government.
[End]
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Internal and External Enemy: The Vietnamese Experience During the Khmer Rouge Period
SEPTEMBER , 2008
By Elizabeth Do
Stanford University
(Comments: while it is right to include the Vietnamese treatment by the Khmer Rouge as part of the victims of the Khmer Rouge trial; it is also important to point out that the Khmer Rouge killed indiscriminately, and not only the Vietnamese. But the Khmer Rouge mostly killed the innocent Cambodian people.
However, it is also important to point out that it was the Vietnamese Communists who created the Khmer Rouge under the tutulage and guidance of Ho Chi Minh and his creation, the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP), whose main purpose was to serve Vietnam's hegemonistic interests in the former french Indochina. It is also true that, the Khmer Rouge was the one of the most ferocious and worst monster in the annal of mass killing history, including the Nazi and the former Soviet Union mass murder, as reported by the French intellectual named stephane Courtoir, in his book entitled "Black Book of Communism."
But, the Vietnamese is part and parcel of the creation of that monster. so, the article is not balanced and should have been challenged by Youk Chhang, But instead, Youk Chhang went out of his way to comply with Elizabeth Do, the author of this article's wishes to support her rightful but biased analysis, by looking for the Vietnamese families members who disappeared during the Pol Pot regime. What about the Khmer Krom people who are being culturally, religiously, and physically eliminated, as the German humanist Robecca Sommer, who in her recent visit to South Vietnam had produced a haunting video on the wholesale genocide of the Cambodian people in South Vietnam, by the socialist Republic of Vietnam entitled "Eliminated Without Bleeding?" (posted in this site as well). Youk chhang should also ask the Vietnamese to account for the K 5 Plan (See article posted below) that they implemented during their occupation of Cambodia in the 1980's when most able-body Cambodians were sent to the eastern front of Cambodia to build a bamboo curtain to isolate Cambodia from the resistance movement, in an area infested with paludism and land mines.
Did Youk chhang do anything about this? Nothing.
This article is, no more no less, than another case of "demonizing the demons" efforts by those who are supporting the Vietnamese imperialism and colonialism over Cambodia and Laos, by making the Vietnamese and Hun Sen look more like the victim/liberator than the victimizer/destroyer of the Cambodian people and society, not to mention the Chams and the Laos.
Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. September 14, 2008)
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The Vietnamese minority in Democratic Kampuchea (DK) remains an understudied population. The academic community has provided some brief, macro-level information about the Khmer Rouge’s policies towards ethnic Vietnamese in DK, but the subject has rarely been the main focus of scholarly investigation. Considering the specially charged historical, political, and racial relations between Khmer and Vietnamese people, the Vietnamese community in DK warrants closer examination. This paper aims to carry out two functions related to sharing the Vietnamese story: (1) to present the existing literature about the Khmer Rouge’s relationship with the Vietnamese government and people, and (2) to share the personal stories of seven Vietnamese families who lived under the Khmer Rouge regime.
Historical Background
Vietnam and Cambodia share a tightly intertwined and tumultuous history. Scholars have discussed the many past injustices perpetrated by both Khmer and Vietnamese leaders. In one incident in 1751, the Khmer king commanded his subjects to carry out the mass murder of all Vietnamese people in Cambodia.[1]
[1] In another incident, Vietnam’s Nguyen Dynasty emperor, Ming Mang supposedly “bur[ied] [Khmers] alive and allow[ed] only their heads to show to be used as a stand for their braziers.”[2][2] Centuries later, the Khmer Rouge wrote about the atrocity in their September 1978 publication of Black Paper: Facts and Evidences of the Acts of Aggression and Annexation of Vietnam Against Kampuchea. [3][3] The document referred to Ming Mang’s act as a “barbarous crime” and the Vietnamese as “Yuon torturers.” [4][4] Such derogatory terms as “yuon” to describe the Vietnamese appeared throughout Black Paper and exposed the Khmer Rouge’s lingering resentment towards Vietnamese past wrongdoings.
Kampuchea and Vietnam have also engaged in territorial disputes over the Vietnam Mekong Delta, a region Cambodians believe Vietnam stole from Kampuchea.[5]
[5] The Khmer Rouge addressed this thievery in Black Paper, recalling the Vietnamese seizure of Prey Nokor (now Saigon) and the lower Mekong area (Kampuchea Krom) as evidence of the Vietnamese acting as the “aggressor, annexationist and swallower of territories.”[6]
[6] According to Southeast Asia scholar, Alex Hinton, such territorial disputes eventually led Khmer nationalists to render the Vietnamese as the “evil ‘other, and “While both the Thai and the Vietnamese had ‘swallowed’ Cambodian lands, the Vietnamese were perceived as particularly dangerous.”[7][7] Eventually, Cambodians came to view the Vietnamese as the “historic enemy.”[8][8]
The historical migration and settlement of Vietnamese people into Kampuchean territory also led to class tensions between Khmer and Vietnamese residents. Some Vietnamese people in DK worked as financial lenders, an occupation that some Khmer people associated with the exploitation of the poor.[9]
[9] Many ethnic Vietnamese also served as prominent leaders in the Kampuchean government and army, which further deepened class divisions between Vietnamese and Khmer people.[10][10] The Vietnamese minority in Cambodia even faced state-sponsored massacre. In the years prior to Khmer Rouge rule, ethnic Vietnamese suffered several attacks at the hands of the Lon Nol government. From March through April of 1970, Lon Nol executed pogroms that specifically targeted ethnic Vietnamese in Cambodia and resulted in four thousand deaths.[11][11] According to Norodom Sihanouk, former king of Cambodia, “In 1969 there were more than 400,000 ethnic Vietnamese in Kampuchea. After [Lon Nol’s 1970] coup [that deposed Prince Norodom Sihanouk], Lon Nol and his supporters eliminated or banished to South Vietnam at least half of these Yuons.”[12][12] Indeed, the Khmer-Vietnamese relationship was marred by distrust, hostility, and violence.
Political Relationship Between the Khmer Rouge and Vietnam Workers’ Party
The Khmer Rouge and Vietnam Workers’ Party (VWP) also shared a tumultuous political relationship. With Cambodia and Vietnam both under the control of communist parties, there seemed to be hope for an Indochinese alliance. Even before the Khmer Rouge rose to power, VWP Central Committee Secretary Hoang Anh expressed an interest in Cambodia and announced at a 1971 committee meeting, “We [the VWP] should strengthen the revolutionary base in Cambodia and guide this country along the path of socialism. Here is the policy of our party.”[13
][13] Anh’s statements reflected the VWP’s desire for a strong partnership between Vietnam and the Khmer Rouge. The VWP wanted to develop an Anh-Em, or “Older brother-Younger brother” relationship with the Khmer Rouge, in which it could act as the Khmer Rouge’s older brother. Khmer Rouge leaders and their CPK organization (Communist Party of Kampuchea) seemed to share in the VWP’s hope. Speaking at a 1975 meeting of Vietnamese journalists, Pol Pot declared:
“Only when such a friendship and solidarity [between Democratic Kampuchea and Vietnam] are strong, can the revolution in our countries develop adequately. There is no other alternative. That is why, honoring these principles, we [the Khmer Rouge] consider that both parties and we personally should aspire to maintain this combat solidarity and brotherhood in arms and make sure that they grow and strengthen day by day.”[14][14]
Despite such optimistic projections for an Indochinese brotherhood, relations between the VWP and Khmer Rouge broke down during the years of the Khmer Rouge rule. Resentful of their Vietnamese “anh” and his seemingly paternalistic agenda, the Khmer Rouge sought an independent revolution for DK. [15]
[15] Pol Pot fervently argued that the “interests of ‘Vietnamese brothers’ should not dominate in the determination of CPK policy.”[16][16] In fact, Soviet Union archival documents reveal that Pol Pot only made his 1975 promising speech to the Vietnamese journalists in order to “relieve pressure” from Vietnam loyalists in the CPK and to “fool” the Vietnamese into believing the Khmer Rouge would follow their command.[17][17] The Khmer Rouge’s plans for self-determination became clear to the Vietnamese in early 1977, when Pol Pot refused to attend a Cambodian-Vietnamese leaders’ meeting suggested by Vietnamese Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Hoang Van Loi.[18][18]
Political strife soon turned into armed conflict. In mid-1977, mutual border attacks broke out between DK and Vietnam. Although border skirmishes had occurred for many years before, the border dispute in 1977 escalated into a large-scale battle between Vietnam and DK. By May 1978, DK leaders made a public radio announcement urging “Khmers to kill thirty Vietnamese [soldiers] for every fallen Cambodian.”[19]
[19] The Khmer Rouge also used propaganda literature to broadcast their anti-Vietnamese campaign, such as in their 1978 paper entitled, Black Paper; Facts and Evidences of the Vietnamese Acts of Aggression and Annexation Against Kampuchea.
Although the border dispute dealt a powerful blow to the already crippling DK-Vietnam relationship, the Khmer Rouge maintained that it was the VWP’s “annexationist” intentions that ultimately caused the breakdown:
“The cause of the conflict between Kampuchea and Vietnam is not an ordinary border problem. The root of this conflict lies in the policy of expansion and annexation systematically carried out by the Vietnamese who have used all kinds of methods: seduction and peaceful method by grasping the party, the army and the State power, and cruel and barbarous military method, like those they are carrying out at present in Kampuchea.”[20][20]
The Khmer Rouge’s statements revealed their long-felt suspicion that the Vietnamese were using the guise of an Indochinese Federation to invade Cambodia and oppress it. Pol Pot warned that an Indochinese Federation would bring “hundreds of thousands” of Vietnamese swarming into Cambodia and diminish the Khmer population to a “national minority”.”[21]
[21] A Khmer Rouge document voiced the same concerns, writing “The Vietnamese will bring in one or two million of their people into our country every year, and then we shall lose our territory and our race will be completely swallowed up.”[22][22] From such statements, we see the tremendous urgency the Khmer Rouge felt to protect both its border and its race.
Eventually, the Khmer Rouge’s tensions with Vietnam abroad translated into paranoia within its own CPK party. Fearing the possibility of Vietnamese infiltration into the CPK, the Khmer Rouge began to purge many of its “pro-Vietnamese” and suspected renegade party members.[23]
[23] Other victims included people “who had professional training, extensive residence overseas, or contracts with non-Khmers.”[24][24] The Khmer Rouge even conducted background checks on their current and incoming party members.[25][25] In a 1978 statement to the Communist Workers Party of Denmark, Khmer Rouge Deputy Secretary Nuon Chea explained that such extreme party cleansing was a top priority for the Khmer Rouge. Chea announced, “We are not worried about the external, military aggression. We worry most of all about the enemy inside.”[26][26]
Paranoia reached a climax during the 1978 Eastern Zone massacres. Prior to the massacres, the Khmer Rouge were facing continual Vietnamese attacks along the Eastern border. The losing battle against Vietnam eventually provoked Angkar (a term used to refer to the Khmer Rouge organization) to accuse the Eastern Zone officers of colluding with the Vietnamese. According to Pol Pot, “The Eastern Zone units collaborated with the Yuon and allowed the Yuon to enter. So, only after we make war in the rear to purify ourselves will we be able to win the war at the front. Anyone and everyone who collaborate with the Yuon must be arrested.”[27]
[27] To punish the Eastern Zone officers for their betrayal, Angkar carried out a massive purge of the 1.5 million Eastern Zone people who were deemed to have “Khmer bodies with Vietnamese minds.”[28]
[28] The purge resulted in countless arrests and deaths, as well as many Khmer Rouge fleeing to Vietnam.
Vietnamese Minority in Democratic Kampuchea
The political tensions between the Khmer and Vietnamese people presented problems for the ethnic Vietnamese living in DK. When the Khmer Rouge came to power in April 1975, it orchestrated the mass purge of over 150,000 ethnic Vietnamese from Cambodia.[29]
[29] The purge brought thousands of Vietnamese refugees into the Dong Thap, An Giang, and Tay Ninh provinces.[30][30] By September 1975, the regime had successfully rounded up most of the Vietnamese living in Cambodia and deported them to Vietnam. In Black Paper, Angkar rationalized their purge of the Vietnamese people by writing that “Vietnamese nationals had secretly infiltrated into Kampuchea and [were] living in hiding [among] the population.”[31][31] Southeast Asia scholar Ramses Amer sets the Vietnamese population after the 1975 purge at 30,000, whereas Alex Hinton believes only 10,000 Vietnamese remained in DK.[32][32] The few ethnic Vietnamese people left in DK most likely remained because they wanted to stay with their Khmer spouses or didn’t want to leave the country where they were born and grew up their whole lives.[33][33] These people were subsequently subjected to Khmer Rouge targeting and abuse.
Starting in mid 1976, Angkar forbade Vietnamese people from leaving the country.[34]
[34] When the border conflict began in mid 1977, the Khmer Rouge intensified their policies against ethnic Vietnamese in DK and eventually “launched a campaign to eradicate the remaining Vietnamese.”[35][35] On April 1977, the Khmer Rouge issued “Directive from 870.” The order called for the arrest of “all ethnic Vietnamese, and all Khmers who spoke Vietnamese or had Vietnamese friends.”[36][36] Ethnic Vietnamese also faced the threat of death. The Khmer Rouge carried out mass executions of whole Vietnamese communities and families. In one massacre at Kompong Chhnang Province in mid May 1977, about 420 Vietnamese adults and children were murdered.[37][37] In another massacre at Kratie in 1978, the Khmer Rouge targeted anyone with Vietnamese blood, family members, or any Vietnamese association.[38][38] The Khmer Rouge even commanded husbands to kill their Vietnamese wives.[39][39]
Personal Stories*
As discussed above, ethnic Vietnamese faced serious dangers while living under the Khmer Rouge regime. Considering their unique circumstances, research organizations such as the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) have undertaken projects aimed at shedding light on the ethnic Vietnamese experience. Although most Vietnamese died or escaped DK during the Khmer Rouge period, DC-Cam has been able to conduct dozens of interviews with Vietnamese survivors or their surviving Khmer family members and friends. The majority of DC-Cam’s interviews were conducted in Pochen Dam village of Svay On Torng commune, Prey Veng district, Prey Veng province. Located in Eastern Cambodia along the Cambodia-Vietnam border, Prey Veng province was home to many ethnic Vietnamese people during the Khmer Rouge period. In August 2008, I conducted some follow-up interviews with the Pochen Dam families. In addition to the Pochen Dam families in Prey Veng province, I was also able to locate additional Vietnamese survivors in Svay Rieng province, also located in eastern Cambodia. In this section, I share the personal stories collected through both DC-Cam’s and my own interviews.
Sum San
In a 1998 interview with DC-Cam, a Khmer man named Lach Ny shared the story of his Vietnamese wife, Sum San. Ny remembered that in July of 1977, the Khmer Rouge began to investigate who was Khmer and who was Vietnamese in his village. At that time, his wife, his seven children, and he lived in Pochen Dam village. Ny explained that although his wife was ethnically Vietnamese, she had lived in Cambodia for such a long time that she could speak Khmer fluently and with a perfect accent. Despite this, Ny believed that the Khmer Rouge knew his wife was Vietnamese (he suspected that San’s light skin made her look Vietnamese and someone from his village informed the Khmer Rouge). Ny tried to persuade the Khmer Rouge that his wife was Chinese, but they didn’t believe him. In fact, the Khmer Rouge tried to separate Ny from his family by arresting him and putting him in prison for nearly two months in another village.
After Ny was released, a relative told him that the Khmer Rouge had captured his wife and children. DC-Cam’s interviews with Sin Chaorn, (a man who worked as a horse cart driver for the Khmer Rouge in Pochen Dam village), Chum Chhean (a woman who worked in the same unit and group as San), and Lach Nakk (San’s sister-in-law) shed some light on what happened to San and her children. They remembered four Khmer Rouge district military officers coming to San’s house during a work break. The officers told San that she and her children needed to be reeducated at another location. At that time, San’s in-law family didn’t oppose the Khmer Rouge’s order, because they trusted the Khmer Rouge and were too scared to argue with them.
The Khmer Rouge was adamant about bringing San’s children with her. At the time, San’s oldest daughter was working and living in another village. Instead of leaving the oldest daughter, the Khmer Rouge ordered her to return to Pochen Dam village so she could join her mother and siblings. The Khmer Rouge then put San and her children in a horse cart, banded their hands behind their back, and drove them away. Ny later heard from the village chief, Loek Chhem, that the Khmer Rouge’s determination to get San’s oldest daughter reflected their unique policy towards the Vietnamese people. Ny said that in his village, the Khmer Rouge killed Vietnamese children of Khmer-Vietnamese couples based on which parent was Vietnamese. If the father was Vietnamese, the Khmer Rouge killed the father but spared the children. However, if the mother was Vietnamese, the Khmer Rouge killed both the mother and children.
The horse cart driver carrying San and her children later told Chaorn that the Khmer Rouge directed him to drive the family to Ou Kon Dol pagoda. When the driver dropped them off at the pagoda, the Khmer Rouge ordered him to immediately return to the village. Since that time, no one knows what happened to San and her children. Ny believed his family was transferred from Ou Kon Dol pagoda and killed at Krang Kor. He said that during his time in prison, he overheard Khmer Rouge cadres talk about Krang Kor as the killing field where they caught and tortured Vietnamese people. Ny said that Krang Kor was one of the Khmer Rouge’s security centers and had executed between 40,000 and 50,000 Khmer and Vietnamese people. Ny visited the site after the collapse of the Khmer Rouge regime, and recalled that each mass grave contained at least 20 or 30, and sometimes up to 50, dead bodies. Ny remembered witnessing many murders at a killing site called Dey Klein in Pursat province and said he believed his family was killed in the same way the Khmer Rouge killed Dey Klein victims. At Dey Klein, the Khmer Rouge dug a massive hole in the ground. They then lined their blindfolded and hand-bound victims along the edge of the hole and used an iron stick to hit people behind their necks until they fell. Once the victims fell into their graves, the Khmer Rouge buried them, regardless of whether they were dead or not.
The last image San’s family and friends held was the image of the Khmer Rouge hauling San and her children away on a horse cart. Nakk said that after the third day San hadn’t returned, the family assumed she and her children were dead. Nakk also recalled a village meeting where the Khmer Rouge tried to dismiss people’s concerns about the disappearance of Vietnamese people. At the meeting, the Khmer Rouge told the people not to worry because the Vietnamese situation had nothing to do with “us,” meaning the Cambodian people. The Khmer Rouge made their resolve clear by saying that even the smallest child with Vietnamese blood would not be given any pity and would be killed in order to eliminate the bad blood from Cambodia.
Chuy and Ngam
Chuy and Ngam, both 100% Vietnamese men living in Pochen Dam village, shared similar experiences under the Khmer Rouge regime. Chuy, a former Vietnamese army soldier, settled in Cambodia after marrying a Khmer woman named Doung Oeun. Together, they had a daughter named Kim Va, and two other children from Oeun’s previous marriage. Ngam married a Khmer woman named Tech. They had 3 children, two of whom survived the Khmer Rouge regime and one who died during the period. Ngam and his family had lived in Pochen Dam village for more than 20 years before the Khmer Rouge took control. Both Chuy and Ngam spoke Khmer fluently, but one villager remembered that Chuy spoke Khmer with a different accent. When the Khmer Rouge took control, Oeun remembers some of Chuy’s relatives advising him to escape to Dey Kra Horn. Sek Kroeung, a Pochen Dam villager, explained that Dey Kra Horn was located in Svay Rieng and was known as a safe place for Vietnamese people to live during the Khmer Rouge period. Kroeung knew someone who had escaped to Dey Kra Horn and was able to avoid Khmer Rouge abuse. Despite friends’ and family’s advice, Chuy chose to remain in Pochen Dam village.
When the Khmer Rouge took power, they organized people to work and eat together in cooperatives. Oeun’s mother, Nut Ao, described a typical day under the Khmer Rouge as difficult because people didn’t have enough food to eat. During the period, Chuy worked many jobs, including making manure out of cow waste and helping grow vegetables in the village. Ngam worked in the fields to build a canal and set up an irrigation system for the rice fields. Both Chuy and Nagam maintained these jobs until mid-1977, when the Khmer Rouge led them into the forest and they never returned.
Chuy’s and Ngam’s family and friends talk about the events leading up to their disappearance. Heng Huy, who had worked in the forest with Chuy and Ngam, remembers that the Khmer Rouge initially treated Vietnamese and Khmer people in the village equally. However, beginning in 1977, the Khmer Rouge began to separate the villagers into different ethnic groups. Vietnamese people lived in the Vietnamese group; Chinese people lived in the Chinese group; and Cham people lived in the Cham group. Huy adds that the Khmer Rouge also divided people into three class groups: the first group included rich and middle class people; the second group included workers; and the third group included farmers. The non-Khmer and upper class groups lived separately from each other and away from the village. Being half Chinese and an upper class group member, Huy remembers living in an isolated area in the outskirts of the village. He also says that the Khmer Rouge purged many unwanted groups of people. In one incident, he remembers the Khmer Rouge transferring several Chinese business families to live in other villages.
Following the ethnic and class segregation, the village chief ordered all his subordinate group chiefs to select one man from their group to work in Tapeou forest in Or Kondol village, Dam Rey Puon subdistrict, Prey Veng district, Prey Veng province. With ten groups in Pochen Dam, a total of ten men were assigned the job. Huy remembers the workers included Khmer, Chinese, and Vietnamese men, including him, Chuy, and Ngam. Ngam’s daughter, Ngang Kok, was only two years old at the time and didn’t remember how the Khmer Rouge approached her father about working at Tapeou. Chuy’s family remembered a cooperative chief named Chhem coming to Chuy’s house and politely asking Chuy to work in the forest. Va says that Chuy agreed to go because the Khmer Rouge had acted without force and Chuy and his family trusted them. Ao remembers Chuy packing his clothes the next morning and asking her to please look after his daughter. By 7 a.m. that morning, Chuy, Ngam, Huy, and the other workers had set off on the 10 km trek to Tapeou forest.
While in the forest, the men developed a working routine. In the morning, they cut wood from the trees. At midday, they cooked and ate lunch. After lunch, they returned to the forest and continued working until evening. The men maintained this routine for half a month, until the day Chuy and Ngam disappeared. On the day of their disappearance, Huy remembers the village chief biking into the forest. The chief instructed the men to return to the village. On the trip back to the village, the chief’s bike broke in front of the Or Kondol pagoda. He asked Chuy and Ngam to stay with him to fix the bike, and instructed the rest of the men to continue walking. Huy says Ngam knew how to fix bikes, so it didn’t seem odd to Huy that the chief kept Ngam behind. However, when Huy and the rest of the group waited for Chuy and Ngam at Or Kondol village, the two men never emerged from the forest. When the group returned to Pochen Dam, Huy heard about the Khmer Rouge’s recent arrest of Lach Ny’s wife, Sum San. He heard that the Khmer Rouge arrested San and her children because they were Vietnamese. He then came to believe that the village chief’s bike incident in front of Or Kondol pagoda was no accident. Instead, he believes that the chief deliberately isolated Chuy and Ngam and killed them at the Or Kondol pagoda, which the Khmer Rouge were using as security center at the time. Huy believes the Khmer Rouge knew Chuy and Ngam were Vietnamese. Generally, high-level Khmer Rouge officials weren’t very familiar with villagers. However, Huy believes the village chief, who lived and interacted with the local people, informed the top Khmer Rouge about Chuy’s and Ngam’s backgrounds. According to Huy, the Khmer Rouge policy to kill Vietnamese people came from top Angkar leaders, but the information about specific Vietnamese “enemies” came from lower-level officers such as the village chief.
After the disappearance of the Vietnamese people in Pochen Dam village, the Khmer Rouge held a meeting with the villagers. At the meeting, the Khmer Rouge tried to reassure people by saying that they had only brought the Vietnamese people to a village with more land. Despite the Khmer Rouge’s attempt to comfort villagers, Ao says her family still feared they would become targets for Khmer Rouge abuse. She remembers a villager recommending that Ao change Chuy’s daughter’s name from Kim Va to a less Vietnamese-sounding name such as Samin. Ao found it prudent to accept the advice, and since then, Chuy’s daughter has gone by the name Samin.
Seng Huor
Half Vietnamese from her mother’s side and half Chinese from her father’s side, Seng Huor was born in Lonng Trea village, Prey Veng province. Her Vietnamese mother, Le Pi Hay, and Chinese father, Seng, worked as tailors and sold clothes. Huor had four siblings, most of whom disappeared during the Khmer Rouge period. The Khmer Rouge arrested Huor’s older brother, Seng Van, and his three children in 1977. Van and two of his children disappeared, but one child was able to hide from the Khmer Rouge and survive the period. Huor’s older sister, Seng Muoy, also managed to survive the Khmer Rouge period, and today lives in Chbar Om village. Huor’s younger sister, Seng Tieng, and brother, Seng Ke, were arrested in 1977. Following the arrest of Tieng and Ke, the Khmer Rouge apprehended Huor, Huor’s mother, and Huor’s children. In a 2008 interview, Huor’s husband, Khun Mon, shared what happened to Huor.
Prior to the Khmer Rouge regime, Huor and Mon lived peacefully in Svay On Torng village, Prey Veng province. Huor met Mon while he was a monk, and the two fell in love. In 1969, Mon gave up his monkhood, and the couple married. Huor was 17 and Mon was 28 years old at the time. They had 3 children, all boys: Chan Tha (born in 1970), Chan Thu (born in 1973), and Chan Thoeun (born in 1975). According to Mon, his family was the only Vietnamese family living in Svay On Torng village.
A resident of Svay On Torng and Mon’s sister-in-law, Chiep Lorn, described living in DK. She said that after the Khmer Rouge took control of Svay On Torng, they began to collect all the Vietnamese and Chinese people in the village to send them back to their own countries. The Khmer Rouge made it clear that this was the last time they were going to give “alien” people a chance to leave. During this time, Huor’s mother’s family came to Huor and Mon and tried to convince them to escape to Dey Kra Horn. Lorn remembered hearing many people talk about Dey Kra Horn as a safe place for Vietnamese people to live during the Khmer Rouge period. Despite the appeal of Dey Kra Horn, Huor and Mon refused to leave their village and remained in Svay On Torng under Khmer Rouge rule.
At that time, Huor worked in the rice fields and Mon worked in the mobile unit. Looking back on the early years of the Khmer Rouge period, Mon remembers that he and his wife worked separately during the day, but reunited at their home at night. He says that life wasn’t so hard, and work was simple: if the Khmer Rouge ordered something, the people would follow the orders and there were hardly any problems. However, in 1976, living and working conditions worsened. The Khmer Rouge forced people to work on the rice fields from 7 a.m. to 5 p.m. and didn’t provide people with enough food to eat. A former Svay On Torng commune chief, Pek Pach, stated that there was no freedom during the Khmer Rouge period. Family relations broke down because the Khmer Rouge never allowed people to visit their family members. Sometimes, even if one’s relative was sick, the Khmer Rouge still denied permission to visit him or her. In 1977, Mon was assigned to work in a different commune. Because of his new job, Mon only saw his family sporadically, sometimes once every ten days and sometimes once every few months. During those visits, he was only able to stay for only three or four days.
Mon remembers that the Khmer and Vietnamese people in his village had good relations with each other. He says that the Khmer Rouge initially treated Huor the same way they treated a Khmer person. Huor worked the same jobs as the Khmer people, and after work she was allowed to go home and live with her family like the Khmer people. However, a shift occurred in 1976. According to Pach, the Khmer Rouge began to round up Vietnamese people and remove them from the village. Even though the Khmer Rouge told their families they were temporarily being sent away for “reeducation” or “work in the forest,” the Vietnamese people would never return. Pach explained that using covers such as “reeducation” allowed the Khmer Rouge to easily collect their targets, because people initially believed the cover stories and didn’t put up a fight. According to Pach, the Khmer Rouge’s hostile policies towards Vietnamese people derived from their belief that the Vietnamese were invading Cambodia. At that time, there were several meetings where the top Khmer Rouge officials informed low-level officers such as Pach that Vietnamese combatants were fighting and chasing Khmer Rouge cadres along the border. Such Vietnamese aggression stirred anger and paranoia within the Khmer Rouge.
Mon believes that the Khmer Rouge targeted his family based on their Vietnamese background. Mon remembers the village chief, named Ta Aok, telling the top Khmer Rouge officials that the Seng family was part Vietnamese. Khun Mut, Mon’s oldest sister who was living in Svay On Torng at the time, said the Khmer Rouge made a series of arrests against the Seng family. First, they took Huor’s sister and brother, Tieng and Ke. A few days later, two Khmer Rouge officers named Lim and Chhoeun told Huor and her mother that they needed to attend a meeting at Khlaov pagoda, and subsequently, carted the two women away. Huor, who was 25 years old at the time, left her children with her husband’s family and asked them to please take care of the children. After Huor and her mother left, the two women never returned home.
The next day, Mon returned home to the news of his wife’s and her family’s disappearance. Two more Khmer Rouge, Ta Aok and an officer named Horn, came to his home to collect his three children. His family pleaded with the officers to spare one child but they refused, saying that the children had to follow their mother. After the Khmer Rouge carted the boys away, they were never seen again. Mon believes the Khmer Rouge in Svay On Torng also followed a special policy in which they only arrested and killed children belonging to Vietnamese mothers, but spared children belonging to Vietnamese fathers. Mon says he doesn’t know why the Khmer Rouge practiced this policy and to what extent the policy was practiced in other villages. Pok So Khom, a former Khmer Rouge youth chief in Svay On Torng, confirmed that the Khmer Rouge had a policy to kill Vietnamese mothers and children in Svay On Torng. Khom said that the Khmer Rouge targeted the Vietnamese because they viewed them as the enemy.
After the disappearance of his family, Mon remembers the Khmer Rouge coming by his home and trying to collect his wife’s belongings. Mon and his family resisted such attempts by telling the Khmer Rouge that his wife and her family hadn’t left anything behind. Later, the Khmer Rouge took Mon to Thlav commune, where the commune chief named Chaem tried to reeducate Mon by telling him not to miss his wife or children. Mon lived at the commune for one year until the collapse of the Khmer Rouge. Mon’s three sisters, Mut, Samit, and Min were also taken away to be reeducated and told not to remorse the loss of San’s children.
Mon never found out what happened to his wife and children. The image of his three boys being hauled away in a horse cart remains his last memory of his family. Khun Samit, Mon’s younger sister, recalled how villagers feared the sound of the horse cart at night, because they understood it as the sound of the Khmer Rouge picking up someone to drive to the killing field. Mon later heard rumors that his wife and children were taken to Chamkar Kuoy village. When he asked villagers from Chamkar Kuoy about his family, the villagers said that all the Vietnamese people brought to be Chamkar Kuoy were killed. Later, when the Hun Sen government investigated the area around Chamkar Kuoy, Mon says the investigators found human bodies and bones and concluded that the place was a killing site.
Lorn recalls the secret manner of the Khmer Rouge, especially their secrecy about targets for execution. According to Lorn, top leaders such as the district chief organized the list of people to kill by gathering information about villagers’ backgrounds from subdistrict and village chiefs. The list was kept so secret that not even the horse cart driver who drove the people to the killing field knew the names of the victims in advance.
Meng Sim
The story of Meng Sim, a woman with some Vietnamese blood, begins in Angkor Yuos village, Preah Anteah subdistrict, Svay Peam Roup district, Prey Veng province. At Angkor Yous, Sim lived with her husband and six children, whose ages ranged from two months to sixteen years old. Sim and her siblings had some Vietnamese blood in them from a great grandmother, who was half Vietnamese and half Chinese. Sim’s ethnic background, however, was mostly Khmer. Despite the relatively dilute amount of Vietnamese blood they had, Sim and all but one of her children had disappeared by the end of the Khmer Rouge period. Only two members of Sim’s family, Sim’s son, Peou Aong, and her husband, Ie Peou, survived the Khmer Rouge period.
According to Aong, who was about twelve years old at the time of the Khmer Rouge period, there were two incidents in which the Khmer Rouge targeted his family. In the first incident, occurring in January of 1976, Aong remembers hearing rumors that the Khmer Rouge were collecting all the Vietnamese people living in Cambodia and returning them to Vietnam. The Khmer Rouge told Aong’s family that they looked Vietnamese and thus, would be sent back to their country. Soon after, Aong’s family was taken from Angkor Yuos to Ka-om Kam No village, in Kandal province. The family traveled with five other part-Vietnamese families, each consisting of six to seven people.
After two days of traveling, they arrived at Ka-om Kam No. There, Aong remembers seeing about 100 other people waiting at the border village. Aong remembers there were people of all ages and that most of the people weren’t 100% Vietnamese but rather, appeared to be only slightly Vietnamese. The Khmer Rouge had accused them of looking Vietnamese and forced them to the border. After three days of waiting, representatives and military from Vietnam arrived to survey the people. In order to test the people’s Vietnamese ethnicity, the Vietnamese military asked the people at the border to speak Vietnamese. When the people couldn’t speak Vietnamese, the Vietnamese military said they weren’t Vietnamese and refused to accept them into their country. With no place for the people to go, the Khmer Rouge sent all the families back to their respective villages.
When Aong and his family returned to Angkor Yuos village, the Khmer Rouge there treated them as “new people,” a term the Khmer Rouge deridingly ascribed to people with wealth and of different ethnic identities. The commune chief re-assigned Aong’s two older brothers to the mobile unit and the rest of Aong’s family to Thmey village, located three kilometers from Angkor Yuos. There, Aong collected wood for the village and caught mice from eating the village’s vegetable plants. Aong and his family lived and worked at Thmey until the Khmer Rouge again targeted his family.
Aong remembers the second incident occurred in early 1977, when the Khmer Rouge gathered his grandfather, Hao, and grandmother, Tab, to be reeducated. Aong says the Khmer Rouge used the term “reeducated” as a cover to secretly remove people from their homes and kill them. Peou remembered the Khmer Rouge then arrested many of Sim’s siblings and their families to be reeducated, including her sister (Meng Muoy and her family), brother (Meng Seany and his family), and her three other sisters (Meng Tech and her family, Meng Sea and her family, and Meng Peou, who was single). Fifteen days later, in February of 1977, the Khmer Rouge came for Sim and her family. According to Peou, three Khmer Rouge military officers (named Yos, Sen, and Muon) arrived at his house and ordered his family to be reeducated. At first, the Khmer Rouge picked up Sim and her two older sons around 3 p.m. Three hours later, the Khmer Rouge returned for Aong and his younger brother and sister. Aong believed that the Khmer Rouge followed the same special policy as was mentioned in Pochen Dam and Svay On Torng village. At the time, Peou was quite ill with a swollen stomach, so the Khmer Rouge left him to recover at home. Even when he asked if he could join his family, the Khmer Rouge said that there was no need for him to go. By the end of the night, the Khmer Rouge had carted away Peou’s wife, children, and the rest of the Vietnamese families from his village.
The Khmer Rouge brought Sim and her children to Preh Koam pagoda, which the Khmer Rouge used as a detention center. At Preh Koam, Sim worried about her sick husband being alone and asked Aong and his oldest brother to return to Thmey village. Aong’s oldest brother said that he would stay with their mother and suggested that Aong return home to take care of their father. Later that night, the Khmer Rouge called Aong and his siblings to eat dinner, during which Aong slipped past the back door of the pagoda and headed home. Hours after his escape, he heard the sound of dogs barking and knew the Khmer Rouge was searching for him. After traveling ten kilometers, Aong arrived at his father’s house. However, Aong didn’t dare enter the village for fear that the Khmer Rouge would find him. Aong hid in the forest for three days and three nights. During this time, he remembers starving through the day and, at night, having to dig potatoes from the ground to eat. Finally, Aong felt so starved that he went into his father’s house. Peou then sent Aong to live with his aunt at Kampong Russey subdistrict. After 10 days, Peou recovered from his sickness and retrieved his son from Kampong Russey. Together, they escaped to Pochen Dam village, where Peou’s brother lived.
When father and son arrived at Pochen Dam in mid 1977, Peou’s brother told the local leaders that Peou and Aong were evacuees from another village, avoiding any mention of Peou’s Vietnamese wife. At the time Peou and Aong arrived in Pochen Dam, Peou remembered the Eastern Zone massacres were underway. Because the Khmer Rouge officials in Pochen Dam were so preoccupied with the Eastern Zone massacres, Peou and Aong were able to live in the village without notice. Even when the commune chief later accused them of being “new people” and threatened to send them away, Peou’s brother vouched for them and the commune chief dropped the charges. Peou and Aong remained in Pochen Dam village until the overthrow of the Khmer Rouge in 1979. Although Peou and Aong didn’t witness what happened to Sim and the rest of their family, Aong says he later heard that the Khmer Rouge transported his mother and siblings to another location where they were killed. Like many disappearances from the Khmer Rouge period, his family’s disappearance still remains mystery.
Pheng Samai
Pheng Samai spent the Khmer Rouge period trying to hide from the regime. Samai’s mother was 100% Vietnamese by blood, although she was born and raised in Cambodia. Samai’s father was 100% Khmer. Her parents divorced when Samai was young, and Samai never knew her father. Growing up, Samai lived with her mother and two older sisters. However, in the years leading up to the Khmer Rouge period, Samai’s family was split up. In 1970, the Lon Nol regime forced Samai’s eldest sister and her sister’s Vietnamese husband to flee to Vietnam, where they lived through the Khmer Rouge period and remain today. Samai’s other sister then traveled to Phnom Penh, after which Samai and her mother never heard from her again.
When the Khmer Rouge regime came to power, Samai and her mother moved from their hometown of Ba Daok village to Bung Kak village, Kam Chai Mea district, Prey Veng province. Samai says that her mother never considered escaping to Vietnam because she had lived in Cambodia all of her life. At Bung Kak village, Samai and her mother were able to live closer to Samai’s cousin. There, they lived and worked with the other villagers. Samai remembers that initially there was no division between Khmer and Vietnamese people. Even when the local Khmer Rouge began to divide the villagers into different class groups and labeled Samai and her mother as “new people,” the Khmer Rouge still treated them the same way they treated Khmer people. Samai’s mother job was to feed the village pigs and collect human waste to later be used to make fertilizer. Samai’s mother knew how to speak both Khmer and Vietnamese fluently, but she never dared to speak Vietnamese during the Khmer Rouge period.
Despite Samai’s mother’s attempts at concealing her Vietnamese background, the Khmer Rouge accused Samai’s mother of being Vietnamese in mid 1978. Samai believes her mother’s light skin rose suspicions, and that some village informants exposed her. Later, the Khmer Rouge cooperative chief named Chham re-assigned Samai’s mother to another work location where she would work to make fish paste. At that time, 20-year old Samai had just given birth to her first child, so the Khmer Rouge didn’t approach her about leaving with her mother. Two days after Samai gave birth, the Khmer Rouge transferred Samai’s 58-year old mother to the mobile brigade station and subsequently took her mother to another unknown location. Samai never saw her mother again, but heard rumors that the Khmer Rouge had killed her.
Soon after, the Khmer Rouge returned to the village to search for Samai. Samai successfully evaded their attempts by hiding with her newborn daughter in mounds of hay. The Khmer Rouge continued to look for Samai, returning to her village several times a week and searching for her for up to an hour per visit. Samai remembers how she relied on her close family friend and Khmer Rouge group chief, Muon, in order to elude the Khmer Rouge. Muon and Samai had developed a good relationship while working in the mobile brigade together (Muon was the brigade chief and Samai was a group member). According to Samai, every time the Khmer Rouge sent word to Bung Kak about visiting the village, Muon warned Samai. With Muon’s help, Samai had enough time to hide with her daughter in the haystacks. While they hid in the haystacks, Samai remembers having to breast-feed her daughter to keep the baby from crying. When Samai wasn’t hiding, she resumed her life in the village. She remembers the Khmer Rouge installing loudspeakers to broadcast their town meetings to the public. During one meeting, she heard the Khmer Rouge refer to the Vietnamese as the enemy and invader of Cambodia. From this statement and her personal experience, Samai says that the Vietnamese in DK had to either hide their ethnic backgrounds or escape the country in order to survive the regime.
Himh Saman
In addition to the few surviving ethnic Vietnamese in Prey Veng province, DC-Cam and I were able to locate an ethnic Vietnamese survivor in Svay Rieng province. In a 2008 interview, Himh Saman shared the story of how she and her part Vietnamese, part Chinese family survived the Khmer Rouge period. Saman’s father was 100% Chinese. He came to Cambodia when he was 18 years old and met Saman’s mother, a 100% Vietnamese woman, at Mesar Chhang Aok near the Cambodia-Vietnam border. They married and had four children named Ty, Savun, Savorn, and Saman. During the Khmer Rouge period, Saman’s three older siblings lived apart from the family in the mobile brigade unit, where they helped build dams and canals. Saman and her parents stayed at their hometown of Prasot village in Kandiang Reay commune, Svay Rieng district, Svay Rieng province. Saman’s parents and she spoke fluent Khmer, but Samai said no one dared to speak Vietnamese during the Khmer Rouge period.
Despite the perception that the Khmer Rogue hated the Vietnamese, Saman says the Khmer Rouge in her village treated the Vietnamese people in the same way they treated Khmer people. She remembers the harsh living conditions both groups endured: people were forced to do strenuous labor; there wasn’t enough food to eat; and when people became sick, there weren’t any hospitals or medicine to help them. Her father looked after buffalos, and her mother cared for the newborn babies of mothers who worked in the rice fields. At the time, Saman was ten years old and worked in the children’s unit. She remembers attending school for three hours in the morning, collecting human waste to use as fertilizer for the rice fields, and grinding rice through the afternoon. According to Saman, the Khmer Rouge assigned each child a quota of 105 kg of rice to grind every day. During the day, her parents and she worked separately, but at night, the Khmer Rouge allowed them to reunite and live in their own home.
Saman says the Khmer Rouge began to treat Vietnamese people differently when DK and Vietnam became embroiled in border disputes in 1977. She heard about cadres in nearby villages who collected and killed anyone with Vietnamese blood. Saman says that the people in her village did not act this way. In fact, even after 1977, the Khmer Rouge in Prasot still treated the Vietnamese and Khmer people equally. Saman believes that Vietnamese families such as hers were able to survive because of their local leaders. Before the Khmer Rouge came to power, Saman’s family maintained good relations with the cooperative and village chief, a man named Ta Yeoun. Saman believes that Yeuon did not disclose Saman’s family’s and other Vietnamese families’ identities in order to protect them from outside Khmer Rouge officers. She explains that top Khmer Rouge officials compiled a list of people to kill through information they collected from local leaders. If the local village and cooperative chiefs did not report any Vietnamese families to the commune or district chief, then the Vietnamese residents of those villagers faced very little threat of being targeted. However, if the local leaders did report to the top leaders, then the district chief would send security officers to the village and arrest the Vietnamese people. Saman said Yeoun never spoke to her about protecting her family. However, Saman recalls many times when outside Khmer Rouge officers visited her village and believed her family was Khmer. Yeoun knew that Saman’s family was Vietnamese, so Saman believes that he must have withheld the information from the outside Khmer Rouge. As a result, Saman’s family and the three other Vietnamese families in Prasot (the Man Sin family, the Seng family, and the Em family) were able to survive the Khmer Rouge period.
Common Themes from Personal Stories
The previous accounts from survivors of DK represent a variety of experiences. Their personal stories give us a glimpse into the day-to-day relationship between the Khmer Rouge and ethnic Vietnamese in DK. From their experiences, we can also draw out recurring patterns. We see that the local Khmer Rouge held tremendous power in their interaction with both Angkar and ethnic Vietnamese villagers. Whereas Angkar operated at the top policy level, local leaders such as the village chief interacted with people at a personal level. Their local knowledge was often utilized by Angkar to locate Vietnamese villagers. In some cases, local leaders may have reported Vietnamese villagers to Angkar, whereas in other cases, local leaders may have withheld Vietnamese people’s identities from Angkar. Local leaders could also directly aid or hinder Vietnamese people. Some personal stories spoke about local leaders who arrested Vietnamese families, and other stories talked about local leaders who protected Vietnamese villagers by warning them about an imminent Khmer Rouge raid of the village. Local leaders also held some control over how they implemented Angkar’s policies against the Vietnamese. The personal stories from Pochen Dam present an example of how local Khmer Rouge developed their own policy on which Vietnamese children to arrest, depending on whether their mother or father was Vietnamese.
From the personal stories, we also see that the Khmer Rouge often used people’s appearances to judge their ethnicity. People with light skin were often accused of being Vietnamese. Some interviewees also mentioned speech as an important signal of a person’s ethnicity. People who spoke Vietnamese, or people who couldn’t speak fluent Khmer or spoke Khmer with a different accent were also vulnerable to Khmer Rouge targeting. Interestingly, the Khmer Rouge’s treatment of ethnic Vietnamese in DK seemed to coincide with the Khmer Rouge’s political relationship with the VWP. Many interviewees remembered 1977, when the border conflict between DK and Vietnam began, as a significant turning point in the Khmer Rouge’s policy towards ethnic Vietnamese in DK. At that point, many people witnessed ethnic segregation, more Vietnamese disappearances, and more Khmer Rouge rhetoric characterizing the Vietnamese as the enemy. All interviewees who lost a Vietnamese family member or friend during the Khmer Rouge period also shared the common link of not knowing what happened to their loved one. In most cases, the Khmer Rouge used guises of “reeducation” and “arrest” in order to separate people from their families. As such, people generally shared stories about loved ones disappearing, and still today they remain unsure about their loved one’s final fate.
Conclusion
From my document and interview research in Cambodia, it’s clear that the Khmer Rouge executed a harrowing policy of genocide and ethnic cleansing towards the Vietnamese community in DK. Their genocidal policies were not as overt or large-scale as those of Nazi Germany, but the subtlety does not diminish the horror of the outcome or the tragic plight of the victims. While my paper provides some insight into the Vietnamese experience, further research should be pursued. Further research should focus on Vietnamese people from different regions of DK. Additional research focusing on the western regions of Cambodia would allow us to conduct cross-comparison of western and eastern people’s experiences. A closer investigation of Vietnamese survivors from Prasot village in Svay Rieng province (mentioned in Himh Saman's personal story) would also be beneficial. Because ethnic Vietnamese survivors are such a rarity, the Vietnamese survivors from Prasot could contribute a different perspective about the Khmer Rouge regime than people whose Vietnamese family members died or disappeared. Further research should also derive information from both villagers and former Khmer Rouge staff. By representing both sides of the issue, the next study could provide a more comprehensive account of the Khmer Rouge's policy and treatment of ethnic Vietnamese in DK.
Additional research will finally give voice to the Vietnamese minority who lived under the Khmer Rouge regime. Not only will the information address past injustices, but it will also contribute to a broader understanding of the relationship between political and ethnic conflict. Information related to the Vietnamese minority in DK will also apply to the current prosecution of crimes being conducted in the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC). Perhaps with more information about the Khmer Rouge’s systematic targeting and abuse of ethnic Vietnamese in DK, the ECCC prosecution could consider a genocide charge against the former Khmer Rouge leaders who instigated such policies. Indeed, current and future research about the Vietnamese minority in DK will hold implications for the academic, legal, and public communities.
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DC-Cam Director, Youk Chhang, Noted: 29 Vietnamese families have filed the petitions in 1976 with the Kampuchea-Vietnam Liaisons Committee in Ho Chi Minh city. They asked the Vietnamese government to look for their missing relatives in Cambodia during that time. The cases are being investigated by DC-Cam Research Team in both countries: Viet Nam and Cambodia.
Bibliography of Personal Stories
Data for the Personal Stories section of the paper were taken from the author’s 2008 interviews and the author’s review of interview transcripts and audiotapes from DC-Cam’s 1998 interviews.
The bibliography of each personal story is as follows:
Sun Sam
Interviews with:
Lach Ny, 1998
Sin Chaorn, 1998
Lach Nakk, 1998
Chum Chhean, 1998
Chuy and Ngam
Interviews with:
Doung Oeun, 1998
Sek Kroeung, 1998
Nut Ao, 1998 and 2008
Heng Huy, 1998 and 2008
Ngang Kok, 1998
Kim Va/Chuy Samin, 1998 and 2008
Seng Huor
Interviews with:
Khun Mon, 1998 and 2008
Chiep Lorn, 1998
Pek Pach, 1998
Khun Mut, 1998
Pok So Khom, 1998
Khun Samit, 1998
Meng Sim
Interviews with:
Peou Aong, 1998 and 2008
Ie Peou, 1998
Pheng Samai
Interview with:
Pheng Samai, 2008
Himh Saman
Interview with:
Himh Saman, 2008
[1][1] Kiernan, Ben. “External and indigenous sources of Khmer Rouge ideology,” The Third Indochina War: Conflict between
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The K5 Gamble: National Defence and Nation Building under the People's Republic of Kampuchea.
Publication: Journal of Southeast Asian Studies
Publication Date: 01-JUN-01
Slocomb, Margaret
How to access the full article: Free access to all articles is available courtesy of your local library. To access the full article click the "See the full article" button below. You will need your US library barcode or password.
COPYRIGHT 2001 Cambridge University Press
The K5 Plan for the defence of the Cambodian--Thai border was the response of the People's Republic of Kampuchea and its Vietnamese mentors to the threat posed by the resistance forces, particularly the Khmer Rouge, to its efforts to rebuild the nation and consolidate its administration. The very real defence gains, however, were made at the cost of bitter popular resentment over the way those gains were made . When the combined forces of the People's Army of Vietnam and the Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation declared victory over the armed forces of Democratic Kampuchea (the Khmer Rouge) on 7 January 1979, peace in Cambodia was still a distant goal. It soon became apparent that despite some heavy losses in the southeastern border regions, the Khmer Rouge had survived the massive Vietnamese-led military onslaught virtually intact and their 'defeat' was, in fact, a strategic withdrawal to the densely forested and largely inaccessible mountainous regions of northwestern Cambodia adjacent to the border with Thailand. The re-grouped Khmer Rouge fighting force remained at a fairly steady level of 30,000 to 35,000 troops throughout the decade of the People's Republic of Kampuchea (PRK). [1] Perched in their distant eyries, they loomed like a dark, predatory shadow over the new regime. The psychological warfare they so skilfully conducted was as threatening as their persistent sabotage of the provincial administrative system and their constant guerrilla activities. In June 1982, the Khmer Rouge were granted international recognition through the formation of the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea (CGDK), an unlikely, unstable and highly volatile melange of the radical communist Democratic Kampuchea, the republican Kampuchean People's National Liberation Front (KPNLF) and the royalist United National Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful, and Cooperative Cambodia (FUNCINPEC). This formalisation of anti-Vietnamese resistance awarded the three groups generous financial, military and logistical support from China, the USA and other Western powers, as well as ASEAN member states. The CGDK was also granted the right to occupy Cambodia's seat in the UN General Assembly. By the beginning of 1984, the Vietnamese seemed to have lost patience with the PRK's inability and apparent unwillingness to confront the military threat posed by the CGDK. Vietnamese troops were becoming bogged down in Cambodia and their prolonged presence there was as unpopular at home as it was abroad. The radical measures they proposed to win a definitive peace were formulated in what became known as the K5 Plan. In December 1984, General Le Duc Anh, one of the architects of the December 1978 invasion and commander of the Vietnamese 'volunteer forces' in Cambodia, outlined five key points which formed the strategic framework of Vietnamese military efforts towards the defence and consolidation of the Cambodian revolution: * Indochina was a single theatre of operations so a threat to the independence of one of the three countries was a threat to all * the success of the Cambodian revolution would be decided by the Cambodian people themselves * the people at the base had to be mobilised according to the principle that strength in national defence required the combined strength of the entire population * mastery had to be achieved on two fronts, on the Cambodia--Thailand border and in the interior of the country, and while both were important, the latter was decisive * and, finally, building the Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Armed Forces (KPRAF) was 'an urgent strategic demand of the Cambodian revolution' [2] Five years after the establishment of the PRK, bases housing some 230,000 Cambodian civilians and several thousand resistance fighters controlled by the Khmer Rouge, KPNLF and FUNCINPEC (and at least one base for members of the movement known as FULRO [3]) stretched along the full length of the Thai--Cambodian border from the junction with Laos to the southernmost part of Thailand's Trat province. The full force of the 1984-85 dry season offensive commenced in mid-December when 'an impressive offensive force of more than 30,000 Vietnamese troops equipped with Soviet-type heavy artillery and tanks, and supported by several thousand PRK auxiliary troops, were sent into action.' [4] By the end of that dry season, there were no resistance bases left on Cambodian soil. The 1984-5 dry season offensive was the most aggressive in the PRK's short history and its success was due in very large part to the preparatory work done by thousands of Cambodian civilians according to the K5 Plan (phaenkar kor prahm). Robert Karniol, a Canadian journalist who spent three weeks with resistance forces inside Cambodian territory in 1986, suggests that the name of that defence plan referred to five 'phases' within 'Vietnam's blueprint for ending the Cambodian conflict'. [5] These phases, he believed, involved the destruction of the border bases, sealing off the border with Thailand, mopping up resistance units in sweep operations, consolidation of the PRK regime, and the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Cambodia by 1990. In fact, however, as the citizens of the PRK realized, K5 referred specifically only to the second of these: the plan to seal off the border with Thailand in order to prevent further infiltration by CGDK forces. 'K' (kor, the first letter of the Khmer alphabet) referred t o the first initial of 'kar karpier' (defence). As the '5' suggests, this was the fifth plan of defence. In all, there were eight of these plans. K6, for example, referred to the defence plan for the belt around Phnom Penh (kar karpier kravat Phnom Penh). [6] From 1979 to 1984, Vietnamese forces had borne the brunt of the defence of Cambodia's border with Thailand. At the same time, the People's Army of Vietnam was heavily engaged in protecting Vietnam's own northern border against the very real threat of a second 'lesson' from China after the 1979 incursion. After five years, Cambodia was reasonably expected to shoulder its fair share of the burden. In January 1984, Le Duc Tho, a long-term ally of the Cambodian communist movement and the Communist Party of Vietnam Politburo member responsible for the Cambodian dossier, chaired a political seminar for the People's Revolutionary Party of Kampuchea (PRPK) Central Committee and the PRK Council of Ministers which focused on 'the urgent task of consolidating the grass-root infrastructure of the PRK regime, the imperative need for a definitive solution to eliminate the Khmer resistance movements, and the all-round integration of Kampuchea into the Indochinese Socialist Bloc.' [7] This seminar was most probably the genes is o K5.A defector from the PRK later reported that the K5 programme of border defence work was initiated in 'March 1984 under the supervision of a committee headed by [then] Foreign Minister Hun Sen and comprising a senior Vietnamese adviser and vice-ministers from each of the ministries...' [8] The committee he referred to was the Central Leadership Committee of K5 (kenna kommatikar doeknuam mechem kor prahm), However, Hun Sen, now Prime Minister, has denied that he was the head of this committee: K5 started in 1984 before I became Prime Minister. K5 was under the responsibility of the Ministry for National Defence. Responsibility was allocated to the provincial authorities along with the [military] division stationed in that area. The recruiting of new forces or the sending of the people to participate in the Plan had to be determined by sub-decree or a decision of the Council of Ministers. [9] Archival documents from the Council of Ministers and Council of State relating to KS rarely refer to its leadership. They often state that final responsibility for K5 belonged to the Party Secretariat and the Council of Ministers and, as implied in Hun Sen's statement above, the Chairman of the latter body was the nominal head of the Central Leadership Committee of K5, which was made up of Party officials and vice-ministers. The permanent deputy head was in charge of day-to-day affairs. Thus leadership of KS was provided by its Central Leadership Committee and within that by a Permanent K5 Commission. Soy Keo, Chief of General Staff and a Vice-Minister for National Defence, was the permanent deputy head of the K5 Committee [10] until his dismissal as Chief of Staff following the Fifth Party Congress of October 1985, when Nhim Vanda took over his K5 role. [11] Chea Dara was referred to as a Vice-Chairman of the Permanent KS Commission in April 1986, and an early 1987 document mentions Khvan Seam in the same ro le. [12] That same April 1987 document specifically names Nhim Vanda as 'Vice-Minister of the Ministry for Planning and Permanent Deputy-Head of the Central Leadership Committee of K5'; and in February 1989, Lt. Gen. Nhim Vanda was still the head (protean) of the Permanent K5 Commission. [13] All official documents relating to K5 refer to a decision of the Politburo, No. 228SRMCh of 17 July 1984, so that it can be assumed that the K5 Plan was officially adopted by the Party and the state on that date. The plan for sealing the Cambodia-Thailand border to prevent the infiltration of resistance troops and supplies into the interior of the country to support their guerrilla bases consisted of the construction of a barrage, 'a long fortification structure composed of a 700 km canal, doubled with a wall. In the form of a strategic arc, it will follow 10 km inside the land border from Laos...
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In Brief: PM decorates Vietnamese troops
The Phnom Penh Post
Written by Vong Sokheng
Friday, 12 September 2008
(Comments: If there are those who still believe that Hun Sen is not stooge of the Vietnamese and a trailtor to the Khmer Nation, just read this very brief article, but with devastating implications for the future of Cambodia and the Cambodian people, pasted below. concerning Hun Sen recent decision to honor by decorating Vietnamese officers for 'saving' Cambodia. This is amounting to thanking the Vietnamese for taking over Cambodia, lock, stock, and barrel.
Think again, those Cambodians, especially those who are living in a free country like in this country, who recently were so excited about the Preah Vihear row with thailand, hgone to defend Hun Sen and his fake claim to defend Khmer heritage and national interests, Preah Vihear.
Wake up these so-called nationalists before it is too late. Hun Sen is a trailtor, he is not a defender of Cambodia's national interests.
Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. September 11, 2008)
-------------------------------------------------------------------Prime Minister Hun Sen awarded medals to 22 Vietnamese soldiers, ranging in rank from captain to colonel, in recognition of their role in providing technical and military hardware support to Unit 70 of the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces (RCAF), according to a document signed by the prime minister and dated July 2008. The document, obtained by the Post, said the medal is known as the sahametrei.
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Washington DC; August 31, 2008
Dear Mona:
Thank you for your email and your comments on the article on the new Hun Sen capitalists that I sent you earlier. I am pasting, below, a section that is in the link that I sent you entitled 'A suggested Roadmap to Freedom for the Cambodian People.' I encourage you to read more carefully a proposed comprehensive economic, political, international affairs, and social program that I sent you previously which drawn from a link to my web site. Please, find pasted below this part of the program of the recommendations without the supporting documents, that you should really keep in mind when discussing these issues with other people.
Since Hun Sen does not allow any studies on the horrible living conditions of the Cambodian farmers, one has to go to another country such Thailand to find out how bad the living condition of the Cambodian farmers is. Thus, I am pasting an article on how the Thai are suffering because of the recent large increase in the prices of oil and gas in the world and its impact on other the increase in the prices of other good and services.
From this article, one can easily conclude that how far worse the living condition of the Cambodian farmers would be. Because, if a country like Thailand where there is respect for the rule of law and political freedom, yet the Thai farmers nonetheless are suffering badly, from this thai situation one can easily imagine how horrific the situation of the farmers could be in a lawless country like Cambodia under the corrupt and dictatorial regime under Hun Sen and his extended family?
Warm regards.
Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D.
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Thailand; Where Are the Rice Fortunes?
(http://www.forbes.com/global/2008/0721/063a.html)
Laurie Burkitt 07.21.08
(Comments: this article on rice producers in Thailand can provide a glimpse at the Cambodian rice growers’ plight. Thailand where there is more respect for law and an independent judicial system, rice farmers are still being hard hit by the rising cost of fuel and its consequences on other cost such transportation. Just stop and think a minute about the situation of the rice farmers in Cambodia where there is no such respect for law and order and no independent judicial system under the Hun Sen and his CPP regime, we can imagine the level of suffering of the Cambodian farmers. The other thing to keep in mind is the fact that the Cambodian economy is under the monopoly of one company, SOKIMEX, which is co-owned by Hun Sen and his extended family and by Vietnam (60 percent). This situation can go a long way to explain why the majority of Cambodians are suffering from malnutrition and abject poverty, while the wealth of Hun Sen and his extended family and that of the Vietnamese Sok Kong continues to grow larger and larger. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. August 29, 2008)
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Thailand is the world’s biggest rice exporter, shipping 9 million tons of rice per year, and one of the most likely beneficiaries of soaring rice prices, up more than twofold in the past year to $860 per ton and up almost fivefold since 2001.
So far there is scant evidence of people getting wealthy off the bud. Nishita Shah’s family got its start in rice but nowadays makes its money in shipping. Dhanin Chearavanont’s CP Intertrade is one of the country’s biggest rice exporters though it barely registers a blip in terms of his fortune. Niti Osathanugrah has a 2.5% stake worth just $1 million in President Rice. The only other publicly traded Thai rice company, Patum Rice Mill & Granary Public Co. Limited, has a market cap of merely $89 million and no individual shareholders who qualified for Thailand’s Top 40.
Worst off are the country’s nearly 22 million rice farmers who can barely stay in business. On average, they sell 6 to 8 tons of rice per year for a mere $418, according to Sompron Isvilanonda, a professor of agriculture at Kasetsart University in Thailand.
Most of the country’s 100-plus rice trading companies are struggling, too, typically earning net margins of just 2%, as they face intense competition at home and from rice manufacturers in countries like Vietnam, China and India, not to mention soaring costs to transport the rice.
At this point, “I’m reluctant to say that rice is profitable,” says Korbsook Iamsuri, secretary general of the Thailand Rice Exporters Association, whose family owns exporter Kamolkij, which controls 5% of the market.
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World order according to Confucius
ON WORLD ORDER:
"To put the world in order, we must first put the nation in order;
To put the nation in order, we must put the family in order;
To put the family in order, we must cultivate our personal life;
And to cultivate our personal life, we must first set our hearts right."
Confucius (551 - 479 B.C.)
A suggestion on the Roadmap to Freedom for Cambodia
Initial Conditions and a Suggested Roadmap for the Survival of Cambodia and Conclusion
Diagnostics:
Despite recent high growth rate of GDP, the finding & conclusion on why Cambodia is a failed state remains unchanged, and can be summarized as follows: The contributing internal and external factors to this failure are:
I. Internal problems
(For more details on the internal problem under the dictatorship of Hun Sen and his CPP, please, see a recent report (February 2008) by Mr. Yash Ghai, the special Representative of the United Nations Secretary General on Human Rights in Cambodia, posted just below). Judging from its current state of affairs in Cambodia, namely:
a. Systemic and pervasive corruption
b. Uncontrollable illegal Vietnamese immigration. No result from a recent population census was allowed by the CPP to be published on the number of Vietnamese living legally or illegally in Cambodia
c. Abject poverty, extreme imbalance in income distribution. Cambodian economy is controlled by Hun Sen and his extended family as reported by 'Global Witness;' according to a legal analysis (Due dlligence) done by an American legal firm on SOKIMEX, it was revealed that it has the monopoly of all he most important industrial and trade activities in Cambodia, it also was revealed that SOKIMEX is controlling more than 80 percent of all manufacturing and services business in Cambodia, is 60 percent owned and managed by Sok Kong, (a Vietnamese citizen and a close friend of Hun Sen).
d. Systemic destruction of the environment
e. Epidemic spread of AIDS
f. Human traffic especially women and child prostitution and trade
g. Concentration of wealth and land ownership due to insatiable appetite for wealth accumulation by members of the CPP and FUNCINPEC, and the eviction and the taking over of the land from the poor.
h. Gross abuse of human rights and other civil rights
i. Extremely weak legal framework and the politicization of the judicial system, especially the use of the courts of justice to oppress and suppress members of the opposition parties
j. The sale of diplomas and degrees at the high school and university levels has jeopardized the future of Cambodia by diluting the quality of manpower, thus economically disadvantages Cambodia vis-à-vis other countries in this very competitive world.
Conclusion: Cambodia is a failed state.
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II. External problems
a. Until very recently, Cambodia was facing aggression from both Siam and Dai-Viet. However, since early 1990, because of the changes in the political system in Thailand, this country has become much less of a problem for Cambodia. By contrast, Vietnam, because of the autocratic and totalitarian nature of its political system remains extremely dangerous for the survival of Cambodia.
b. In dealing with Vietnam naked aggression, Cambodia must start reforming from within. The main obstacles are the strong grip of power in Cambodia by the Hun Sen and his CPP with Sihanouk’s support. Therefore, isolating Sihanouk by fully protecting and implementing the content of the constitution is the first step. The next step is to use non-violent means to remove Hun Sen and his CPP from power. It will not be easy, but it can be done.
c. There is no question in my mind that, Cambodia can learn a great deal from the experiences of Thailand and Vietnam in fighting and overcoming their own respective foreign aggressions. Their experiences clearly show, that only by fundamentally reforming their society, and by embracing new honest and capable leaders, could they recover from national disaster caused by foreign aggressions.
III. Conclusion and suggested roadmap
The main causes for these economic, institutional, legal, political, and social problems in Cambodia rest mainly on the legacy from the past, especially the institution of the monarchy. The Cambodian people’s blindness and irrational trust and belief in the institution of the monarchy incarnated and perpetuated until today, by the concept of the god-king, since the Angkorian era, and exploited by King Sihanouk for his personal ego and his family’s benefit, also contributes to the downfall of the Cambodian society and nation.
The pervasive and crushing role of the monarchy combined with the conservative nature of the Cambodian society, such as the belief in prophesies and the rigidity in social organization and behavior contribute to the inertia and the inability to allow new and capable leadership to emerge and entrepreneurial spirit. This, in turn, leads to the inability to resist foreign aggressions, especially today naked and unrelenting aggression from Vietnam, and to keep Cambodia underdeveloped for lack of entrepreneurial spirit, and talents.
Only by a progressive and systemic overhaul of the Cambodian society can these problems be gradually being improved, thus allowing the Cambodian people to survive and to prosper.
Cambodian Diaspora can and must play a positive role in this endeavor, by taking full advantage of their freedom and accessibility to education and management and skill formation for the pursuit of material and spiritual well-being, and last but not least, by exercising their constitutional rights to participate fully in the democratic process in those Western democratic countries to influence and to bring about international support to Cambodia. However, the main effort remains in the hands of the Cambodian people themselves.
The protection of the rights of the Cambodian people should be extended to include those Cambodians who are now living in the Southern part of Vietnam.
Their right, Security, and dignity as a minority must be accepted and respected by Vietnam as Cambodia has already accepted this principle regarding the Vietnamese living in Cambodia.
The right to return to Cambodia (as Israel grants to all Jews living in the world) must also be granted to all those Khmer Krom who choose to come and live in Cambodia. This can only be done, if and only if, there is a genuine and representative government in Cambodia that can and want to protect all Cambodians against foreign aggressions.
On the economic and social front, the first corrective measure is to deal with extreme income inequality. Although significant real growth rates have been recorded in the last few years, due mainly to large inflow of foreign investment (mainly from South Korea and China, and other South East Asian countries), because of the concentration of wealth ownership in the hands of the few (Hun Sen and his extended family, and foreigner, especially the Vietnamese=owned SOKIMEX), all income been accumulated by the few politically-powerful families and their friends
Recent increase in inflation rate caused by the spike in the prices of oil and gas, and the prices of primary commodities, especially rice and other consumer goods, has exacerbated the level of poverty of the majority of the Cambodian people whose income is derived from the agricultural sector. Normally, the increase in the prices of primary commodities should favor those who make their living in the agricultural sector, i.e. the peasants.
However, this is not the case for Cambodia, as the intermediaries who collect the primary products from the peasants, do not pass on the benefit of these price increases to the peasants. A possible remedy is to have a non-profit and autonomous organization whose role is to facilitate the transfer of price increase to the primary commodities growers, and not to the intermediaries.
The other main measure is the dismantling of the monopoly of SOKIMEX in the industrial and financial sectors, especially in the petroleum sector and tourism. Finally, the adoption of an anti-corruption is a necessary condition to set the stage for a better and more equitable income distribution and the alleviation of the abject poverty of the majority of the Cambodian people who depend for their livelihood on the agricultural sector. Last but not least is to make sure that the rich and the powerful pay their income and wealth tax.
This can be done only if there is a law to make sure that Hun Sen and members of his extended family make public the amount of the enormous wealth they own, and on which would pay due wealth and income tax, in order to render less vulnerable the economy of Cambodia. A program of economic structural diversification must be put in place, backed up by an encompassing reform in the quality and level of education in order to increase the level of productivity and the income of the workers in all sectors in the Cambodian economy, and also to attract more foreign investment.
The role of the government should not be one of confrontational but one of an open partnership in development with both labor and management in the private sector. finally, the Cambodian government should use the forthcoming income from oil and gas to develop further physical and intellectual infrastructure in the form of building roads, bridges, roads, airport, sea ports, schools, and higher learning institutions.
On the legal front, the rule of law must be fairly but strictly implemented, especially the anti-corruption law, without which there is no hope for change in Cambodia in the political, economic, and social fronts .instituted. Only with an independent and non-politicized judicial system can this encompassing program be implemented.
In order to carry out all these required objectives and reform an honest, capable, and responsible government must be instituted. That kind of government does not exist, at the moment, in Cambodia.
The United Nations and NGOs can play a crucial role in this case.
It would not be an easy process to implement this suggested roadmap to Freedom for the Cambodian people, in view of the current state of lawlessness and pervasive corruption that exist now in Cambodia under the Hun Sen regime with the full support of Sihanouk.
Is the current dismal situation in Cambodia intractable?
The answer is Yes!
Is this situation impossible to change?
The answer is No!
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US diplomat gets his Final Say
Written by Rpoger Mitton
Phnom Penh Post, Monday, 25 August 2008
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------(Comments: although U.S.Ambassador Mussomeli' s interview (I had the opportunity to brief Ambassador Mussomeli on the situation of Cambodia, just before he went to take up hisambassadorial post in Phnom Penh, three years ago) given to the Phnom Penh Post sounds rather optimistic in his conclusion, he nevertheless pointed out to the fundamental problems that Cambodia is still facing under Hun Sen,; that is pervasive corruption and the absence of the rule of law, and an independent and depoliticized judicial system. What he did not say is the fact that there is no credible opposition leaders, including Sam Rainsy whom Mr. Mussomeli had alluded to briefly in this interview.
He also totally avoided to address the role of Sihanouk in the Cambodian tragedy, who gave his total support to Hun Sen ot avoid being brought to the KRT Trial by Hun Sen for his role and alliance with the Khmer Rouge during the so-called liberation war against Hun sen and Vietnamese invaders. Sihanouk's total support of Hun Sen also has silenced the oppostion by using the judicial system under his control. The two main opposition leaders, Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha; who are much aware that Sihanouk is totally backing Hun Sen, they would not dare to challenge Hun Sen, as to challenge Hun Sen is equivalent to challenging the God-King himself. For most Cambodians, Sihanouk is still a God-King, highly revered and feared.
The interview was cleverly and diplomatically crafted in order to reflect the misconceived and dangerous foreign policy to promote the closeness and alliance between the United States and Vietnam under the Bush administration in order to fight against the emerging role of China in the world; while was still able to point out the major flaws in the Cambodian society; namely, pervasive corruption and the absence of the rule of law, and not to mention the fact that he did not talk at all about Sihanouk's role in this cambodian tragedy, which is still going on. He is, no doubt, a sincere friend of Cambodia, but, he is also an envoy of the Bush Administration.
So, please, read with caution this apparently optimistic interview of Mr. Mussomeli. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washngton D.C. August 28, 2008)
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Outgoing US Ambassador Joseph Mussomeli finds Cambodia 'mesmerising' but says much still needs to be done to bring good governance to the Kingdom
Profile Joseph Adamo Mussomeli
· Born May 26, 1952, in New York City
· Education Spent two years at Rutgers University before dropping out and becoming an upholsterer. Spent several months hitchhiking through Europe before returning to the US and graduating from Trenton State College in 1975 with a BA in political science. In 1978 he received a juris doctor degree from Rutgers Law School.
· Career Mussomeli entered the US Foreign Service in September 1980 and has served in Cairo, Egypt, as a general service officer. He served in Manila as a consular officer from 1984-1986. His subsequent tours included: North Korea Desk Officer (1986-1988); Senior Watch Officer (1989-1990); Economic Counsellor in Colombo, Sri Lanka (1990-1992); and Inspector for the Office of Inspector General (1992-1994); Political Counsellor in Rabat, Morocco (1995-1998); Deputy Chief of Mission in Manama, Bahrain (1998-2001); and as a member of the Senior Seminar (2001-2002). He concluded a tour as Deputy Chief of Mission in the Philippines (2002-2005) before being named the US ambassador to Cambodia in June 2004.
· Family Married to Sharon Flack Mussomeli, who is also a foreign service officer. They have three children: Isaac, age 24, Alexis, age 22, and Thomas, 4, who was adopted in the Philippines.
Source: US Embassy Phnom Penh Website
During your time here, you've often met Prime Minister Hun Sen. What's your impression of him?He's smart. He's down to earth. You can talk bluntly with him, as long as you are not obnoxious. We've disagreed quite forcefully on several things, but it's OK. I think perhaps like other prime ministers and presidents and even ambassadors, he doesn't always get all the information he needs - bad news especially is held back and that's not good. But we get along very well on a personal level. His sense of humour is almost as terrible as mine. He does have a strong emotional streak, but lots of people do. So, yeah, I like him.He is the region's longest-serving elected leader and says he'll stay on as long as people want him. Some even think his son, Hun Manet, will take over after him. Does that worry you?Not necessarily because of Hun Manet - you know, there are some good historical, even Asian examples of next-generation leaders who really carry out the reforms that the older generation shied away from. And most of the next generation here, whether you are talking about the PM's son or the DPM's or anyone else's, are Western-educated. So there are all sorts of possibilities. But, yes, it's true that you don't know if you have a real democracy until you have a peaceful transfer of power.So we don't know if there's real democracy here, and many disagree with your view that last month's election was the freest ever held in Cambodia. How do you respond?It was a flawed election. Nobody says otherwise. We were careful not to say it was free and fair. We just said it was the best so far. And the best so far doesn't mean it's good enough. But we don't think it's productive to keep harping on the fact that it's not good enough. After all, there were some really good things about this election. The lack of violence for the most part. The greater access to the media, although completely inadequate still.The CPP would have won the election anyway, even if there had been equal access to the media [for the opposition], but I think the numbers would have been considerably different. They would still have had an absolute majority, but that isn't what they wanted. So they don't get a passing grade on media access. It still needs more openness.... I always say that modern Cambodia is only a 15-year old country. Give it some time. It's still an adolescent. It's still developing. And it is very special.After the war, with the help of the United Nations, it did resurrect itself. And we, as members of the UN, have a stake in its future. Where do we go from here, now that the CPP has a healthy majority?Well, they are in charge of everything now. There are two upsides to that. First, if things go well, the CPP gets most of the credit. But if things go wrong, whether on human rights or economically or whatever, it's their fault. There's no one else to blame now.The second upside is that it could help stop some of the corruption. Now you have a majority on your own; you don't have to give things to people to get them to join a coalition government. You don't have to play fast and loose so much in order to stay in power. The downside, however, is even more obvious. Nobody in their right mind wants any party, in any country, whether it's America or England or wherever, to be too powerful. It just goes against our democratic instincts. We don't trust people with power. It can make them too hubristic, too arrogant, too confident. And that can cause trouble.Will the opposition help curb that potential for trouble?The opposition is committed and determined. Sam Rainsy in particular is a very smart man. He has many good ideas. And he's also clearly a very patient and resilient man, which is good. But I don't know what the future will bring. There's a whole new generation waiting out there, and they will be so different from their fathers and grandfathers. We really have a bifurcated country here. We have those who suffered through the genocide of the civil war and the foreign invasions. And we have this new generation, more than 50 percent of the population, who don't know any of that. So it's going to be an interesting place for the next 10 to 20 years.Over that time, do you think the Cambodian economy will continue to do well?It has some vulnerabilities, but then people have long said that. When I first arrived here three years ago, they said it was going to be a mess - that the garment industry was going to collapse, tourism was going to be saturated and agriculture was destined to have a bad crop. None of that has happened yet. Of course, I'm still worried about all those things, but for now, it isn't going too badly. If we could expand and diversify the economy, it would do even better. Diversifying the economy seems to have been a dream for a long time.Well, we now have a window of opportunity because Cambodia is stable enough to be rediscovered, at least for Americans, and to generate more interest in business. Now that Vietnam and Thailand are getting more expensive and are more difficult to work with sometimes, this country is becoming very tempting. And it has good potential because Cambodians themselves make it more attractive. They all want to speak English. They have no sense of xenophobia that you find to the east and west. It's a pleasant place for business. So you encourage American businessmen to come here?Yes. Of course, there will be a very frank talk about corruption and how to avoid it. And about engaging early on with the highest levels of government in case you run into trouble. Because the last thing the government here wants is complaints from American business and the American government that there is extortion or blackmail. Is the corruption situation improving?I wouldn't say it's improving, that's too pollyanna-ish. I think the government has the political desire to tackle corruption, but I'm not sure they have the political will. They know that it is bad and that they aren't going to be able to take this country where they want to take it with this amount of corruption. But actually dealing with it, on a practical basis, is much harder.Why is that?Well, you don't really have a rule of law here. So when you say corruption, you almost miss the mark. It's really a culture of individuals with power and money, rather than a culture of law. And that's what makes any sane businessman nervous. What you want is an independent judiciary that understands contracts and enforces things. And you don't even have that for the most part. The culture of impunity is still too deeply embedded. The atmosphere is better now and people feel more relaxed and there's a more normal society developing, but I wish I could have pushed that along more. When I talk about this, I always tell the Cambodians that we put around 600 US government officials in jail every year for corruption. It reminds me that we also have a corrupt society and that we are doing the right thing about it. We're putting them in jail. There's no shame in admitting corruption; the shame is in denying it and not doing something about it. How are US-Cambodia relations?Getting better. After 50 years of misunderstanding and suspicion, we're laying a foundation for a healthy, normal, multifaceted relationship. The Cambodians are incredibly helpful on issues that matter to us. On counterterrorism, nobody tries harder than the Cambodians. And on counternarcotics, health issues, the return of remains from the Vietnam era and so on, they're a model for much of the region.It is nice that we have had tangible progress. And it is good that we can talk openly and frankly with this government and this people and not be so misunderstood as in the past. But it would be foolish to be too optimistic because the underlying suspicions and distrust are still there. It's going to take at least another 10 years of commitment and focus from both sides for it to be a really good relationship.Hun Sen has never visited Washington, and no American president has ever visited Cambodia. Why? You're right. One of the things that is really missing in the relationship is bilateral engagement. While it's good to have ship visits, which we got for the first time since the war, and to have the Peace Corps here, and to have a trade and investment framework agreement and so on, Cambodia really wants more recognition from the United States. High-level delegations, not necessarily a presidential visit here, but maybe a visit the other way to Washington, that would do well. We've never had a high-level visit, although we may soon get Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte.On a person level, have you enjoyed your time here?Very much. Even if I had not been ambassador, this would have been my favourite tour. Cambodia is so different and so mesmerising - the people, the culture, the country. It is just very special. I've travelled to all the provinces, and I have a map in my office with all the flags in it showing where I've been. I'm leaving it for my successor [Carole Rodley] so she'll be jealous. So you will leave feeling pretty positive about this place?Yes. Cambodia has the potential to be a different Asian country. It was so broken, and it then got such a commitment from other countries that it could remold and resurrect itself - so that it's still very Asian and at the same time more open and pluralistic and tolerant and Western-focused than Vietnam or Thailand or any of the others could ever be.
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QUESTIONS SURROUNDING PREAH VIHEAR
Alternatives Watch – July 2008
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(Comments: this excellent article by Ung Bun Ang, a former Sam Rainsy senior party member and a former senator, covers a good background information on the unfortunate recent row between Thailand and Cambodia on the issue of Preah Vihear listing as a world heritage by UNESCO. I would like to add only a few questions for those who got so excited and misled by Hun Sen to make Thailand another enemy of Cambodia.
Since when Hun Sen is known to ahve defended the Cambodian national interests? Is not he a stooge of Vietnam?
Between Thailand and Vietnam, which one is the worst enemy of Cambodia?
Both countries have sizable Cambodian minorities (Khmer Surin in Thailand, and Khmer Krom in Vietnam) in their respective country. Which one has committed geneocide against the Cambodian minority?
Can Cambodia aafford to fight against both Thailand and Vietnam at the same time?
Does Thailand contentious claim on Preah Vihear, oconcern only the land surrounding the temple or the temple itself? Did Thailand reject the Wolrd court of Justice's decision in the early 1960's to give Preah Vihear temple to Cambodia?
Which of the two countries (thailand or vietnam) is more deadly to the survival of Cambodia as a nation and a society?
Finally, domestic politics play a large role in this dispute; Hun Sen and his CPP was running for the 2008 national assembly elections, while in Thailand, the opposition to the present Samak's government, which represents taksin's interests has been trying to topple that government. The Thais also know that Hun Sen is a long time friend and close business partner of former Thai prime minister Taksin. This makes the Thais suspicious of the Preah Vihear listing by UNESCO a a world heritage monument by the present Thai government. Hun Sen also wants to diflect the attention of the Cambodian people from the centuries old imperialist policy by the Vietnamese in Cambodia by making the Thais look worse than they really are. Please, keep these in mind in trying to answer those questions that Iposted earlier.
I hope these questions would help those Cambodians who recently got so excited that they simply overlooked the fact that they were fooled by Hun Sen's Machavellian mind to make Thailand the worst enemy of Cambodia, and Vietnam the hero and savior of Cambodia.
Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. September 2, 2008)
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The Preah Vihear dispute raises serious doubt if the Cambodian
government has carried out sufficient due diligence to protect
national interests. Negotiations between governments of Thailand and
Cambodia before they broke down had been so shrouded with secrecy that
there are now more questions than answers.
In negotiations prior to listing the temple in July 2008 as a World
Heritage Site with UNESCO, the Thai government appeared generous in
its initial proposal to put into a joint administration with Cambodia
a large chunk of its territory north of the border line. The border
line was established in 1907-08 by the Commission of Delimitation
between Indo-china and Siam under the Treaty of 13 February 1904.
Based on this border line, the International Court of Justice in The
Hague ruled in June 1962 that the temple was wholly located in
Cambodia.
Why did Thailand agree to turn a territory already under its
legitimate control into a “disputed area” under a joint
administration? Perhaps because the proposed area would also include
Preah Vihear and its surrounding that the ICJ ruled in favour of
Cambodia.
The Cambodian government, on the other hand, initially used the ICJ
ruling in its application to list Preah Vihear. But it later reduced
the area to the extent that the border line would now be adjacent to
the eastern side of the Preah Vihear, leaving a section of the
temple’s stair in the disputed area.
Why did the Khmer government make the reduction? Maybe it wanted to
remove a Thai objection to the initial proposal, or to secure a Thai
support for the listing. This means, according to this thinking,
Thailand would have a say in the matter. As it turned out, Thailand
did not. The UNESCO approved the Cambodian application despite the
Thai objection, which was maintained to the end. This raises further
questions: why did the Khmer government not revert back to its
original proposal after Thailand withdrew its support? Was it aware
that Thailand would not have much say in matter? If not, why not?
Another puzzle is why the reduction, which has effectively widened the
disputed area, left out part of the stair. There must be a reason.
It seems such a successful listing with part of the temple’s stair
sticking out to the widened disputed area could now give Thailand a
perpetual opportunity to challenge. It could weaken the legitimacy of
the ICJ ruling, and thus the integrity of the 1907-08 border line,
which Thailand has argued against all along. One of the Thai
persistent arguments is that the ICJ handed Cambodia the Preah Vihear
building, not the ground underneath and surrounding.
The government led celebrations after the listing may have
overshadowed the need to secure the national heritage and territory.
The government needs to focus on the real challenge Thailand has
persistently imposed on Cambodia. It ought to let nothing other than
national interests drive its agenda, or to muster expertise and
experience in international law and diplomacy to deal with the issue.
Ung Bun Ang
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Cambodia – Hun Sen – King of Corruption and Rannariddh - Prince Pathetic
Khmerization; Friday, August 15, 2008
(Comments by Khmerization: Dear All; The following very interesting piece of comments was written and sent to Khmerization by Mr. Colin Pratt, an Australian ex-diplomat to Cambodia and a long term close confidant of ex-King Sihanouk, who knew Prince Sihanouk personally very well since the 1960s and who acted as an advisor to the Khmer Resistance Movement in the 1980s and, like Mr. Julio Jeldres, he was very active in the Paris Peace Accords. He is man who should know to the bones about the mores of all Khmer leaders. He had written a book about Khmer recent events titled "Killing The Khmer 1997".)
His comments below are very interesting indeed.
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By Mr. Colin Pratt
As the city of Phnom Penh is seized by a land sales price bubble, with black money poured in by gulled foreign investors, the rural outlands are suffering a fate exceeded only under Khmer Rouge rule.
For over 1,000 years the Khmer peasant has had a hard but survivable and satisfying life in a land of plenty.
Now, there is widespread distress and even starvation in outlying regions. While the few sycophants of Phnom Penh live off the riches allotted them by the King of Corruption the majority of the Khmer live in conditions that are truly appalling.
The schools and medical centres that were opened in the Sihanouk years and destroyed by the Khmer Rouge have not been restored by the CPP government. Showtime openings of schools by the King of Corruption are shams as the “new” school closes as soon as he departs.
The recent election was run on a doctored voters role and continues the corrupt election practices of the past. The cowed people fall into line for fear of repercussions for opposing the corrupt authorities.
Basically the causes of this tragedy are twofold. First the evil presence of Hun Sen who was trained by the Khmer Rouge and attended finishing school in Communist Vietnam. This imitation of a man thrives on duplicity and terror, never hesitating to “erase” opposition and reward support with bribes and favours.
The second contributor to the Khmer degradation has been the incredibly dishonest and gutless yet monumentally puerile behaviour of some of the potential opposition figures headed by that absolute travesty of humanity, Ranariddh. This poor excuse for a man has betrayed every principle of Khmer decency and national aspiration. He has been a basic cause in the tragedy that is Cambodia today.
The coming economic decline will further devastate the poor Khmer but Hun Sen and his family and cohorts will rest easy in their swollen foreign bank accounts. Hun Sen will continue his grand plan, that of having his son succeed him as Cambodian strongman. The only, continuing irritant to this dictator is the fact of the one man who is more popular and who has more respect, King Father Norodom Sihanouk who is unassailable.
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The Khmer Krom and the Khmer Rouge Trials
By Dr. John D. Ciorciari
Shorenstein APARC, Stanford University and
Senior Legal Advisor to the Documentation Center of Cambodia
(Comments: this is an excellent article for those who want to understand the tragedy of the Khmer Krom. This article also shows how difficult it is to resolve the Khmer Krom and to help them to survive as a human group within the Cambodian or Vietnamese community.
This is also a reminder to those who want to take the land of Kampuchea back by forces of arms (Please, also see the exchange of emails between a Vietnamese- Australian and me on the deadly relations between Cambodia and Vietnam, posted just below this article). The only solution is how to allow the Khmer Krom to survive the Vietnamese Genocide. Only by using non-violence and with the commitment of the Cambodian government to help them, can the Khmer Krom have any chance to survive.
However, the Hun Sen is not only uncommitted to help the Khmer Krom, but instead, is working with his boss the Vietnamese, to eliminate the Khmer Krom from the surface of the earth. Next, is the Khmer Kandal (Cambodian in present day Cambodia) who are already fast shrinking under the Vietnamese "Nam Tien" (or Southward March,) now the westward March has begun.
Wake up Cambodians!! Preah Vihear is nothing compared to the Vietnamese determined and century old genocide. The Thais are not going to take back Preah Vihear, it is already accepted by the international community. Don't be fooled by Hun Sen's trick to make him look more nationalistic than he really is. Hun Sen is not a Cambodian patriot, but, he is a traitor to the Cambodian people.
Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. August 3, 2008)
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For centuries, ethnic Cambodians known as Khmer Krom (literally “the lower Khmers”) have inhabited the fertile lowlands around the Mekong River delta. They once occupied the southeastern lobe of a sprawling Khmer empire, and they retain deep linguistic and cultural links to Cambodia. However, after centuries of Vietnamese expansion and colonial rule, the Khmer Krom entered modern times living at the southern tail of the serpentine state of Vietnam. When tensions have flared between Cambodia and Vietnam, the Khmer Krom have often been caught in the middle. At times, their hybrid identity has enabled them to play the two national governments off against one another for profit, but in other cases perceptions of “dual allegiances” made the Khmer Krom targets for abuse. Never was their position more precarious than during the period of Democratic Kampuchea (DK). In this article, I briefly review the predicament of the lowland Khmers under Khmer Rouge rule and ask a legal question relevant to the proceedings at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC): should Khmer Rouge atrocities against Khmer Krom be treated any differently than abuses against other segments of the population?
Historical Background
The Khmer Krom have a complicated history. Until the 14th century, the delta region was predominantly Khmer, but Vietnamese influence in the area rose over time. By the late 19th century, when French authorities included the Mekong delta region in the colony of Cochinchina, a Vietnamese majority and large settlements of ethnic Chinese traders joined the lowland Khmer population in an ethnic mélange. Although roughly one million ethnic Khmers lived in the area, they had become a relatively small minority by the era of South Vietnamese independence in the early 1950s. Nonetheless, Cambodians on both sides of the French-drawn boundary continued to refer to the delta as Kampuchea Krom (“lower Cambodia”), implicitly or explicitly expressing a sense of historical entitlement to the land.
During the Vietnam War, the U.S. government capitalized on that sense of injustice, training significant numbers of Khmer Krom to raise arms against the Viet Cong. Those lowland Khmer soldiers became known as “White Scarves” and later established the Struggle Front of the Khmer of Kampuchea Krom (KKK), an organization bent on the recapture of the delta for ethnic Cambodians. During the same period, Son Ngoc Thanh—who was himself Khmer Krom—attempted to revive the conservative Khmer Serei (“Free Khmer”) movement, oust Prince Sihanouk, and repel Cambodian communist advances. The Khmer Serei drew many of its guerilla soldiers from the lowland Khmer population. After Marshal Lon Nol seized power in the coup of March 1970, Son Ngoc Thanh became a cabinet minister and enlisted Khmer Serei soldiers in the country’s civil war. The Khmer Serei drew many of its guerilla soldiers from the lowland Khmer population.
Not all Khmer Krom aligned with the United States and local right-wing groups. In fact, two of the leaders of the Khmer Rouge movement—Ieng Sary and Son Sen—were lowland Khmers. Nevertheless, the prominent role that groups like the KKK and Khmer Serei played in both countries put the Khmer Krom in a precarious position after the Khmer Rouge and Vietnamese communist victories in spring 1975.
Khmer Krom in Democratic Kampuchea
Both Khmer Rouge and Vietnamese leaders viewed the Khmer Krom community with distrust, perceiving (correctly) that elements of the lowland Khmer community were engaged in resistance against their new regimes. Vietnamese troops continued to spar with KKK guerillas and saw the Khmer Krom population as a potential source of broader separatist movements that could challenge the Vietnamese concept of nationalism. Across the border, zealous Khmer Rouge revolutionaries had fresh memories of a war in which Khmer Serei troops had fought against them. They also saw the Khmer Krom as culturally impure and believed their twin cultural and political identities could complicate the business of constructing a new Cambodian state. Leaders in both countries feared that the lowland Khmers could serve as a channel for subversion by the dreaded American “imperialists,” whose deep footprints in Indochina had only begun to fade.
To make matters worse, many Khmer Krom became caught in the middle of rapidly deteriorating Viet-Kampuchean relations. Despite years of espoused “fraternity” during the Vietnam War, there was little love lost between new leaders in Phnom Penh and Hanoi. Almost immediately after the fall of Saigon, conflict erupted along their shared frontier. Spats over disputed islands in the Gulf of Thailand soon gave way to a simmering border conflict on the mainland. The border conflict became intimately entwined with questions of ethnic and national identity. Kampuchea Krom featured centrally in Khmer Rouge thinking. It represented a “lost province” and reminder of the historical humiliation that Cambodians had suffered during centuries of Siamese and Vietnamese expansion and subsequent imperial rule. As noted above, it was also a major source of perceived threat to the paranoid Pol Pot regime. Given their ability to blend into Cambodian society, Khmer Krom were potentially ideal agents for Vietnamese interference.
Targeting the Lowland Khmers
Few scholars have focused on the predicament of the Khmer Krom population during the DK era. The principal exception is Ben Kiernan, who conducted extensive interview research in and around Cambodia shortly after the fall of the Pol Pot regime. Kiernan has examined in great detail how the regime victimized various minority groups and elements of the ethnic Khmer majority population who were suspected of disloyalty to the revolution. His findings make it clear—from a historical if not legal standpoint—that Khmer Krom were sometimes singled out for particular abuse.
As one lurid example, Kiernan has described a series of events in the spring of 1976, when the Vietnamese army drove 68 members of the KKK fighters across the border into Cambodia. The Khmer Krom guerillas reached out to local Khmer Rouge officials, asked to meet with DK president Khieu Samphan, and voiced their desire to ally with DK forces against Vietnam. Their request was denied. Instead, their leader was taken to Tuol Sleng for torture and execution. The other 67 were driven off to face a firing squad. Despite obvious ethnic affinity, DK forces perceived Khmer Krom as a political risk, because they were identified with “annexationist” Vietnam and the dreaded American imperialists. Kiernan’s field research suggests that the KKK soldiers were identified as possible American spies or traitors for the most superficial of reasons, such as their long hair or habit of drinking milk (an “imperialist” beverage.)[1] That episode does not appear to have been unique. Kiernan also draws attention to killings of Khmer Krom in two southwestern districts—Prey Krabas and Bati—in 1975-76.[2]
The plight of the Khmer Krom only worsened over time. By 1977, a significant number of Cambodians in the DK “eastern zone” had defected across the border to join the resistance to the Pol Pot regime. Paranoia in Phnom Penh reached a crescendo, and the hunt for Vietnamese agents in Cambodia correspondingly peaked. Khmer Krom living in Cambodia were among the prime suspects. The convictions of the DK inner circle only grew after a few dozen Khmer Krom prisoners at the infamous Tuol Sleng Prison confessed—truthfully or simply to stop the torture—to spying for Vietnam. Similar abuses took place in the Kraing Ta Chan prison in Takeo, not far from the Vietnamese border. Documents from that prison—the only provincial prison to leave behind a large trove of paperwork—reveal that Khmer Krom were frequent suspects of espionage and other “counter-revolutionary” activities.[3] The documents suggest that most prisoners at the Kraing Ta Chan facility were Khmer Krom.
In 1977, other gruesome abuses against Khmer Krom took place in the Bakan district of Pursat province, shortly after the provincial chief was accused of treason by the central leadership in Phnom Penh. Through interview research, Kim Keokanitha has found that in Rumlech district, Khmer Rouge officials compiled personal histories of people working in the area cooperatives, identified Khmer Krom, and physically separated them from the rest of the community for observation. She shows that officials acting in the name of Angkar (the “Organization,” a term usually reserved for senior DK leadership) first sent Khmer Krom villagers to nearby Khnar Toteung sub-district. She then documents the disappearance and execution of lowland Khmers, noting that members of the ethnic Cambodian majority were spared that atrocity. Her interviews with numerous survivors suggest that Khmer Krom were targeted for execution due to their perceived links to Vietnam.[4] Kiernan’s research suggests that roughly 500 to 700 Khmer Krom were killed and dumped into mass graves.[5]
The Ironies of Khmer Rouge Policy
These and other attacks ironically took place during an alleged DK campaign to liberate Kampuchea Krom. In an infamous May 1978 radio address, Pol Pot attempted to rally the army and the population, painting the struggle with Vietnam as one of national and racial survival. He exhorted each Khmer Rouge soldier to “kill 30 Vietnamese” in view of Cambodia’s smaller numbers and urged the general population to resist Vietnam on all fronts “in defense of Cambodian territory and the Cambodian race.”[6] He also accused Vietnam of a plan to “swallow” Cambodia, first by capturing “Prey Nokor” (the Khmer name for Saigon) and then by attacking Phnom Penh. Pol Pot thus suggested that the Khmer Krom were part of a unified Cambodian “race” that needed to be liberated from venal Vietnamese rule. By 1977, DK forces were indeed funneling arms to Khmer Krom rebels in southern Vietnam to foment resistance against the central government in Hanoi.
The planned recapture of Kampuchea Krom became something of an article of faith in DK policy. For example, a set of ten key regulations at Tuol Sleng Prison included the following: “Do not make pretexts about Kampuchea Krom to hide your jaw of traitor.”[7] This awkward phrase suggests that at least some prisoners voiced support for the “liberation” of Kampuchea Krom to establish their bona fides with DK interrogators.
At the same time, as noted above, the Khmer Rouge inner circle oversaw a domestic political machine that was sending significant numbers of lowland Khmer suspects to prison or the grave. Kim points to evidence of a “political education meeting” in late 1977 or early 1978, in which Pol Pot himself hosted a group of Khmer Krom in the Olympic Stadium in Phnom Penh, telling them that he would “keep” only those who agreed to follow Angkar.[8] Drawing from interviews, Kiernan argues that by 1978, there existed a general nationwide DK policy of “screening” the ethnic Vietnamese and Khmer Krom populations and killing them. Kiernan also interviewed a number of lowland Khmers who were kidnapped by DK forces from Vietnamese soil and brought into Cambodia to perform brute labor. One interviewee noted that he and others denied their knowledge of Vietnamese, because to acknowledge they could speak the language would have meant almost certain death.[9]
Adjudicating Crimes against the Khmer Krom
It is beyond dispute that many members of the Khmer Krom community suffered grave abuses in Democratic Kampuchea. With the trials of at least five former Khmer Rouge leaders approaching, prosecutors and judges face an important legal question: should the abuses against the Khmer Krom be treated differently than offenses against other victims?
The Relevant Legal Provisions
International law has long included provisions designed to protect vulnerable minority groups. The 1948 Genocide Convention, drafted in the wake of the Nazi Holocaust, outlawed the intentional destruction of racial, religious, national, and ethnic groups. The offense of “crimes against humanity” also evolved to protect certain groups that had suffered frequent abuse throughout history. As developed at the International Criminal Tribunal at Nuremberg, it prohibited widespread or systematic attacks against civilian populations on racial, religious, national, ethnic, or political grounds.
Countless critics have argued that these definitions are too narrow, because they exclude certain types of victims from protection, and indeed the law has begun to change. Most notably, the 1998 Rome Statute broadened the definition of crimes against humanity to include attacks against any non-military civilian populations. However, the law governing the ECCC uses the traditional definitions, and there is a compelling legal reason for doing so. The Khmer Rouge regime committed its misdeeds in the late 1970s, and basic principles of justice require that a person can only be convicted for a crime that existed when he or she committed the acts in question. Most international jurists and scholars agree that as of the late 1970s, a defendant could be convicted of genocide or crimes against humanity only if he or she committed certain abuses against one or more specific protected groups.
To date, five former Khmer Rouge leaders—namely Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan, Ieng Sary, Ieng Thirith, and Duch—have been arrested and charged with crimes against humanity. None has yet been charged with genocide against the Khmer Krom. However, if such charges are brought, the question of how to characterize abuses against the lowland Khmers will become considerably more salient, because the ECCC provision against genocide does not protect political groups. Did the defendant(s) simply view the Khmer Krom as a group that had to be watched carefully for political reasons—like intellectuals or former city dwellers—or did the defendant(s) see the lowland Khmers as an ethnic group or part of a Vietnamese national group that had to be destroyed? The former may produce a conviction for crimes against humanity, but only the latter will lead to a guilty verdict for genocide.
Classifying the Khmer Krom
The law governing the ECCC offers no definition of racial, religious, ethnic, national, or political groups, but if past international practice is any guide, the court will almost certainly be willing to recognize some Khmer Krom individuals members of larger racial, religious, national, or political groups. For example, Khmer Krom attacked because of past affiliation with the conservative Lon Nol regime could constitute part of a protected political group. Similarly, Khmer Krom attacked for being Buddhist monks could comprise part of a protected religious group.
Collectively, the Khmer Krom arguably belong to one of two national groups. First, those who were Vietnamese citizens could be considered part of a Vietnamese national group. To include Khmer Krom in a protected Vietnamese national group, judges would need to conclude, on the basis of some evidence, that Khmer Rouge defendants perceived them as Vietnamese nationals and abused them on that basis. Khmer Krom who were Cambodian citizens are less likely to be considered part of a protected national group. Some scholars have argued that DK policies amounted to a form of “self-genocide” in which the Khmer Rouge sought to destroy the Cambodian national group “in part.” It is conceivable but unlikely that ECCC prosecutors would bring a case arguing that Khmer Rouge leaders targeted Cambodian citizens for genocide or crimes against humanity on the grounds of nationality.
Ascertaining whether the Khmer Krom constituted a distinct ethnic group is a thornier question. Under international criminal law, an “ethnic group“ usually refers to a minority population with distinct cultural or historical characteristics, such as a distinct language, religion or shared history. Detectable differences in between Khmer Krom and other Cambodians do exist—such as different linguistic accents and different habits of custom and dress. Objective cultural and historical differences between the Khmer Krom and the Khmer majority are relevant, because they are the basis upon which DK officials could distinguish between the two, but they are probably not enough to establish protected group status. The prosecutors would also need to show evidence that DK defendants perceived the lowland Khmers as a distinct ethnic group and treated them as such. That task could be more difficult.
Why Were the Khmer Krom Singled Out?
Of course, establishing that the Khmer Krom were a protected group does not mean that they were necessarily victims of genocide or crimes against humanity. To be held guilty of genocide, a defendant must have attempted to destroy a protected group in whole or in part. To be convicted of crimes against humanity, he or she must be guilty of “widespread and systematic” abuses against a protected group across a reasonably wide geographic area on the grounds of that protected group’s identity.
Historical evidence suggests strongly that the DK regime at least sometimes singled out Khmer Krom for criminal abuse on the basis of their perceived links to Vietnam. It is also easy to show that Khmer Rouge leaders frequently identified the Vietnamese as mortal adversaries, especially in the latter phases of their rule. As Kiernan, Alexander Hinton, and other scholars have emphasized, DK correspondence documents, radio addresses, and publications are replete with references to the dreaded yuon (a slanderous term for Vietnamese) and often disparaged domestic opponents as “Khmer bodies with Vietnamese minds.”
The much tougher legal (and historical) question is to determine precisely why the Khmer Krom were targeted. Was it primarily on the basis of their imputed politics, their identity as ethnic minorities, or their nationality as citizens of Vietnam? In some cases, when they were accused of being employed spies of the Vietnamese state, it may be fair for the ECCC to treat them as part of a protected Vietnamese national group. However, in many other instances, it appears that DK officials mistreated Khmer Krom due to a perception that lowland Khmers were likely to be politically sympathetic to Vietnam, the Lon Nol regime, or the United States. In those cases, the Khmer Krom look less like victims of targeted genocide than a subset of Cambodian victims of ideologically and politically inspired crimes against humanity.
Why the Khmer Krom Case Matters
One might ask why it is important to focus on abuses against the Khmer Krom, given that so many other groups also suffered unspeakable abuses at the hands of the Pol Pot regime. The Khmer Krom case is worth examining for at least two reasons:
Understanding the Tragedy
First, the ECCC’s role is partly to deliver justice and provide a definitive legal judgment but also to help Cambodians improve their understanding of the regime. What may sound like hair-splitting legal questions about Khmer Rouge intent are in fact fundamental to fathoming the Khmer Rouge tragedy. For years, scholars have engaged in furious debates over the driving impetus for Khmer Rouge atrocities. To what extent did racial or ethnic prejudices drive Khmer Rouge policies? To what extent were communist ideology or power politics responsible?
The debate about the motives for Khmer Rouge killing has immense historical importance. If one focuses on the genocidal or racist motives of Khmer Rouge abuses, one implicitly associates the Pol Pot regime with fascism and regimes on the far right of the political spectrum. If one stresses the ideological rationale for the killings, one shines light instead on the Maoist and Stalinist strands of Khmer Rouge policy. Most scholars have tilted toward the latter interpretation, and indeed much evidence supports placing priority on the political motives for DK terror. Khmer Rouge purges were often justified in richly communist terms. Officials frequently depicted them as efforts to defend “the revolution” against a wide range of “enemies” and “reactionary elements” working in tandem with foreign foes and “imperialists.” In the vast majority of cases, detainees at prisons like Tuol Sleng were accused of crimes like espionage and subversion that implied political motives for their mistreatment. Even when definable ethnic, religious, or national groups were clearly singled out for abuse, those offenses were often justified politically or occurred in the context of broader Khmer Rouge efforts to “screen” or “smash” perceived political foes.
Some evidence does exist to support the view that Khmer Rouge officials at various levels were driven partly by deep-seated racial animosity, particularly toward the Vietnamese. However, segregating racist and political motives is difficult. The perceived imperatives of “the revolution” may have allowed some Khmer Rouge officials to justify acting upon their ethnic or national antipathies. Ethnic and political motives also became entangled in Khmer Rouge discourse. Over time, the DK leadership began to emphasize the national and ethnic dimensions of the conflict with Vietnam. Was this the regime showing its true genocidal colors? Or was it simply an attempt to galvanize the beleaguered Cambodian masses and draw attention away from the bankruptcy and brutality of the Khmer Rouge’s domestic political regime?
The role of the ECCC is not to resolve longstanding scholarly debates about the fundamental nature of the DK regime. Its proceedings will rightly focus on particular defendants. Still, by choosing which prosecutions to undertake, holding public hearings, making arguments, and ultimately issuing verdicts, court officials can contribute meaningfully to an important debate. In that sense, the ECCC will play an important part in shaping the public’s understanding of the Khmer Rouge era.
Addressing Perceptions of Justice
The second reason why the Khmer Krom case is important has to do with perceptions of justice. Many victims of Democratic Kampuchea—including some lowland Khmers—rightly perceive certain aspects of their experiences as unique. Many believe that they suffered through “genocide,” in part because the popular connotation of that term has come to be associated with the very gravest of crimes in history. Some survivors of Democratic Kampuchea could therefore feel cheated if the ECCC does not conclude that they were not victims of genocide. The case of the Khmer Krom may prove to be contentious, because it sits close to the border of what might be considered ethnically motivated genocide or politically driven crimes against humanity. In fact, neither of these crimes is inherently “worse” than the other. Public education needs to dispel the notion that the absence of a genocide conviction signifies diminished acknowledgement of human suffering. Nevertheless, the label of “genocide” will remain powerfully evocative for the foreseeable future.
The ECCC has an obligation to deliver justice to victims, but it has an equally important obligation to advance what the relevant court officials believe—in their best professional judgment—to be the truth. This article has not attempted to adjudicate whether the Khmer Krom suffered abuses that meet the legal definition of genocide or whether they were victims of other similarly grave human right violations. The court can usefully contribute to this important debate by determining, on the basis of the best available evidence, how to most accurately characterize the conduct of the individual defendants now set to stand trial. In that manner, the ECCC will best deliver justice and best contribute to an enhanced public understanding of the Khmer Rouge tragedy.
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[1] Ben Kiernan, The Pol Pot Regime: Race, Power, and Genocide under the Khmer Rouge, 1975-1979 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996), pp. 1-4.
[2] Kiernan, p. 299.
[3] Roughly 1,000 pages of documentary material from Kraing Ta Chan are on file at the Documentation Center of Cambodia.
[4] Kim Keokanitha, “Rumlech Sub-district: Khmer Krom under Khmer Rouge,” unpublished essay on file with the Documentation Center of Cambodia.
[5] Kiernan, pp. 423-25.
[6] See “Cambodia’s Strategy of Defence against Vietnam,” Phnom Penh Radio Home Service, May 10, 1978, quoted in BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, FE/5813/A3/1.
[7] Tuol Sleng Regulations, No. 8. The regulations are reprinted in a number of secondary works, including Khamboly Dy, A History of Democratic Kampuchea (Phnom Penh: Documentation Center of Cambodia, 2007), p. 50. A photographic copy is on file at the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum.
[8] Kim, pp. 10-11.
[9] Kiernan, pp. 423-25. Timothy Carney makes a similar argument, asserting that a “nationwide campaign” against ethnic Vietnamese and Khmer Krom was in place by 1978. See Timothy Carney, “The Organization of Power,” in Karl D. Jackson, Cambodia 1975-1978: Rendezvous with Death (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press), p. 83, note 3.
Independently Searching for the Truth since 1997
MEMORY & JUSTICE
Youk Chhang, Director
Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam)
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Some revealing and sincere observations about the relations between Cambodia and Vietnam from a Vietnamese-Australian student
(Comments: some revealing and sincere comments from Peter Nguyen, a Vietnamese-Australian who recently sent the emails posted below. It is remarkable to hear Peter Nguyen apologized for all the mistreatment that Vietnamese did to the Khmer people in general. Peter Nguyen is a young student at a university in Australia is obviously very smart and aware of what is going on in the world and especially in what is going on between Vietnam and Cambodia.
His very thoughtful analysis on the relations between Cambodia and Vietnam has confirmed all the analyses that I have written on this subject in this and the other web sites. I have always said that it is Vietnam, which is the most deadly factor for the slow but certain disappearance of Cambodia in the not so distant future.
It is true that Thailand was the first to dismantle the Khmer Empire starting in the 13 Th century with the birth of the Kingdom of Sokhothai, known as the cradle of the Thai civilization, with Ram Kamheng as its most illustrious king. But, the Khmer Suring are well treated by the Thais and their cultural heritage is allowed to flourish. While the Khmer Krom in South Vietnam, are being culturally and physically eliminated slowly but surely. This is no more no less, a genocide.
Those who recently were so naive to be duped by Hun Sen in the context the recent row with Thailand over the issue of Preah Vihear, should think again. Do they want to the Khmer Surin to be mistreated by the Thai as the Vietnamese is doing to the Khmer Krom? Is not one enemy is enough? These narrow-mined and short-sighted Cambodian nationalists should think again. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. July 30, 2008)
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Submitted on Tuesday, 15 Jul 2008 15:10:14 +1000
Name: Peter Nguyen
Email: jd7772@msn.com
Hi Naranhkiri,
First let me introduce myself, I'm a Vietnamese-Australian and currently studying at Griffith University. I just started university and taking international relation as I have been interested in international politics since 14, now I'm 21.
As a Vietnamese I was not aware of much of the mistreatment of Cambodian by the Vietnamese people, that you have described and feel that I should make an apology on behalf of my people for the pain my people have caused the Khmers. My sincere apology again to your people.
Even though I'm a 1st year uni student and scored bad in my english exam; hence my bad spelling and grammar, you might find my talent quite useful. Before I start I just wanted to let you know I disagree with your constant assumption that Vietnam is all the cause of all Cambodia's problem.
Ok,the thing I want to point out is that your plan resembles any human rights activist plans... which is stress the problem to the public and appeal to the US government for help. I think you lack allot of tactics and understanding of the world politics. Not to be offensive but you seem to stress the problem not the solution like take down Hu Shen but not elaborate on how, your solution resolves around the fall of communism in Vietnam and begging US government to take another look at the problem which you don't understand can take decades. Also you understand yourself very well but how well do you know the enemy in this case Vietnamese. Theres alot of problem in your path to freedom because its a simple plan, a protest or demonstration will get the same result.
Please don't take it to offense but just think about it. Hope it helps
Regards Peter
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July 27, 2008
Dear Naranhkiri,
I believe the world should have more men like you and it has been an honor. To tell you the truth I fear Cambodia suffering has just begun which lead me to your website.
I know im still young but I get a feeling something big is going to happen, a shift in world power like India japan brazil and Germany running after Permanent UN seats. Russia and USA quitely preparing for world war 3 and ofcourse the rapid rise of China. As you know India, Japan and USA has been courting Vietnam for awhile as Vietnam gaurds the gate which has stop the chinese from expanding south wards for thousands of years. The chinese influence are always in check by Vietnam but everyone fears Vietnam might side with China as it economy is rapidly growing. The Chinese have been agressively been using soft power around the world and it influence is growing alarmingly.
As for Cambodia it not like other countries its placed between world powers like korea who's foriegn policy is decided by Russia China Japan and USA. I believe Cambodia has more problems to deal with than Vietnam domination. Cambodia is a flashpoint and is waiting for a spark to ignite the whole country into an inferno.
As the US is weakening so has democracy in south-east asia and i see a whole new world in less than 10 years.
I believe you should be more involved in Cambodia politics as not many men like youself out there that are not blinded by their emotions and pride. Again it was a honor to meet you and hope you keep in touch.
Regards Peter
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July 26, 2008
Dear Peter:
I totally agreed with what you said. I have already written a great deal about that buffer zone concept used by Vietnam to justify its dominance of Laos and Cambodia.
This 'buffet zone' concept had also been used by other nations in Europe and America. The Germans did it, and the Americans did it as well. However, acknowledging the use of the concept does not lead to accepting it. But, how to reject this imperialistic concept is easy said than done.
I know a lot of history of the world more than you can imagine possible. But, as I said before, it is up to Cambodia to come up with a strategy to survive. That strategy to survive is written in the following web page in one of my web sites.
I have never advocated the recovery of lost land in South Vietnam known as Kampuchea Krom, by forces. I have only advocated the strategy to stop of genocide against the Khmers Krom by means of non-violence. Please, see my web page on that issue entitled "A Suggested Roadmap for Freedom fro the Cambodian People."
Most Cambodians consider me as a coward or worse as a traitor because I advocate the use of non-violent means to protect the Cambodian people in South Vietnam. Here is that web page:
http://cambodiana.org/ARuggestedRoadmaptofreedomforCambodia.aspx
I am glad we can have a frank and up front exchange of views on the difficult and longstanding problems between the two countries of our birth.
Please, keep in touch. Best regards.
Dr. Naranhkiri Tith
Former SAIS Professor of International Economics and Finance, The Johns Hopkins University, and former Senior staff member of the IMF, Washington DC..
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In a message dated 7/26/2008 11:17:17 A.M. Eastern Daylight Time, jd7772@msn.com writes:
Dear Naranhkiri,
To anwser your first question I read the cambodiana website. Second I think you missed understood me since probably from my bad grammar. I understand you want to survive and with Hun Shen government your county will never achieve prosperity and I totally understand. What I'm trying to say is that regardless if Vietnam is a democratic or communist country, it will not change Cambodia status. You have to understand why Vietnam is trying to control Cambodia and Laos. 1. Cambodia and Laos are considered Buffer zones against pro-american Thailand and pro-chinese Myanmar. Like hawaii is a buffer zone against asia, alaska against russia and purto rico against south america, also China's Tibet is a buffer against India and Russia's Kalingrad is buffer against NATO. In other words Vietnam is using Cambodia and Laos as a battleground for future wars. Inturn leaves Vietnam relatively untouched. 2. There is no real garuntee that your new government wont try to demand that Vietnam return all or parts of Cambodia Vietnam has taken over the centuries. Which might lead sour of relation between the two which put Vietnam at risk of border skirmishes in which Vietnam would force to invade Cambodia again. 3. MOST IMPORTANT Vietnam is weak point is from the back. Even though Vietnam has a weak navy but they can defeat any enemy that land on its shores. I'm not saying this justifies Vietnams action but give you an understanding of why they doing this. Also you must also understand WHY the US government is cosing up to Vietnam. This is what I meant sorry I never read over my work. :D yer if something dosn't make sense I'll try to rewrite it for you.Best regards Peter
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July 27, 2008
Dear Peter:
Thank you for your very kind words on my behalf. I am greatly encouraged that we can engage in this kind of difficult but necessary, dialogue on the destiny of our respective country, in a very sincere and frank manner, with mutual respect and understanding.
There are already too many Cambodians who are in politics already, but, there are practically none as thinkers. Because, I am an intellectual by training and background I chose the more difficult road to enlighten my countrymen and the world on the situation of our mutual countries and what can be done to minimize the tragic situation that Cambodia is in now.
I chose this difficult road to travel, because, as an Cambodian-American intellectual, I feel responsible for the destiny of the people of the my country of birth. I have no ambition whatsoever in politics, to be anybody in Cambodia. For your information, I come from a very prominent political family in Cambodia, (My father was prime minister of Cambodia in the mid-1950's). I am an American by choice, as I came here not as a refugee, but as an immigrant.
So, as you can see now why I spent so much time in trying to inform the public at large through my web sites, in order to give Cambodia a better chance to survive, even knowing that the probability for the Cambodian people to survive is so very small, but, we cannot give up.
Thank you for your very kind and generous words on what I am trying to do, and for engaging in our enlightening discussion on the problems concerning our two countries. Stay in touch. Best regards.
Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D.
Former professor of International economics and finance at the Johns Hopkins University and former senior staff member of the International Monetary Fund
Washington DC.
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Polls close in Cambodian election
(Comments: This article by the BBC shows that Hun Sen will win this Sunday 2008 election, not because he is a good leader, because he is a bloody dictator. Hun Sen has been controlling every aspects of life in Cambodia, since he was put in power by the Vietnamese in the mid-1980.
As pointed out by most international and local observers that violence has declined, not because Hun Sen had given up his habit to kill those who oppose him, but, because he did need need to do so. Should the need arise to suppress any opponents, Hun Sen still has that power to eliminate any opponent who dare to challenge him. Also, Hun Sen has been able to keep the absolute power, because there are no credible and honest opposition leaders in present day Cambodia.
The long-term outlook for Cambodia remains bleak for the majority of Cambodians, even tough the recent high performance of the Cambodian economy has been registered. Because the majority of Cambodians are still living in abject poverty, while powerful and rich friends and family members of Hun Sen and his CPP are living in opulent villas and driving Lexus and Mercedes cars. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D, Washington DC. July 28, 2008)
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Millions of Cambodians have voted in a general election widely expected to return Prime Minister Hun Sen to office with a firmer grip on power.
His Cambodian People's Party holds 73 assembly seats out of 123, and analysts say his majority is likely to increase.
The prime minister, who has ruled since 1985, has gained huge approval for taking a tough stance in an ongoing dispute with neighbouring Thailand.
The countries are arguing over land surrounding an ancient monument.
Both nations have massed troops near the 900-year-old Preah Vihear temple - which belongs to Cambodia.
Each claims the land surrounding the temple, and the dispute has raised nationalist fervour in Bangkok and Phnom Penh.
"People are more focused on the border issue at Preah Vihear temple than on the election," Hang Puthea, who heads an election-monitoring body, told AFP news agency.
Cambodia is due to hold talks with Thailand on the issue on Monday.
No more coalition?
Eleven parties are contesting the polls, but most analysts believe the CPP will secure another five-year term in power.
Under Hun Sen, Cambodia has achieved high economic growth - helped by revenue from the garment and tourist industries.
Cambodian politicians and party activists know the CPP will use violence if necessary
Brad Adams
Human Rights Watch
But the country is also experiencing soaring inflation and there is growing discontent over endemic corruption - both of which could favour opposition leader Sam Rainsy, correspondents say.
The Sam Rainsy Party - which has a strong power base in the capital but is weaker in rural areas - currently holds 24 seats in the 123-seat parliament.
The CPP, with 73 seats, has been ruling in a coalition with the royalist party, Funcinpec, which holds 26 seats.
But a 2006 constitutional amendment means the CPP requires only a simple majority - rather than a two-thirds majority - to rule in its own right.
So all the indications are the CPP will be returned to office, with no need for a coalition partner.
Poll violence
Tens of thousands of Cambodia's eight million registered voters left the cities to vote in their home villages.
A ban on alcohol was enforced to ensure a peaceful poll - the fourth since decades of civil war ended.
Previous elections have been hit by violence. Scores of people - mainly opposition supporters and activists - were killed or beaten in the run-up to elections in 1998.
Campaigning for Sunday's vote passed off comparatively smoothly, but rights groups have flagged up ruling party control of the media and intimidation of opposition activists as continuing problems.
"Cambodian politicians and party activists know the CPP will use violence if necessary - which means the ruling party doesn't need to do so," said Brad Adams, of US-based Human Rights Watch.
International and domestic monitors scrutinised the voting, which began at 0700 (0000 GMT) and closed eight hours later.
Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/1/hi/world/asia-pacific/7527325.stm
Published: 2008/07/27 08:27:47 GMT
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Political tensions driving temple row
By Jonathan Head
BBC News, Bangkok
(Comments: As I have said before that there are more factors behind just the issue of Preah Vihear. Hun Sen is the main factor in this new fare up of tension between Thailand and Cambodia. The other related issue is the fact that the present party in power in Thailand is a facade for former Prime Minister Taksin Shinawatra, and Taksin had made his fortune in Cambodia thanks to Hun Sen's support. This, in turn, had made the Thai suspicious of Taksin's relation with Cambodia, especially with Hun Sen.
More deadly, is the hidden fact that Hun Sen wants to make the Preah Vihear dispute to show that he is defending the sovereignty of Cambodia. But, in reality, he wants to divert the attention from a more deadly threat from Vietnam, which is Hun Sen's real boss.
Unfortunately, most Cambodians are so naive and so short-sighted that they see only the short term facade gain from Thailand, and not the long term loss from the Vietnamese imperialism. Sad, but true, this tragicomedy of decept continues to palgue the destiny of the Cambodian people, fueled by Hun Sen's high treason. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. July 15, 2008).
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A week after the controversial listing of the ancient Preah Vihear temple as a World Heritage Site, the dispute that has flared up between Thailand and Cambodia is still causing tension.
The 11th-Century Hindu temple lies along the border between the two countries, but in 1962 the International Court of Justice judged that it belonged to Cambodia.
However the land surrounding the temple is still disputed, and the only practical access is from Thailand.
The issue has stirred up nationalist emotions in an already sensitive political climate in both countries.
Early on Tuesday three Thai protesters crossed into the temple - which remains closed - and were detained for a short time by Cambodian troops.
The Cambodian authorities also say 40 Thai soldiers crossed into their territory briefly, although they are putting this down to confusion over the precise line of the border.
For both sides there is more at stake than a temple.
Cambodia is preoccupied with a hard-fought general election campaign, in which Prime Minister Hun Sen aims to extend his more than two decades in power.
Last week he encouraged thousands of Cambodians to join a rowdy celebration of the temple's new international status in the capital, Phnom Penh.
In Thailand feelings are running even higher; the government elected last December was already floundering under a combined assault by street demonstrators, unfavourable court verdicts and the parliamentary opposition.
Its opponents have accused it of incompetence, and of being led by nominees of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was deposed by a coup in September 2006.
Now the government is being attacked for selling out the country over Preah Vihear, because it initially supported Cambodia's bid to list the temple.
One of Thailand's top courts judged that decision to be unconstitutional, as it was in effect a treaty which needed parliamentary approval, and it has barred the government from offering any further co-operation with Cambodia.
As a result Foreign Minister Noppodol Pattama was forced to resign last week, one of three ministers to lose his job over the past two months.
Opposition from elite
The volatile state of Thai politics is the principle reason the row has blown up.
Thai society is still deeply polarised between those who support Mr Thaksin, and want him to stage a political comeback, and those who loathed his leadership style and mistrust the motives of the government, which is led by his party.
The fact that before being appointed foreign minister, Mr Noppodol had been Mr Thaksin's chief lawyer made his position particularly vulnerable.
His critics accuse him of putting his former client's business interests in Cambodia before the country's interests over the temple, something he has strongly denied.
That suspicion harks back to the five-and-a-half years Thaksin Shinawatra was in office. As an immensely wealthy and successful businessman himself, he promoted his can-do ethos around the country, especially in poorer rural areas.
He believed in the global marketplace, and in exposing Thais to its risks and opportunities. He pushed hard to privatise state-owned industries and get free trade agreements with as many countries as he could.
Inevitably he provoked opposition from those who felt they would lose out, or from those who felt he cared more about making money than about Thailand's traditions and interests.
The most vehement opposition to the Preah Vihear World Heritage bid comes from the same groups who objected to many of Mr Thaksin's policies: the traditional, royalist and aristocratic elite and elements of the Bangkok middle class.
Historical rivalry
But there are also genuine historical grievances at play.
The international court decision awarding Preah Vihear to Cambodia in 1962 was not unanimous. It rested largely on Thailand's failure to protest against the French-drawn border line in the decades before.
At the time it was mapped, a hundred years ago, Thailand had few skilled cartographers of its own.
The French colonial cartographers were supposed to draw the border along the forested edge of the Dangret Escarpment, but they veered in a few hundred meters to put the temple on the Cambodian side. It is not clear why the Thais did not object then.
But it is worth remembering that in 1941 Thailand fought its only war of the 20th Century with French colonial forces over where the border with Cambodia should lie. A huge monument in the centre of Bangkok still commemorates that conflict.
At different periods in the past Thai and Khmer empires have vied for dominance in the region; the town next to the famous Khmer ruins at Angkor Wat is Siem Reap, which means "Siam [Thailand] flattened".
Khmer-style temples like Preah Vihear still dot much of Thailand's north-east.
That historical rivalry still resonates today. Only five years ago the Thai embassy in Phnom Penh was burned down by an angry mob after a Thai actress was wrongly quoted as saying Angkor Wat should belong to Thailand.
As it awaited news of the listing of Preah Vihear as a World Heritage site, the Cambodian government took the precaution of reinforcing security around the re-built Thai embassy.
Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/asia-pacific/7507425.stm
Published: 2008/07/15 14:16:15 GMT
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Thailand foreign minister quits
(Comments: The recent resignation of the Thai foreign minister is an indication that Thailand will not sit silent while the Hun Sen/Sihanouk regime has allowed the Vietnamese to silently and unabatedly sending millions of illegal immigrants into Cambodia. Hun Sen also has allowed Vietnamese to build schools and to teach the Vietnamese in Cambodia in their own language, while refusing to recognize the same rights to the Khmer people living in Kampuchea Krom (South Vietnam). The Khmer Kampuchea Krom are being systematically subjected to a deliberate genocidal policy impletented by the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV), as indicated by Rebecca Sommers, a German humanist and fislm maker who documented the whole atrocities against the Khmer Krom in a Video entitled 'Eliminated without Bleeding.' Officially, Vietnam has indicated that there are only 900,000 Khmer Krom, while estimates by international NGOs had put that figure around 7 to 10 million Khmers Krom still living in present-day South Vietnam, their ancestral homeland.
The recent resurgence of Thai nationalism over the temple of Preah Vihear, is a sign that Thailand will not allow Vietnam to take over Cambodia and push their border with Thailand to western part of Cambodia. This situation had already occurred once before during the first half of the nineteenth century (1845-63), when both Vietnam and Thailand became the co-suzerains of Cambodia. Only when the King Norodom had asked the French emperor Napoleon III to intervene, did Vietnam and Thailand loose their grip on Cambodia.
Vietnam’s current plan is to, at least, take over that part of Cambodia to the East of the Mekong River, while Thailand’s plan would consist of taking over the rest of Cambodia, west of the Mekong river. Sad but true, this scenario is a repetition of the event that had taken place once before as I mentioned earlier. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. July 11, 2008)
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Thai Foreign Minister Noppadon Pattama has resigned after a top court ruled he had violated the constitution by signing a deal over a disputed temple.
Cambodia had been petitioning to have the temple on the Thai-Cambodian border listed as a World Heritage site.
But judges ruled the government should not have backed Cambodia without asking parliament, as the temple is built on land disputed by the two countries.
Some Thais saw the move as an implicit surrender of sovereignty claims.
The Preah Vihear Hindu temple, near the Thai-Cambodian border, was awarded Unesco World Heritage status on Monday.
Assertive courts
Mr Noppadon made the announcement that he was stepping down on national television.
"But I insist that I have done nothing wrong. I have not sold out the country. I love Thailand, and would not cause any damage to the country," he said, fighting back tears.
"I want to see national reconciliation. In order for the government to continue working to solve the country's problems, I resign."
Always a controversial choice as foreign minister - he used to be a lawyer for former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was ousted in a military coup in 2006 - Mr Noppadon's position became untenable after backing the Unesco World Heritage bid.
His support for the temple's listing sparked a wave of nationalist anger, and matters were made worse when the Constitutional Court ruled two days ago that the minister's actions had violated the constitution.
Mr Noppodol is the second minister to resign from Thailand's embattled government, and according to the BBC's South East Asia correspondent Jonathan Head, he may well not be the last.
Another minister resigned in May over allegations he had insulted the king.
The constitutional court, one of the country's top three judicial bodies, also disqualified the health minister from office this week.
The courts have become unusually assertive in punishing government officials for what in the past might have been viewed as minor offences, our correspondent says.
The role of the judiciary was strengthened by the new constitution, which was drafted under military rule last year, so it could act as a check on the power of elected governments.
As prime minister, Mr Thaksin was often accused of abusing his power - a principal reason given to justify the coup that ousted him.
The coalition government now led by his allies risks being crippled by these repeated judicial interventions, our correspondent adds.
The 900-year-old Hindu temple has been the subject of a border dispute for decades.
The International Court of Justice ruled in 1962 that it belonged to Cambodia and has been at the centre of a bitter dispute between the two neighbours ever since.
Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/asia-pacific/7499116.stm
Published: 2008/07/10 09:54:26 GMT
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Cambodian court shuttered, blocking opposition leader's defence
(Comments: Cambodian Justice under Hun Sen and his CPP is not to serve the Cambodian people in a neutral and impartial way, but to serve only Hun Sen's interests under the Vietnamese control. In spite of this fact, Sam Rainsy still wants to form a coalition government with Hun Sen, as he had already tried so many times before, and to be rejected unceremoniously.
This shows that Sam Rainsy is purely and simply a crass politician. There is nothing to do with being a Mandela of Cambodia as one of the American NGO had believed he was at one point in time in the past. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. July 9, 2008)
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Wednesday July 9, 4:03 PM
PHNOM PENH (AFP) - Cambodia's opposition leader Sam Rainsy went to court Wednesday to refute defamation charges brought by the foreign minister over Khmer Rouge remarks, but no one was there to take his evidence.
The door to the court was locked when Sam Rainsy arrived. After a security guard let him in, prosecutors did not show up to receive the documents he wanted to file in his defence, he said.
"The prosecutors all fled. They are scared by Sam Rainsy," he told reporters as left the court.
Foreign Minister Hor Namhong filed a defamation lawsuit in April at Phnom Penh Municipal Court against Sam Rainsy over remarks alleging that he was a former Khmer Rouge member.
Hor Namhong has long said that he and his family were prisoners at a Khmer Rouge camp, and has successfully sued people in the past for claiming that he had links to the regime.
Sam Rainsy, who leads the main opposition party running in general elections on July 27, went voluntarily to the court on Wednesday to submit documents in his defence.
He accused the court of being "vulgar and a puppet" and urged the people to "open a new page of history in this year's election" to oust the government.
"The election is near and they want to intimidate me but I'm not scared," Sam Rainsy added.
Court officials could not be reached for comments immediately.
Sam Rainsy and his eponymous party are considered the main opposition force when Cambodians go to the polls, but Prime Minister Hun Sen's ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP) is expected to dominate the election.
Up to two million people died of overwork and starvation or were executed under the Khmer Rouge, which outlawed religion, property rights, currency and schools during its 1975-1979 rule.
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Cambodia poll campaigning begins
By Guy Delauney
BBC News, Phnom Penh
Political parties in Cambodia have begun their campaigns in the run-up to next month's general election.
Thousands of supporters of the main parties have been holding rallies around the country and there have been processions in the capital, Phnom Penh.
There are high hopes that Cambodia's fourth democratic election will be a peaceful one.
But there have been concerns about legal moves against the main opposition leader, Sam Rainsy.
'Less tense'
The mobile sound system operators are out in force.
Dozens of small, flat-bed trucks are criss-crossing Phnom Penh, blasting out music, political slogans - anything to get the attention of potential voters
Party members cram into the back of each vehicle - the ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP) supporters all in white, their coalition partners Funcinpec in yellow.
Supporters of the main opposition Sam Rainsy Party wave placards bearing the bespectacled face of their leader. Police hold up the traffic to let the processions through.
It is a rare chance for parties to rally their supporters. The authorities usually place severe restrictions on large gatherings and marches.
But now there will be a month of campaigning for the elections, which take place on 27 July.
Martin Callanan is the chief observer from the European Union's election monitoring mission.
"There are obviously a few difficulties in terms of campaigning for some people during the election," he says.
"But the atmosphere generally seems to be so far, fingers crossed, not as tense. And there's certainly not as much violence as there has been in previous elections."
The European Union is sending more than 100 observers. They will be joined by almost 14,000 monitors from local organisations.
Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/asia-pacific/7474700.stm
Published: 2008/06/26 08:03:35 GMT
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UN urges Cambodia judicial reform
Cambodia must reform its judiciary in order to improve its human rights record, the UN has said.
The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Louise Arbour, said the justice system needed to address its lack of training, independence and integrity.
Her comments came at the end of a five-day visit to Cambodia.
Relations between the UN and Cambodia have been tense following earlier reports criticising the country's human rights record.
The timing of Ms Arbour's comments could not have been more pertinent, says the BBC's Guy Delauney in Phnom Penh.
The past two weeks have seen lively debate about the qualifications of Cambodia's legal officials, especially those set to preside over the trial of officials linked to the former Khmer Rouge regime.
Some of the judges only hold the equivalent of high school certificates.
Others completed their legal training in Soviet-bloc countries in the 1980s when Cambodia had a communist government, backed by Vietnam.
"The problems with the judicial branch of governance are profound," Ms Arbour said.
"Lack of professional training, insufficient guarantees of independence and lack or perception of lack of integrity are at the heart of what needs to be addressed, both by legislation and by a change of the culture."
Criticism 'unacceptable'
Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen had earlier described UN officials in his country as long-term tourists and had accused a special envoy of being deranged.
On Thursday however, his spokesman denied reports that the government was planning to close the UN's human rights office in Cambodia.
"What the government wants is for the human rights groups to tell the truth about the work the government is doing, to show the facts and avoid just viewing Cambodia as hell," Eang Sophalleth quoted Hun Sen as saying.
In March, Hun Sen called UN envoy Yash Ghai "deranged" after he suggested too much power lay in the hands of the prime minister.
The row erupted in March when Mr Ghai said Cambodia's government was not committed to human rights, and power had been too centralised around "one individual".
Hun Sen said Mr Ghai should be sacked by UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan and dismissed UN rights staff in Cambodia as "long-term tourists".
Mr Sophalleth said Hun Sen had told Ms Arbour Mr Ghai's comments were out of order.
"The prime minister said it was not acceptable. If the prime minister does not have power, how can he lead the country?" he said.
Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/asia-pacific/4996440.stm
Published: 2006/05/19 06:18:18 GMT
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Court asks National Assembly to strip Sam Rainsy of parliamentary immunity
W by Cheang Sokha and Cat Barton
Wednesday, 18 June 2008
Tracey Shelton
Sam Rainsy on the hustings, 2007. Supporters fear that a court request to strip Sam Rainsy of his parliamentary immunity is a prelude to the opposition leader's arrest.
Opposition leader Sam Rainsy faces arrest, his supporters warn, after the Phnom Penh Municipal Court requested that the National Assembly strip Rainsy of his parliamentary immunity.
The move comes as the court is preparing to investigate Rainsy on charges of defamation and disinformation, allegations made by Foreign Minister Hor Namhong.
Sam Rainsy Party officials called the request an attempt by their main rival, the Cambodian People's Party, to force Rainsy to flee the country ahead of the July 27 general election.
Speaking to the Post on June 18 from Kompong Speu province, Rainsy said the ruling party hopes that by portraying him as a criminal, it can deflect attention away from its own shortcomings as polling day approaches.
"The CPP is not able to solve the issues that affect the country and make people miserable. Land grabbing, inflation – the CPP cannot solve these problems so they try to divert public attention with these tricks," Rainsy said June 18.
In a letter issued to National Assembly President Heng Samrin on June 16, the court’s chief prosecutor, Ouk Savuth, and deputy prosecutor, Ek Chheng Huot, asked the Assembly to "temporarily suspend the immunity of Sam Rainsy," saying that the court had collected enough evidence to warrant further investigation into accusations of defamation leveled against Sam Rainsy by Foreign Minister Hor Namhong.
Chheng Huot confirmed he made the request but offered no further comment.
The National Assembly is not currently in session. It is not expected to meet again until after the election in July. Sam Rainsy Party lawmaker Son Chhay said that convening parliament to debate Rainsy's immunity would be "highly unusual," and such a move would likely indicate a larger political conspiracy.
Namhong’s allegations stem from an April 17 speech made by Sam Rainsy in which Rainsy accused Namhong of directing the Khmer Rouge’s Boeng Trabek prison, a detention center for intellectuals and members of the royal family.
Namhong has said repeatedly that he was an ordinary prisoner at Boeng Trabek, denying that he worked for the regime whose 1975-79 rule over Cambodia resulted in 1.7 million deaths.
"Hor Namhong filed a complaint against Sam Rainsy for defamation and disinformation on April 22," said the letter, a copy of which was obtained by the Post on June 17.
"The court has investigated the case and collected evidence that Sam Rainsy is suspected of defamation and disinformation," the letter said.
The court request follows the week-long detention of opposition newspaper editor Dam Sith, who was jailed last week for quoting Rainsy’s allegations in the newspaper Moneaksekar Khmer. Sith was released June 15 pending trial.
Opposition party members fear the court's request is a prelude to Rainsy's arrest.
"We are preparing for the worst, which is that he will have to go to Prey Sar [prison]," said Sam Rainsy Party Deputy Secretary General Mu Sochua.
"If Rainsy has to go to jail, Rainsy will go to jail. But we are strong," she said.
Rainsy last lost his parliamentary immunity in 1995 while he was in self-imposed exile in France, shortly before he was convicted of defaming Prime Minister Hun Sen in a case that drew heavy international criticism.
Although he was later pardoned and returned to Cambodia, Rainsy said the ruling CPP is still trying to shut him down.
"I am used to this kind of harassment – I know the ruling party is trying to stop my activities. They are very concerned ... they want to threaten me to push me out of the country," he said, dismissing the upcoming polls as "meaningless" in the face of the CPP's political maneuvering.
"They have secured victory even before voting day, as they have harmed the opposition. They're using the courts, fake witnesses, fake evidence, to crack down on the opposition," Rainsy said, referring to recent statements by Hun Sen that an opposition party defector has accused Rainsy of involvement in a number of violent plots, including a 1998 attempt on the prime minister's life.
"This election is not a real election; it is just a facade of election -- a travesty," he said. "Now they want to silence the opposition altogether by arresting the leader of the opposition."
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Cambodia lawmaker in court threat
By Guy Delauney
BBC News, Phnom Penh
The leader of Cambodia's main opposition party is facing the possibility of prosecution just weeks before the country's general election.
The Phnom Penh municipal court has asked the National Assembly to remove Sam Rainsy's parliamentary immunity from prosecution.
Cambodia's foreign minister has brought allegations of defamation and disinformation against him.
Sam Rainsy has described the legal moves as a "political threat".
If the National Assembly agrees with the court's request, the opposition leader could be called in for questioning, prosecuted and possibly jailed.
A conviction for defamation no longer results in a prison term. The law was changed after an outcry over its use to detain several human rights activists two years ago.
But Sam Rainsy also faces a charge of disinformation - which does allow for a custodial sentence.
Election run-up
The Foreign Minister, Hor Namhong, pressed charges over remarks the opposition leader made about him in a speech.
Prime Minister Hun Sen has also ordered an investigation into allegations that Sam Rainsy Party officials were connected to domestic terrorist groups.
Sam Rainsy himself has dismissed both sets of allegations as attempts to intimidate voters in the run-up to the general election.
But a government spokesman accused the opposition leader of playing "dirty tricks".
The leader of Cambodia's second-largest opposition party, Prince Norodom Ranariddh, is currently in self-imposed exile.
He faces an 18-month jail term for breach of trust if he returns to Cambodia.
Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/asia-pacific/7460860.stm
Published: 2008/06/18 10:50:52 GMT
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Crumbling SRP fights to avoid Funcinpec fate
Written by Vong Sokheng
The Phnom Penh Post; Thursday, 12 June 2008
TANG CHHIN SOTHY/ AFP
(Comments: in the article posted below, members of the Sam Rainsy party appear to have massively moved to join the CPP of Hun Sen. This is very predictable. Sam Rainsy is too narrow-minded and too self centered to be a good leader. Like most Cambodians leaders, it is power that motivates him most. Sam Rainsy has a major flaw in his character, which is over-confident in his ability to maneuver people around him. However, facts are different and had shown that he lacks sophistication and grasp of the complexity of the world and especially of the Cambodian situation.
For instance, When he first broke away from Ranariddh's FUNINPEC, he immediately tried to allied himself with Hun Sen, after the 1997 coup d'état. He also used the Vietnamese issue to enhance his reputation as a nationalist, not, knowing that is a non-starter, as most international NGOs have already tagged him as a racist.
The Vietnamese issue is a real dilemma for all Cambodian politicians. They have to be careful not to appear racist. Only by adopting a wise approach and a wise strategy such as NON-VIOLENCE, can Cambodian politicians hope to have any chance of being successful in fighting against the Vietnamization of Cambodia.
Another major flaw of Sam Rainsy as a politician, is the fact that he never consulted senior members in his party for any decision, small or big, regarding the policies to be implemented in Cambodia. At the beginning of his political career after the 1993 UN-sponsored general elections , he was the darling of the international NGOs. Even one of the NGOs had likened him to Nobel peace prize winner and leader of South Africa, the great Nelson Mandela. Now, that same person of that NGO had recently told to me and Kem Sokha that it was a major mistake on his part to have compared Sam Rainsy to Mandela.
More recently Sam Rainsy went out of his way to apologize to Hun Sen that he was wrong in bringing a suit against the great Cambodian dictator and traitor for having been behind the 1997 grenade attack of his party, even though, the FBI and other eye-witnesses have confirmed that it was Hun Sen's private body guards who threw the grenade at the crowd at that time.
So, this is what Sam Rainsy is all about, immoral and self-centered. He will do anything to be in power. How many times he had offered Hun Sen to be his coalition partner, only to be rejected by Hun Sen. Sad for Cambodia to have such immoral politician! Unfortunately, he is not alone aming Cambodian politicians to possess this unfortunate and disastrous behavioral characteristic. Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D. June 17, 2008)
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Opposition party leader Sam Rainsy answers journalists’ questions at the SRP headquarters in Phnom Penh on June 10. CPP officials around the country have said that as many as 160,000 SRP members have defected in recent weeks, a figure Rainsy says is exaggerated. In the run-up to next month's national election, officials with the Cambodian People's Party say that their activists in the provinces have been charged with co-opting Sam Rainsy Party members as the ruling party engages in a policy of silencing the opposition's voice in government.
Sam Rainsy Party defectors are deluging the ruling CPP's ranks, according to party officials who say that tens of thousands of opposition members across the country could abandon their posts ahead of the polls in exchange for government jobs promised by Prime Minister Hun Sen.
"We know that the SRP defections will cause the opposition party to lose seats in the National Assembly. We learned this from Funcinpec, which splintered just as the SRP is doing now," said Cheam Yeap, a CPP lawmaker representing Prey Veng province, where he said more than 2,000 opposition party members have crossed sides.
Yeap told the Post on June 11 that Sam Rainsy Party defectors will be posted to the government as secretaries of state, undersecretaries of state and advisers.
"No one [in the CPP] is upset about the new appointments because, as the prime minister said, no government officials are being removed, only added," he said.
Cambodians go to the polls on July 27 in an election that is likely to see the CPP win enough votes to quit the coalition government agreement that has been in place since the early 1990s, forcing it into an often uncomfortable partnership with its political rival Funcinpec.
But Funcinpec, formerly a bastion of royalist politicians, was similarly dismantled following the 2003 general election as Hun Sen awarded prominent government positions to acquiescent party member.
CPP district bosses around the country have said that as many as 160,000 opposition members have defected in recent weeks
"We did not offer them money to join us. Their political will was exhausted," said Phay Buncheoun, deputy governor and CPP chief for Kandal province. "They lost confidence in the SRP," he added.
But Sam Rainsy has hit back, claiming that the ruling party was exaggerating the number of defections.
"The number of defectors is very low and will have little impact on the coming elections. Those who abandoned us have done so merely out of self-interest," he said.
Election monitors say that the CPP's divide and conquer tactics were to be expected before the election, but that plundering the nation's coffers to buy off defectors was wrong.
"We see that there is trend of inducing politicians to grab power in the government shortly before elections, and it is inappropriate because it puts a burden on the national budget," said Thun Saray of the human rights monitor Adhoc.
Hun Sen's personal adviser Chum Kosal confirmed on June 11 that salaries for the newly appointed opposition defectors would be drawn from the national budget.
Saray added that discontent with the Sam Rainsy Party leadership may have encouraged defectors - a point conceded by opposition party vice president Kong Korm, who blamed the defectors' displeasure on their own failure to work for the party.
"They were not happy, so they left, which is normal," Korm said.
The CPP's Yeap, however, phrased it in harsher terms.
"We have a Khmer proverb: ‘The fish always swim to cool water.' The SRP is boiling; the fish no longer want to live in hot water," he said.
(Additional reporting by Meas Sokchea)
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CPP vows to rule alone
Written by Nguon Sovan
The Phnom Penh Post; Friday, 30 May 2008
(Comments: Hun Sen just declared that after this election, he will no longer allow any other to join his cabinet, therefore, he will be the sole prime minister and rule Cambodia as a dictator. This is long overdue. Hun Sen, has been playing a game with democracy. But don’t blame Hun Sen alone in this political tragic game, the opposition has a lot to be blamed as well. There are no acceptable, respectable, credible, and capable opposition parties. The Sam Rainsy Party has surrendered to Hun Sen by asking him for pardon on the 1997 grenade attack on his party even tough there is sufficient evidence to implicated Hun Sen in this killing. Kem Sokha has no more credibility by being accused of corruption when he was the head of the Human Right organization. Also by choosing Pen Sovann as the senior vice president of his Human Right Party, he literally endorsed the invasion of Cambodia by Vietnam, as Pen Sovann continue to say publicly. Meanwhile Hun Sen has the full support of Sihanouk and his son the king, Sihamoni. Vietnam continues to send in illegal immigrants and to control Cambodia’s economy through its control of SOKIMEX, whose majority share is owned by a Vietnamese national and a friend of Hun Sen. It is a very sad and tragic story for the Cambodian people, indeed!!
The tragic life of the majority of the Cambodian people under Hun Sen and his CPP is well captured by Milton Osborne in a recent book on the history of Phnom Penh.
An excerpt from the ‘forward’ by William Shawcross in a recent book authored by Milton Osborne entitled ‘Phnom Penh: A Cultural and Literary History,’ (to read reviews on this book please, go the page entitled 'Books and Reviews' in this web site) he summarizes the current situation of Cambodia under Hun Sen as follows:
“There was corruption in 1959 when Milton Osborne first came to Phnom Penh, but nothing on the scale of that which prevails today. Today in Phnom Penh power is money and money is power and people in shanty towns fear the powerful men’s bulldozers, which can tear through homes to construct new shopping mall. There is a culture of impunity which continues the Cambodian trauma.
As Osborne says ‘the tragedy of the Cambodian history’ has been played out decade after decade in the lifetime that he has known it and chronicled it so movingly and so well. He concludes that ‘only a supremely unperceptive optimist would suggest that the tragedy is no longer part of the drama played out each day in Phnom Penh.’
Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D., Washington DC. June 10, 2008)
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Prime Minister Hun has vowed that his ruling Cambodian People’s Party would govern alone if victorious in July’s general elections, ending a coalition government deal that has been in place since the early 1990s and quashing hopes that minor parties could have some share of power.
“In the past there was a stalemate ... so I had to facilitate this party or that party and enter into a coalition government. Now the winner gets 100 percent [of government],” he said.
“If there is an A, there will be no B. If there is a B, there will be no A. There is me or him,” Hun Sen added on May 26, referring to a year-long deadlock following elections in 2003 during which the CPP and the royalist Funcinpec struggled to hammer out a coalition deal.
Hun Sen also warned that leadership positions in the National Assembly – often the only source of leverage for non-ruling party players – would not be divided between the parties, as had been following past elections.
“There is no need to come and beg for the posts of commission chairman or vice-chairman,” Hun Sen said, taking aim at senior opposition party politicians who he blamed for using their leadership roles to simply criticize the government.
“You are opposition members, but you have another rank as chairmen or vice chairmen of commissions so you must perform your obligations,” he said.
Hun Sen’s vigorous rhetoric comes ahead of July 27 polls that observers say will likely establish his total political dominance following a wave of defections from the ruling party’s biggest antagonist, the Sam Rainsy Party, and the disintegration of former coalition partner Funcinpec, which has been fractured by infighting following the ouster of its leader, Prince Norodom Ranariddh, two years ago.
In the aftermath of the 2003 standoff, a constitutional amendment was approved requiring only a simple majority in parliament to form a government, rather than the two-thirds needed in previous polls, a move that has all but assured the CPP of ruling on its own after the July election.
Analysts, while acknowledging that any party with a majority vote had the right to govern on its own, warned that a single-party government could result in too much power for any one political group.
“We’re concerned over losing the balance of power because we worry that the CPP will control every level of administration, from the top government posts to the village,” said Koul Panha, executive director of the election monitor Comfrel.
“There is the danger of a setback to the democratic process,” he added.
Sok Touch, a professor of political science at Khemarak University, agreed, saying that any system of checks and balances in government would largely disappear with decisive single party victory.
“After a party wins, what will it do? If there is only one party, there will be no control over the implementation of policy,” he told the Post on May 28, adding, though, that a single-party government might be forced towards greater accountability.
“If the CPP wins total power, it will not be able to put the blame for mistakes on any other party. The CPP will be responsible for both right and wrong – doubling its responsibility,” he said.
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UNITEDNATIONS
A General Assembly Report
On Cambodia human right situation by Mr. Yash ghai
Distr.
GENERAL
A/HRC/7/42
29 February 2008
Original: ENGLISH
HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCILSeventh sessionAgenda item 10
TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE AND CAPACITY-BUILDING
(Comments: This a timely and highly recommended report by Mr. Yash Ghai, the special representative of the United Nations Secretary General in Cambodia. His report highlights the main problems facing Cambodia, namely the abuse and disregard of human rights by the corrupt and oppressive regime of Hun Sen and his CPP. It is very timely because of the forthcoming general election for the National assembly in July of this year. In all likelihood, Hun Sen and his CPP will again have the majority of the votes by manipulating the ballot and by using raw threat to frighten those who want to vote for the opposition parties. Cambodia, under Hun Sen with Sihanouk’s support continues to sell the country blind and to surrender to the Vietnamese control. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC May 25, 2008)
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Report of the Special Representative of the Secretary-Generalfor human rights in Cambodia, Yash Ghai*Summary
The fourth mission to Cambodia of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for human rights in Cambodia, from 1 to 10 December 2007, centred on the theme of the rule of law, including access to justice. The framework of the rule of law gives valuable insights into the legal, judicial and political system of a country. It is an appropriate focus because the rule of law is a key concept in the Constitution of Cambodia itself.
The main issues analysed below relate to the criminal process, focusing on ending impunity, the rights of assembly and movement, and property rights, particularly those of indigenous peoples. This report discusses the prospects of the jurisprudence and practice of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) (for trials of those most responsible for the atrocities of the Khmer Rouge regime) having a positive impact on the Cambodian legal system. There is a section on the election system, a key component of democracy, where the rule of law is crucial, and a matter of some urgency as National Assembly elections are due in July 2008.
(To read the full report, please, click on the link posted just below:
http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/7session/A.HRC.7.42.doc
CONTENTS
Paragraphs Page
Introduction .............................................................................. 1 - 7 4
I. THE RULE OF LAW ..................................................... 8 - 9 4
A. The rule of law and its importance ........... 9 - 12 5
B. Rule of law in the Constitution of Cambodia . 13 - 18 5
II. RECORD OF RULE OF LAW IN CAMBODIA ............ 19 - 51 6
A. Legal development .......................................... 20 - 32 7
B. Prosecutorial independence ............................. 33 - 41 9
C. Judicial independence ........................................42 - 44 10
D. Independence of the legal profession and the provision of legal services ................................................... 45 - 51 11
III. CONSEQUENCES OF THE DISREGARD OF THE RULE OF LAW ......................................... 52 - 73 12
A. Undermining of the Constitution ........ 53 12
B. Impunity and victimization ............................ 54 - 58 12
C. Violations of the principles of the market ......... 59 - 61 13
D. Land rights and conflicts .............................. 62 - 67 14
E. Civil society undermined ............................... 68 - 72 15
F. The overall picture .......................................... 73 16
IV. EXTRAORDINARY CHAMBERS IN THE COURTS OF CAMBODIA ................................................................ 74 - 85 17
A. Structure of decision-making within the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia ............ 78 - 79 17
B. Issues of independence and administration ...80 - 86 18
C. Decision on the detention of Kaing Guek Eav (Duch) ------
87 - 89 20
V. ELECTION LAWS AND PRACTICE ........................... 90 - 98 21
VI. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ..........99 - 103 22
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* There was a delay in the submission of the report in order to reflect the latest information.
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Opposition finds common ground only in CPP’s shadow
The Phnom Penh Post
Written by Un Kheang
Friday, 16 May 2008
(Comments: The Phnom Post from which this article was obtained, has wisely cautioned the readers as follows:
“This is an independent analysis on Media Monitoring extracted from 13 Cambodia-based newspapers. The views expressed in the Media Monitoring Analysis are those of the author, Dr Un Kheang, assistant director at the Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Northern Illinois University.”
I met Dr. Un Kheang two years ago, and I still remember his pro-Hun Sen stand. Although, this article appears to be neutral, but with careful scrutiny, one can detect the pro-Hun Sen bias. For instance, Dr. Kheang had assessed the ability to retain power as follows:
“While the opposition parties have raised the issues of corruption, nepotism and sluggishness in passing an anti-corruption law in order to delegitimize the CPP, the ruling party’s legitimacy and support remain significantly high.
This stems from the CPP’s ability to create and maintain a web of patronage politics. Pro-CPP newspapers reported increased activities of working groups – some of which are joined by recent SRP defectors – which went down to the base to bring gifts to potential voters.
These activities were to assure voters of the CPP’s role in national development. This is the CPP’s strength. Despite alleged and real corruption, the CPP will be able to capture support with its extensive patronage networks."
So, it is alright, according to Dr. Kheang, for Hun Sen to maintain his ‘legitimacy’ high by whatever means including killing, bribe, and using the politicized judicial system to put the opposition leaders in jail through trumped up charges. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. may 24, 2008)
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As the prices of oil and food rise and the US dollar weakens, Cambodia has seen inflation soar close to 20 percent.
Economic uncertainty arising in an election year has led Cambodian politicians and political parties to capitalize on economic hardship to attract voters – leading to charges and countercharges of manipulation, intimidation and incompetence that have spread beyond the economic realm toward personal attacks. This analysis documents these quarrels and strategies that the different parties have adopted.
SRP leader Sam Rainsy has had to contend not only with the long shadow cast by the dominant Cambodian People’s Party but also bickering within the opposition, including claims he has a secret relationship with the CCP that allows only his party to hold public demonstrations. F acing increasing inflation, particularly in food and basic necessities, the government has taken measures to lessen the pinch Cambodians face through emergency releases of government food reserves and increased salaries for government employees including teachers.
The opposition parties, however, charged that the government had not done enough to help consumers. They attributed inflation to the government’s structural problems involving corruption, incompetence, and nepotism.
Although there might be some truth to these charges, inflation pressure, given the age of global economic interconnectedness, is largely driven by global factors.
Opposition in competition
On March 6, the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) organized a demonstration to demand that the government take decisive action against inflation.
This demonstration had multiple purposes. First, it could serve as an event that might help shift public focus from the recent SRP debacle over the defections of some its members; the SRP has been on the defensive and is now trying to shift to the offensive. Second, the demonstration aimed to expose government weakness in tackling economic issues.
While the SRP had planned for a massive demonstration with several thousand participants, the turnout was substantially lower with fewer than 500 protesters. The party blamed the low turnout on government intimidation and restrictions on demonstrations, which were justified with false pretexts regarding social order and stability.
Interestingly, other opposition parties – that is, the Norodom Ranariddh Party (NRP) and the Human Rights Party (HRP) – had different views toward the SRP-organized demonstration. The NRP alleged the low turnout signified declining SRP strength. The only solution, it claimed, which could help strengthen the SRP and the opposition camp as a whole, was to join the NRP in a “union of democrats.”
This appeal has been part of an ongoing effort by Prince Ranariddh to stage a political comeback, which has been difficult and appeared increasingly uncertain given Prime Minister Hun Sen’s recent remarks about not wanting to see royalist family members involved in politics.
The HRP, on the other hand, alleged that the SRP maintained secret relations with the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), a connection that enabled the SRP to acquire permission to organize a demonstration.
It should be noted that the HRP has in the recent past made repeated efforts to obtain permission from the government to organize a demonstration against inflation – particularly regarding rising oil prices – but to no avail.
HRP’s accusation of secret relations between the SRP and the CPP, and the NRP’s downplaying of the impact of the SRP’s organized demonstration, stem from the fact that the SRP, the NRP and the HRP are in competition with one another in an effort to differentiate themselves from the CPP.
Each of the parties needs to present themselves as a viable alternative party for those who are dissatisfied with the CPP.
CPP as savior
Another contested issue is the government’s plan to heighten security through increasing deployment of security personnel around election time.
The opposition parties accused the government of manufacturing fear among voters. The government rejected this accusation claiming that such action was necessary to ensure security and order during the elections.
Arguably, the government’s plan to enhance security is part of its strategy to show the Cambodian public that the CPP/government is the pillar of peace and stability, as evidenced by its success in ending the civil war.
This is true given that both the international community and other political parties had no effective strategies to deal with the Khmer Rouge following the 1993 United Nations sponsored elections.
But increasing the number of security forces surrounding elections is cause for concern and does not seem warranted as it might lead opposition parties to question the legitimacy of the elections.
While the opposition parties have raised the issues of corruption, nepotism and sluggishness in passing an anti-corruption law in order to delegitimize the CPP, the ruling party’s legitimacy and support remain significantly high.
This stems from the CPP’s ability to create and maintain a web of patronage politics. Pro-CPP newspapers reported increased activities of working groups – some of which are joined by recent SRP defectors – which went down to the base to bring gifts to potential voters.
These activities were to assure voters of the CPP’s role in national development. This is the CPP’s strength. Despite alleged and real corruption, the CPP will be able to capture support with its extensive patronage networks.
The Vietnam question
As expected, opposition parties will use the Vietnamese card during election campaign as they have done during previous elections.
Pro-opposition newspapers alleged that the ruling party allowed illegal Vietnamese residents to vote. This allegation warrants debate and might constructively lead to better immigration policy.
However, some opposition newspapers go so far as to irresponsibly allege that the CPP/government requested that the Vietnamese government send security forces to Cambodia during the elections to help strengthen the CPP’s position.
This is an independent analysis on Media Monitoring extracted from 13 Cambodia-based newspapers. The views expressed in the Media Monitoring Analysis are those of the author, Dr Un Kheang, assistant director at the Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Northern Illinois University.
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Petition Against Corruption Sent to Assembly
By Chun Sakada, VOA Khmer
Original report from Phnom Penh
15 May 2008
Khmer audio aired May 15 (0.97MB) - Download (MP3)
(Comments: This article on a petition signed by a million ordinary Cambodians to request the corrupt Hun Sen government to pass the long-awaiting anti corruption law. This is nothing short of pure courage from this million Cambodians and those who organized this petition project brought it into reality. I want to pay my respect to these brave Cambodians who face constant threat from the corrupt Hun Sen and his CPP supported by Sihanouk. Cambodia still shows signs of life and of hope through this act of defiance to the traitor and corrupt regime of Hun Sen and his CPP. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. May 25, 2008)
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A petition of more than 1 million Cambodian signatures calling for anti-corruption legislation will be passed to the National Assembly Friday, and organizers hope it will push lawmakers to act.
The signatures were collected over several months “to demand quick passage” of an anti-corruption law of international standard, according to a statement by the Coalition of Civil Society Organization Against Corruption.
“This anti-corruption petition is very important for politicians and voters, before the July national election, to demand the government and National Assembly quickly pass the anti-corruption law after the election,” said Pok Puthearith, a project manager for the Khmer Institute for Democracy. “We want the National Assembly to make a promise to the people.”
Sok Sam Oeun, director of the Cambodian Defenders Project, called the petition “a strong message for all political parties.”
The coalition wanted political parties to make the elimination of corruption a main part of their platforms, he said.
Most political parties have already done that; corruption has dogged the government since its inception, costing the nation as much as $500 million per year.
Prime Minister Hun Sen has promised to pass legislation to curb the practice many times, but that legislation has remained in the draft stage for years.
Posted by khmerization at 6:25 PM 0 comments Links to this post
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Fighting to be remembered
By Elena Lesley,
Times Staff Writer
St. Petersburg Times, Florida
Published February 10, 2008
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(Comments: this article written by reporter Elena Lesley from the St. Petersburg Times, Florida, about a Cambodian-American survivor of the Khmer Rouge genocide, Sophal Stagg, who is a resident of Florida, but had decided to go back to Cambodia in order to raise more awareness among young Cambodians of the horrible and devastating negative consequences the Khmer Rouge genocidal regime on the Cambodian people and society.
It is a remarkable story of courage and fighting spirit of a victim of the Khmer Rouge genocide, who does not give up and who wants to make the world more accountable for the Khmer Rouge genocide, especially of the culture of impunity and systemic corruption of the Hun Sen government.
The state of the Khmer Rouge Trial as contained in the excerpt from the article pointed clearly out how Hun Sen and his oppressive and corrupt government with the help of Sihanouk, had hijacked the whole Khmer Rouge process. In order to make him look better Hun Sen has been demonizing the demons (Khmer Rouge), and by delaying and undermining the Khmer Rouge Trial process by not allowing the United Nations to manage the trial, and by siphoning off the money that was given to Cambodia by the international community of around $ 56 million. This financial assistance from the international community has been totally wasted and has been stolen by the Hun Sen and members of his CPP, as Sophal Stagg had noted that:
“After visiting the compound, Stagg said she is more convinced than ever that many involved in the tribunal are "trying to drag it on as long as they can, suck out as much money as possible."
She isn't the first to notice the perceived waste. Allegations of corruption, mismanagement and political interference have long plagued the tribunal.”
This is the main reason why our group, WCC, has refused to participate in a seminar organized by the Hun Sen handlers such as Helen Jarvis and Sean Visoth, with the cooperation of two Cambodian-Americans, Ms. Leakhana Nou and Ronnie Yimsut. For more details on this controversy, please, see the exchange of emails between me and Ronnie Yimsut, posted in this same page, just below. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington)
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A survivor of the mass killings in that country in the 1970s, she now works to educate the public there about the nation's grim history.
Breaking News Video
Sophal Stagg stopped in front of the villa built to house former leaders of the brutal Khmer Rouge regime and yanked a long weed from the ground. - "This is what I ate to survive," she explained to fellow members of a group touring the Khmer Rouge Tribunal compound in Cambodia. "I thanked God I had this."
They listened quietly as Stagg explained how she sneaked weeds, mice and bugs into the watery rice porridge that was her only sustenance under Pol Pot's notorious regime.
"And these five criminals are living in a luxury house," she continued, angrily pointing toward the villa where five former leaders wait to be tried for war crimes and crimes against humanity. "They have three meals a day - their choice - TV, one even has a special toilet. What kind of justice is this?"
Decades have passed since the fall of the Khmer Rouge. Stagg, who now lives in Palm Harbor and goes by "Sophie," thought she and other survivors would never see justice. Yet even though a United Nations-backed tribunal is set to try key leaders this year, she is still unsure what effect it will have on her home country.
Stagg distributes goods in Cambodia every year as part of her work for the Southeast Asian Children's Mercy Fund, the charity organization she founded. But this January marked her first visit to the tribunal complex. Construction on land outside of Phnom Penh, the country's capital city, started several years ago.
In the past, Stagg always bypassed the site. She thought the government would never allow the tribunal to happen and she didn't want to be disappointed.
But now that the country appears determined to try Pol Pot's henchmen, Stagg still has misgivings.
"I can't believe the world has poured so much money into this," she said, referring to tribunal funding she believes has been misused. "It's like an elaborate stage for a two-minute show. Are the international donors blind?"
Stagg said she was shocked by the number of sleek buildings constructed especially for the trials, the inflated salaries of tribunal staff and the "pampering" of defendants.
Each of the aging leaders has a personal doctor. A bulletproof Land Cruiser transports them the 50 yards from their villa to the courthouse, she said.
"I got very sarcastic on the tour," she said with a wry smile. "I said I was surprised they didn't have a red carpet for the Land Cruiser."
After visiting the compound, Stagg said she is more convinced than ever that many involved in the tribunal are "trying to drag it on as long as they can, suck out as much money as possible."
She isn't the first to notice the perceived waste. Allegations of corruption, mismanagement and political interference have long plagued the tribunal.
Negotiations for a court to try leaders of the Khmer Rouge regime, which is responsible for the deaths of an estimated 1.7-million Cambodians from 1975 to 1979, got off to a slow start in 1997.
Though Pol Pot died of natural causes in 1998, the United Nations and Cambodian government reached an agreement in 2003 outlining a process to try other Khmer Rouge figures.
Fundraising efforts lagged for years, but in July 2006, Cambodian and foreign judges were finally sworn in. A year later, prosecutors submitted a list of suspects to tribunal judges and since that time five people have been taken into custody.
But no one has stood trial, and the tribunal has eaten up most of its $56.3-million budget. Organizers are lobbying for more funding. And they have a good case.
"It is very, very important to put these people on trial as an example to other dictators," said Paul Chuk, a Pinellas Park resident who lost both his parents to the Khmer Rouge. "You cannot abuse people this way and get away with it."
But with all the emphasis on the trappings of justice, Stagg worries the message may not get through to actual Cambodians. She'd like to see less money squandered on construction and salaries, and more devoted to educating the public.
Cambodian schools teach little about the Khmer Rouge regime, and many who lived through it are too traumatized to discuss their experiences, Stagg said. As a result, most young Cambodians know strikingly little about that period.
"Some young people don't even believe it happened," she said.
The lack of information is especially disturbing to Stagg, who has spent much of the past decade trying to raise awareness about the Khmer Rouge. Her memoir, Hear me now: Tragedy in Cambodia, is part of the curriculum in many local schools, and she has given numerous lectures about the Cambodian holocaust.
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Justice in Cambodia: Past, Present, and Future
Margaret M. deGuzmana1
(Comments: this article entitled 'Justice in Cambodia: Past, Present, and Future' clearly shows how Hun Sen is still deeply involved in prolonging the Khmer Rouge Trial process by demonizing the demons, as long as possible in order to give himself time to consolidate his dictatorial power in Cambodia, fully supported by Sihanouk.
The future of the Khmer Rouge trial is on the brink of collapsing, and is as bleak as ever. This is why our group WCC (World Cambodian Congress for Progress and Democracy - http://www.wccpd.org/), had decided not to participate in this politically motivated seminar orchestrated by Hun Sen under the direction of Sean Visoth and Helen Jarvis, and with the cooperation of two Cambodian-Americans, Ronnie Yimsut and Leakhana Nou. Because of our refusal, Yimsut and Nou had blamed WCC for not cooperating with them and for obstructing the ECCC (Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts of Cambodia). For more details on this preposterous accusation, please see the set of emails exchange between me and Mr. Yimsut posted just below in this same page
WCC is not against the Khmer Rouge trial and the ECCC at all. On the contrary, we have been advocating for real justice for the Cambodian people for a very long time, and is long overdue. But, we are against the parody of justice that Hun and his close associates have been practicing to hijack real justice by delaying and by taking over the trial process claiming to do so for protecting the sovereignty of Cambodia. What sovereignty does Cambodia have, today? It is common knowledge that Hun Sen a creation of Vietnamese imperialism over Cambodia. Unfortunately, there are too few Cambodians who are interested in this crucial issue for Cambodia's future, and are willing to stand and fight for it. WCC did its best to expose this shameful manipulation and politicizing of justice by Hun Sen and his CPP. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. May 4, 2008)
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Reviewing: Bringing the Khmer Rouge to Justice: Prosecuting Mass Violence Before the Cambodian Courts (Jaya Ramji & Beth Van Schaack, eds.). Lewiston: The Edwin Mellen Press, 2005, 441 pp.
November 20, 2007 marks an important and long-awaited milestone for Cambodia. On that day the first public hearing took place in the prosecution of a Khmer Rouge member for his role in the massacre of approximately 1.7 million Cambodians from 1975-1979.[1][1] The three-decade delay in achieving this milestone is a result of complex political dynamics both within Cambodia and at the international level. Unfortunately, many of the same forces that delayed justice for Cambodia threaten to smother the embers of the judicial fire that has finally been lit. Certainly, there has been significant progress in the two and a half years since the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (Extraordinary Chambers or ECCC) finally became operational. The relevant personnel are in place, internal rules have been adopted, and five defendants have been charged and are in custody.
Sadly, this progress is marred by serious concerns about the independence, impartiality, and competence of the Extraordinary Chambers. Just three weeks after the co-investigating judges received the first Introductory Submission, Prime Minister Hun Sun requested that the King appoint the Cambodian investigating judge to the Cambodian Court of Appeal.[2][2] Although a potential crisis was averted when Hun Sen announced that Judge You Bun Leng would remain at the ECCC despite his promotion, the incident raised concerns about political interference in the judicial process.[3][3] The judicial independence of the Extraordinary Chambers was also put into question by a Cambodian cabinet minister’s statement that the government could “terminate” the ECCC if it attempts to bring charges against retired King Norodom Sihanouk.[4][4] When the Open Society Justice Initiative made allegations of rampant corruption among Cambodian ECCC personnel, the Cambodian government responded by threatening to ban the Justice Initiative from Cambodia.[5][5] Most recently, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) released the results of an internal audit revealing serious deficiencies in the ECCC’s human resources practices with regard to its Cambodian staff.[6][6] The UNDP went so far as to recommend that all recruitment of ECCC staff to date be nullified and the recruitment process begun anew.[7][7] UNDP further recommended the UN consider withdrawing its support from the tribunal “if the Cambodian side does not agree to the essential measures that are, from UNDP perspective, necessary to ensure the integrity and success of the project.”[8][8] It remains an open question, therefore, whether the Extraordinary Chambers will contribute to justice and the rule of law in Cambodia or instead reaffirm the entrenched culture of corruption and impunity that has characterized the country’s judiciary in recent history.
Nothing less than the future of democracy in Cambodia hangs in the balance, as the editors of this remarkable volume demonstrate. Jaya Ramji-Nogales[9][9] and Beth Van Schaack were among the earliest advocates of a tribunal to try Khmer Rouge leaders when discussions began ten years ago between the United Nations and the Cambodian government. As legal advisors to the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam), they have conducted trainings, performed field research, and provided various forms of legal assistance relevant to the nascent efforts to bring Khmer Rouge leaders to justice. With this book, the editors assemble a collection of authors equally impressive and well versed in Cambodia legal and political history. The authors’ extensive range of experience and expertise – from Buddhist studies to politics, human rights, and documentation – yields a comprehensive study of the past, present, and future of justice in Cambodia.
In the introduction, the editors promise an exploration of the legal and political challenges facing the ECCC, but also a window into broader questions surrounding the evolution of international criminal law and practice. The book delivers on this promise. The dominant theme linking the various contributions is the imperative of molding the international community’s response to mass criminality to meet the needs of the affected populace and polity. This is a time of experimentation in the bourgeoning field of international criminal law. Early post-Nuremberg efforts at international criminal justice focused primarily on the international community’s desire for individual accountability and retribution, rather than on the preferences of the affected populations. Thus, relatively little thought was initially given to how the international criminal tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda could best contribute to the process of reconciling antagonistic sectors of those communities and rebuilding their civil societies. The recent move toward hybrid tribunals is emblematic, at least in part, of an increased international awareness of the contributions such tribunals can make to rebuilding post-conflict societies. A growing consensus among participants in the international criminal justice system holds that tribunals integrated with the affected communities are better able to address the populations’ specific needs than are entirely international tribunals with non-national staffs, laws, and facilities.
Among hybrid courts, the ECCC is unique in the extent to which the balance of power rests in the hands of the national participants. The Cambodian government believes it is only right that Cambodians try the Khmer Rouge in Cambodian courts.[10][10] As a result, the ECCC is subject to a novel supermajority voting formula whereby the agreement of at least two Cambodian judges and one international judge is required for any decision.[11][11] Many national and international participants and observers, on the other hand, see Cambodian control of the ECCC as its Achilles heel and fear that instead of justice for Khmer Rouge victims and a strengthened Cambodian judiciary the process will leave Cambodia further weakened and the international community with unclean hands.[12][12] Ramji-Nogales and Van Schaack’s book explores the historical and political forces that brought Cambodia to this tipping point, engages normative questions of how best to adapt accountability mechanisms to meet population-specific needs, and posits the challenges for Cambodia and the international community to overcome if the ECCC is to be a success by any measure.
The academic contributions to the volume are enclosed between literary bookends that remind the reader of the profound human suffering that provides the raison d’etre of the analysis. In the prologue, Peter Hammer offers a brief account of a dream that continues to haunt his partner, a survivor of the Cambodian killing fields. Hammer posits several potential interpretations of the dream, including chillingly suggesting that it may symbolize the devastating effects on the Cambodian people of the international community’s inaction in the face of Khmer Rouge atrocities. The dream is powerful and Hammer’s analysis insightful. At the same time, with so many survivors still able to recount the horrors they experienced, a first hand narrative might have provided a more apt opening to the book’s legal and socio-political analysis.
Rithy Panh’s epilogue, in contrast, could not be more personal. Panh gives a gut-wrenching account of how he became a documentary film-maker in order to expose the pure evil of Khmer Rouge atrocities. He begins by expressing the guilt he feels that, although a mere boy, he was unable to help those dying around him. He then powerfully states the imperative of remembering: To fail to come to terms with the history of genocide would be to “face the worst kind of death – the death of memory.”[13][13] Looking to the future, Panh echoes a theme that resonates throughout the volume: Cambodia’s social, economic, and political development requires the rejection of impunity for the Khmer Rouge leadership through criminal trials. Impunity according to Panh breeds fear, distrust, and an inability to imagine a future together. Panh also reminds us, however, that criminal trials are not enough. Cambodians need help rebuilding their economy, educating their children, and strengthening civil society if they are to overcome the legacy of the Khmer Rouge horror. Above all, to build a truly democratic society characterized by equitable shared development Cambodia must come to terms with its memory, an endeavor that Panh has made his life’s work.
The book’s academic discussion of the Khmer Rouge trials begins with a helpful contribution by Peter Hammer and Tara Urs setting forth the historical and political context into which the ECCC was born. Hammer & Urs divide their analysis into four historical “chapters:” the politics of Ideology (1975-89), of Reconstruction (1989-96), of Personality (1997-98), and of Politics (1998-2004). In discussing each of these periods of Cambodia’s past, the authors highlight the many ways in which Cambodian and international politics conspired to deny justice to the Cambodian people. The 1979 “show trial” in absentia of Pol Pot and Ieng Sary provides a poignant example of how legal proceedings can be used to fulfill political ends at the expense of justice. The chapter concludes with a description of the drawn out and contentious negotiations between the United Nations and the government of Cambodia to establish a tribunal to try Khmer Rouge leaders. The authors opine that justice this long delayed can be no more than “tokenistic,” serving a largely symbolic function for Cambodia and the international community. Although the power of criminal justice has certainly been diluted with time, other contributions to the volume make clear the critical importance to Cambodia of holding nationally and internationally respected trials even at this late date.
In keeping with the editors’ goal of placing the search for justice after mass atrocities in the appropriate cultural context, the second chapter examines the role Cambodian Buddhism can and should play in framing the country’s approach to accountability. Ian Harris elucidates some basic Theravāda canonical concepts relevant to the discussion of individual accountability for Khmer Rouge crimes and wonders whether it is “too much to ask that [Buddhist] influences might be deployed in the context of [the] tribunal.”[14][14] Unfortunately, the answer the ECCC has given, constrained as it is by political and economic forces, is that such cultural sensitivity is, in fact, too much to ask.
Editor Jaya Ramji-Nogales has criticized the Extraordinary Chambers for failing to incorporate into the process such Buddhist norms as the emphasis on reconciliation over retribution.[15][15] Given the book’s primary audience of legal academics and lawyers, many readers will find Harris’ religious exegesis elusive. Nonetheless, his discussion of the legacy of traditional law and the importance of recognizing religious and cultural factors in the quest for justice are important contributions to the book and to the broader discussion of cultural specificity in international accountability mechanisms.
The premise that justice in Cambodia should be tailored to fit the needs of the Cambodian populace is addressed directly in the third chapter. William Burke-White employs three theoretical frameworks to explain why the preferences of affected populations matter to the quest for justice after mass atrocities. First, restorative justice theory emphasizes the importance of using accountability mechanisms not merely as ends in themselves, but to help rebuild shattered societies. Second, liberal international relations theory, seen through the normative lens of democratic entitlement, requires that justice respond to population preferences. Finally, the individualization of international law has refocused international legal efforts on addressing the needs of citizens. These theoretical approaches support Burke-White’s thesis that the process of securing accountability for Khmer Rouge atrocities must respect the preferences of individual Cambodians if it is to facilitate national reconciliation and promote democracy. Having established the importance of citizen preferences, Burke-White presents data from approximately 50 “in-depth individual and group conversations”[16][16] he conducted in 2002. These conversations indicated a strong preference among participants for prosecutions over other forms of accountability. The most frequently voiced rationales for prosecutions were a desire for vengeance and a need to remember and document the past.
Burke-White makes such a strong case for the importance of ascertaining and incorporating Cambodian preferences in the accountability process that the acknowledged limitations of his data leave the reader wishing for a more comprehensive survey. Unfortunately, no such study has been conducted to date.[17][17] The only other survey Burke-White references is a study that editor Ramji-Nogales conducted in 1997 involving 25 interviewees, many of whom expressed a preference for peace and even amnesty over justice.[18][18] Additional studies of Cambodian preferences are worth mentioning. For example, in 2002, DC-Cam conducted a survey of readers of its monthly magazine.[19][19] The 712 responses collected revealed, like Burke-White’s conversations and most available opinion data, that Cambodians overwhelmingly prefer criminal justice to other accountability mechanisms.[20][20] Unlike Burke-White’s findings, however, very few respondents wanted revenge.[21][21] In fact, most felt that trials alone, regardless of quality, would enable them to forgive.[22][22] In 2004, the Khmer Institute of Democracy surveyed 536 people in Phnom Penh and ten provinces.[23][23] Interestingly, almost half of the participants in this survey preferred no trial at all to a substandard trial.[24][24] The conflicting results of the studies support Burke-White’s conclusion that: “Effort is needed to determine what [Cambodian] preferences actually are on a scale and in a more sophisticated way than this study does.”[25][25] It is not too late for the Extraordinary Chambers to heed this call. The ECCC office of Outreach and Media has conducted many interviews, meetings, press briefings, and tours since the court’s inception. Perhaps the office’s outreach component could also include a nation-wide survey of Cambodian opinions regarding how the ECCC process can best contribute to national reconciliation.
The ECCC’s novel Cambodia-dominated hybrid model prompts Brad Adams to explore whether an internationalized tribunal entrenched in a corrupt and ineffectual domestic system can render justice. An historical survey of Cambodia’s judicial system reveals long periods in which there was essentially no functioning judiciary and the majority of participants in the legal system were corrupt, incompetent, or both. Even today, political and military intervention in judicial decisions is common and sometimes violent, giving judges reason to fear for their lives.[26][26] In light of this context, Adams is highly critical of the decision of the international community to entrust the Cambodian judiciary with the task of bringing the Khmer Rouge to justice. Despite strong objection from the United Nations Secretary General, the international community accepted a supermajority formula for decision making at the tribunal that, according to Adams, virtually ensures that Prime Minister Hun Sen will manipulate the process to serve political ends at the expense of justice for the Cambodian people. In fact, Adams indicts key participants in the negotiating process, opining that the United States and other governments likely assume that Hen Sen will interfere in the tribunal’s work. According to Adams, these governments are motivated less by the goal of justice for Cambodians than by the desire to assuage their guilt for failing to stop the killing and for supporting the Khmer Rouge after the Vietnamese liberation. Adams pessimistically concludes: “a mixed tribunal under the political control of the Cambodian government has little or no chance of rendering either justice or an accurate historical account of the period.”[27][27]
Certainly, there are valid reasons to fear that Adams’ dire predictions are playing out. Prime Minister Hun Sen appeared to be attempting to interfere in the judicial process when he appointed co-investigating judge You Bun Leng to the Cambodian Court of Appeal. Relations have been tense between international and Cambodian participants at the ECCC, reaching a nadir last April when the international judges threatened a boycott over proposed exorbitant fees for foreign defense counsel.[28][28] At the same time, the indictment and arrest of Ieng Sary and Kheiu Samphan provides a glimmer of hope that the ECCC will be permitted to pursue justice without crippling political interference. Sary received a Royal pardon in 1996 when he defected from the Khmer Rouge and Hun Sen has made numerous statements in the intervening years indicating he would not allow Sary to be prosecuted.[29][29] Thus, although recent developments do not fully alleviate Adams’ fear that the Cambodia-dominated hybrid formula of the ECCC will simply compound past injustices, there is a glimmer of hope.
In a logical segue to Adams’ discussion of the Cambodian justice system, Scott Worden examines the constitutional and procedural framework of the Extraordinary Chambers and analyzes how its various elements may advance or detract from the quest for justice. Worden’s discussion of the potential negative impact of flaws in the Cambodian judicial system overlaps somewhat with Adams’ discussion of the same subject in the previous chapter. Also, some of the issues Worden raises have been resolved or are in the process of being resolved. Since the book was published, judges have been selected, the co-prosecutors have begun to work together, and preliminary indications suggest the prosecutions will focus primarily on Khmer Rouge leaders, rather than the broad interpretation of “those most responsible” that Worden suggests. By indicting and detaining Ieng Sary, the prosecutors and investigating judges have signaled their agreement with Worden that Sary’s pardon does not protect him from prosecution, at least for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Worden’s fear that the Cambodian posts at the ECCC would fall prey to the system of political patronage has materialized as the UNDP audit demonstrates. Finally, the ECCC has adopted Internal Rules that respond to some of Worden’s concerns. For example, the Internal Rules clarify the role of the judicial police in conducting investigations and set forth the procedures for the arrest and detention of accused.[30][30]
Worden’s analysis of the Extraordinary Chambers nonetheless remains relevant to ongoing efforts to achieve accountability in Cambodia and informs the broader academic discourse surrounding the value of hybrid efforts at justice. For instance, Worden’s discussion of the complexities of ascertaining and applying domestic rules of criminal procedure while adhering to international standards remains salient both for the ECCC and for hybrid tribunals generally. Although the Extraordinary Chambers have adopted Internal Rules, many lacunae remain that will likely be filled by reference to both Cambodian and international standards. Worden’s chapter is thus a must-read for those studying or participating in hybrid tribunals.
Unlike their Nazi predecessors, the Khmer Rouge took great pains to perpetrate atrocities as secretly as possible and succeeded in destroying many of their documents before the Vietnamese invasion. Nonetheless, the tireless work of Youk Chhang and others at DC-Cam and the associated Tuol Sleng Archives has yielded a wealth of documentary evidence that will be invaluable to the Extraordinary Chambers in the upcoming trials.[31][31] Chhang, along with John Ciorciari, a legal advisor to DC-Cam, provide a useful outline of the types of documents now at the disposal of the ECCC as well as an analysis of some of the hurdles the prosecutors will face in getting such documents admitted as evidence. Since the piece was written, the ECCC has adopted very lenient admissibility rules, answering some of the questions the authors raise.[32][32] For example, as the authors predicted, hearsay will be admissible. Nonetheless, many of the issues discussed in this chapter remain at the forefront of the work undoubtedly underway in the offices of the co-prosecutors. For example, the prosecutors are certainly grappling with how to authenticate Khmer Rouge documents that lack official seals, stamps or letterhead. The article and the expertise of DC-Cam more generally will be important resources for ECCC participants seeking to decipher the Khmer Rouge’s coded names and language. Finally, the chapter provides a helpful overview of how available documents may be used to establish direct and superior liability and to prove the substantive elements of the crimes. Unsurprisingly, the indictments the ECCC has issued thus far dodge the difficult and much debated question whether Khmer Rouge atrocities meet the definition of genocide.[33][33] Ciorciari and Chhang’s piece provides a useful evidentiary roadmap, however, for the charges that have been laid by the tribunal.
One of the thornier issues facing the ECCC is what effect, if any, to give to amnesties and pardons the Cambodian government granted to members of the Khmer Rouge who may be defendants at the court. In 1994, the Cambodian government passed legislation outlawing the Khmer Rouge and providing amnesty for members of the organization who defected to the government within six months of the law’s effective date.[34][34] The law excluded Khmer Rouge leaders from eligibility for the amnesty.[35][35] In 1996, King Sihanouk issued a Royal Decree at the request of Prime Minister Hun Sen and his then co-prime minister, pardoning Ieng Sary with respect to his 1979 conviction for “genocide”[36][36] and granting him an amnesty from liability under the 1994 law.[37][37] The agreement between the United Nations and the government of Cambodia regarding the ECCC, as well as the law establishing the ECCC, leave it to the Extraordinary Chambers to decide the scope of these amnesties and pardons.[38][38]
Ronald Slye presents a compelling normative case that these amnesties are illegitimate because they are of the “amnesic” variety: they provide no accountability, no benefits to victims, and no revelations of the crimes of their beneficiaries. Slye argues the ECCC should temporally limit Sary’s 1996 pardon and review any amnesties granted pursuant to the 1994 law with an eye to enticing subordinate beneficiaries to provide evidence in the trials of the leaders. The ECCC appears to be side stepping the matter of Sary’s pardon by charging him with crimes other than genocide.[39][39] Additionally, it has become clear that the ECCC proceedings will be limited to a very small number of leaders. Nonetheless, Slye’s broader normative analysis of amnesties – who should benefit and how long they should last -- remains pertinent to the global academic and legal discourse surrounding accountability for international crimes.
Dinah PoKempner addresses the question whether the trial of Khmer Rouge leaders can contribute to efforts to chip away at the culture of impunity that continues to dominate Cambodian society. She emphasizes the long history of patronage and political violence that predates the Khmer Rouge era as well as the continuing lack of democratic governance that hinders efforts to build a culture of accountability. PoKempner examines the different agendas the Cambodian people, the international community and the Cambodian government bring to the table. Because these agendas diverge in significant respects, PoKempner is skeptical of the ECCC’s ability to make inroads into Cambodia’s culture of impunity. PoKempner provides an insightful analysis of the dangers of conflicting agendas. Her assertions about the views of Cambodians, however, are based on approximately twenty-four interviews of socially active Cambodians in the capital and foreigners with long-term research or humanitarian activities in Cambodia. Like Burke-White’s study, PoKempner’s discussion of Cambodian opinion leaves the reader hoping for a more comprehensive opinion survey.
In keeping with a primary theme of the volume – that a Khmer Rouge tribunal must respond to the needs of the Cambodian people – editor Jaya Ramji-Nogales contributes a chapter on the importance of reparations. Ramji-Nogales criticizes the law establishing the ECCC for failing to provide for any form of reparation for victims and offers an insightful analysis of the types of reparations that might be appropriate in the Cambodian context. In drafting the tribunal’s Internal Rules, the ECCC heeded Ramji-Nogales’ call and included a provision allowing civil parties to participate in the proceedings and be awarded damages. The draft Internal Rules, circulated for comments in November 2006, provided that civil parties “may be compensated by awarding [proportionate] damages,” and that the ECCC could also award “collective or symbolic reparations.”[40][40] The comments submitted in response to this draft questioned the wisdom and feasibility of awarding damages and suggested the rules clarify the meaning of “collective or symbolic reparations.”[41][41] Commentators also criticized the draft rules’ requirement that the civil party’s injury “continue to subsist at the time of the proceedings.”[42][42] After receiving these comments, the ECCC revised the civil party rule to allow only “collective and moral reparations” and specified that such awards may take the following forms:
a) An order to publish the judgment in any appropriate news or other media at the convicted person’s expense;
b) An order to fund any non-profit activity or service that is intended for the benefit of Victims; or
c) Other appropriate and comparable forms of reparation.[43][43]
Like many aspects of the ECCC, the rule is not ideal. It does not include “all five internationally recognized forms of reparation” as Amnesty International advocated.[44][44] Nor was it based on a comprehensive survey of Cambodian views as Ramji-Nogales suggests in her chapter. Nonetheless, the rule allows the ECCC to provide some form of reparation to victims. Furthermore, the ECCC’s responsiveness to comments on the draft Internal Rules demonstrates the tribunal is making an effort to adhere to international standards and speaks to the importance of continued national and international participation in the proceedings.
The book’s analysis concludes with Steve Heder’s critique of the “top-down” paradigm that has increasingly come to dominate legal and historical approaches to mass atrocities. Heder points out that while Nuremberg itself was addressed to trying Nazi leadership, over a million people were put on trial in various fora for the horrors of World War II. In contrast, the personal jurisdiction of the ECCC is limited to “senior leaders of Democratic Kampuchea and those who were most responsible” for the crimes within the ECCC’s jurisdiction.[45][45] The ECCC’s charging decisions to date indicate the tribunal will adopt a narrow interpretation of this mandate. Heder draws on Stalinism and Nazism literature to explain why this focus on leaders is unjustified as a matter of historical and political theory. He also provides an incisive analysis of Khmer Rouge policies that demonstrates the leader paradigm fails to reflect the practical reality of Khmer Rouge crimes. Lower level Khmer Rouge cadre exercised considerable discretion to identify and eliminate “enemies” of the regime.
Having made a compelling case that substantial culpability resides at the lower levels, Heder spends little more than a page discussing the implications of this conclusion for efforts at justice and accountability in Cambodia. He notes that a “proper legal and historical accounting” would require broadening the judicial lens to include “small fish” but does not engage in the debate surrounding how this accounting might be accomplished in light of the ECCC’s financial and political limitations. Numerous commentators have suggested that some mechanism in addition to the Extraordinary Chambers is necessary to address the culpability of the thousands of perpetrators who will not be tried before that body and to support Cambodia’s broader quest for reconciliation.[46][46] Although a group of United Nations experts recommended in 1999 that Cambodians engage in a process of reflection such as a truth commission[47][47], the recommendation has not been implemented for reasons of domestic Cambodian politics.[48][48] Fortunately, DC-Cam and others are already carrying out the truth seeking and historical record creation functions of such a body.[49][49] Also, a few domestic trials of Khmer Rouge members have taken place.[50][50] Although those proceedings were widely criticized, they nonetheless demonstrated that the Cambodian government is willing and able to bring Khmer Rouge to justice under some circumstances.[51][51]
As the Extraordinary Chambers approaches the third year of its three-year mandate, it remains uncertain what contribution the tribunal will make to justice and reconciliation for Cambodians, as well as to the future of democratic governance in Cambodia. On the one hand, there are worrying indications that many of the concerns raised in this volume are proving justified. Independent observers have found evidence of widespread corruption, political interference, and lack of capacity and training at the ECCC.[52][52] At the same time, the generally hopeful note that resonates throughout many of the contributions finds expression in the indictments that have been filed, the arrest of powerful defendants, and the participation of highly regarded international judges and attorneys. The Cambodian people and the international community now await the verdict on this long-anticipated tribunal: will it help heal Cambodian society and strengthen the rule of law or instead compound the injustices of the past and solidify the culture of impunity? Ramji-Nogales and Van Schaack’s book provides an excellent primer for those interested in the quest for justice in Cambodia and those engaged in international efforts at accountability for mass atrocities.
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a1 PhD candidate, Irish Center for Human Rights; Adjunct Professor of International Human Rights Law, Georgetown University; B.S.F.S., Georgetown University School of Foreign Service; M.A.L.D., The Fletcher School of Law & Diplomacy; J.D., Yale Law School. The author thanks William A. Schabas and Susana SáCouto for their comments on a draft of this book review.
[1][1] In 1979, Pol Pot and Ieng Sary were “tried” by the Vietnamese-run People’s Revolutionary Tribunal, but that trial is widely considered a show trial. See Gregory H. Stanton, The Cambodian Genocide and International Law, in Genocide and Democracy in Cambodia: The Khmer Rouge, the United Nations and the International Community 141, 142 (Ben Kiernan ed., 1993). But see John Quigley, Genocide In Cambodia: Documents from the Trial of Pol Pot and Ieng Sary 20-25 (Howard J. De Nike et al. eds., 2000) (objecting to the “show trial” label).
[2][2] Open Society Justice Initiative, Recent Developments at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia: September 24, 2007 Update 5, available at http://www.justiceinitiative.org/activities/ij/krt.
[3][3] Id. at 6.
[4][4] Caitlin Price, Cambodia can 'terminate' genocide tribunal if ex-king prosecuted: official, Jurist: Legal News & Research, September 3, 2007, available at http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/paperchase/2007/09/cambodia-can-terminate-genocide.php.
[5][5] Open Society Justice Initiative, Progress and Challenges at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia 9, June 2007, available at http://www.justiceinitiative.org/activities/ij/krt.
[6][6] United Nations Development Programme, Audit of Human Resources Management at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, available at http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/pdf/ecccaudit.pdf.
[7][7] Id., at 6.
[8][8] Id.
[9][9] After the book was published, Ramji changed her name to Ramji-Nogales.
[10][10] See Aide-memoire on the report of the United Nations Group of Experts for Cambodia of 18 February 1999, issued by the Government of Cambodia, Mar. 12 1999, quoted in Rachel S. Taylor, Better Late Than Never: Cambodia’s Joint Tribunal, in Accountability for Atrocities: National and International Responses 237, 257 (Jane E. Stromseth ed., 2003) (“[T]he culprit is a Cambodian national, the victims are Cambodians; therefore the trial by a Cambodian court is fully in conformity with the [norms of] legal process.”).
[11][11] Law on the Establishment of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia for the Prosecution of Crimes Committed During the Period of Democratic Kampuchea (hereinafter Establishment Law), art. 14 (new), available at http://www.eccc.gov.kh/english/default.aspx.
[12][12] Commentators have noted that due to the supermajority voting formula, “the tribunal will only be as strong as its weakest international member.” Human Rights Watch, Serious Flaws: Why the U.N. General Assembly Should Require Changes to the Draft Khmer Rouge Tribunal Agreement, Human Rights Watch Briefing Paper, April 2003, available at http://hrw.org/backgrounder/asia/cambodia040303-bck.htm.
[13][13] Rithy Panh, Epilogue, in Bringing the Khmer Rouge to Justice: Prosecuting Mass Violence Before the Cambodian Courts 425, 428 (Jaya Ramji & Beth Van Schaack eds., 2005).
[14][14] Ian Harris, Onslaught on Being: A Theravāda Buddhist Perspective on Accountability for Crimes Committed in the Democratic Kampuchea Period, in Bringing the Khmer Rouge to Justice, supra note 13, at 88.
[15][15] Jaya Ramji-Nogales, Panelist, The Impending Extraordinary Chambers of Cambodia to Prosecute the Khmer Rouge, 5 Santa Clara J. Int’l L. 326, 332 (2007).
[16][16] William Burke-White, Preferences Matter: Conversations With Cambodians On The Prosecution Of The Khmer Rouge Leadership, in Bringing the Khmer Rouge to Justice, supra note 13, at 102.
[17][17] See Laura McGrew, Open Society Justice Initiative, Transitional Justice Approaches in Cambodia 139, 142 (April 2006), available at http://www.justiceinitiative.org/db/resource2/fs/?file_id=16990 (noting that the views of Cambodians were absent during negotiations over the ECCC “except through some incomplete and non-representative surveys done by a handful of individuals and organizations.”).
[18][18] Jaya Ramji, Reclaiming Cambodian History: The Case for A Truth Commission, 24 Fletcher Forum of World Affairs 137, 143-46 (2000). The differences between Burke-White’s findings and those of Ms. Ramji-Nogales may suggest Cambodian preferences shifted in the intervening five years, particularly as peace gained a more secure foothold in Cambodia. See Burke-White, in Bringing the Khmer Rouge to Justice, supra note 13, at 104.
[19][19] Suzannah Linton, Documentation Center of Cambodia, Reconciliation in Cambodia 1 (2004).
[20][20] See id. at 21; see also Taylor, supra note 10, at 251 & n.85 (citing poll of 1,503 people of whom 81.1% supported prosecuting Khmer Rouge leaders).
[21][21] See Linton, supra note 19, at 22.
[22][22] See id. at 26.
[23][23] Khmer Institute of Democracy, Survey of the Khmer Rouge Regime and the Khmer Rouge Tribunal (2004), available at http://www.bigpond.com.kh/users/kid/KRG-Tribunal.htm.
[24][24] Id. at 7.
[25][25] Burke-White, supra note 16, at 120.
[26][26] For example, in 2003, the judge who presided over the trial of Khmer Rouge leader Sam Bith was assassinated. Saing Soenthrith, Gunmen Kill Municipal Court Judge, The Cambodia Daily, April 24, 2003, available at http://cambodia.ahrchk.net/mainfile.php/news200304/599.
[27][27] Brad Adams, Cambodia’s Judiciary: Up to the Task?, in Bringing the Khmer Rouge to Justice, supra note 13, at 165.
[28][28] Foreign Judges to Boycott Khmer Rouge Trial Meeting Over Fees, Asian Political News, April 9, 2007, available at http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0WDQ/is_2007_April_9/ai_n18792833.
[29][29] Thomas Hammarberg, How the KR Tribunal was Agreed: Discussions Between the Cambodian Government and the UN: Part V, 22 Searching for the Truth, Magazine of DC-CAM 41, June 2001, available at http://www.dccam.org/Projects/Magazines/Previous%20Englis/Issue22.pdf; David Boyle, Trying Ieng Sary, Phnom Penh Post, October 13-16, 2000, available at http://www.phnompenhpost.com/TXT/letters/L921-4.htm; Cambodia Genocide Program, Chronology, Yale University, September 24, 2000, available at http://www.yale.edu/cgp/chron_v3.html
[30][30] Internal Rules of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, Rules 15, 42-45 (hereinafter “Internal Rules”), available at http://www.eccc.gov.kh/english/internal_rules.aspx.
[31][31] In fact, an October 12, 2004 United Nations memorandum quoted on the DC-Cam website states: “It is expected that the Chambers will rely heavily on documentary evidence. Some 200,000 pages of documentary evidence are expected to be examined. The bulk of that documentation is held by the Documentation Centre of Cambodia, an NGO dedicated to research and preservation of documentation on crimes perpetrated during the period of Democratic Kampuchea.” http://www.dccam.org/Abouts/History/Histories.htm.
[32][32] Id., Rule 87.
[33][33] See e.g., William A. Schabas, Problems of International Codification – Were the atrocities in Cambodia and Kosovo genocide?, 35 New Engl. L. Rev. 287 (2001).
[34][34] Law on the Outlawing of the "Democratic Kampuchea" Group (English translation based on text published by the Phnom Penh Post, Vol. 3, no. 14, 15-28 Jhttp://www.cambodia.gov.kh/krt/pdfs/Law%20to%20Outlaw%20DK%20Group%2[36][36] The Vietnamese-run People’s Revolutionary Tribu
[35][35] Id., art. 6.
nal that tried Sary employed an idiosyncratic definition of genocide that does not reflect the definition in the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. See Decree Law No. 1: Establishment of People’s Revolutionary Tribunal at Phnom Penh to Try the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary Clique for the Crime of Genocide, art. 1 reprinted in Genocide In Cambodia: Documents from the Trial of Pol Pot and Ieng Sary 45 (Howard J. De Nike et al. eds., 2000).
[37][37] Royal Decree NS/RKT/0996/72 (unofficial translation), available at http://www.cambodia.gov.kh/krt/pdfs/pardon%20for%20ieng%20sary.pdf.
[38][38] See Agreement Between the United Nations and The Royal Government of Cambodia Concerning the Prosecution Under Cambodian Law of Crimes During the Period of Democratic Kampuchea, art. 11, available at http://www.eccc.gov.kh/english/default.aspx; Establishment Law supra note 11, art. 40 (new).
[39][39] In the Provisional Detention Order for Ieng Sary, the co-investigating judges opine that Sary’s pardon does not nullify his 1979 genocide conviction, but merely annuls the sentence. Furthermore, the prior conviction does not bar the ECCC from trying Sary under the principle of ne bis in idem for crimes other than genocide. Finally, the judges note that Sary’s amnesty relates to domestic crimes, not those within the ECCC’s jurisdiction. See Criminal Case File 002/14-08-2006, Provisional Detention Order, paras. 7-14, available at http://www.eccc.gov.kh/english/cabinet/indictment/11/Provisional_detention_order_IENG_Sary_ENG.pdf.
[40][40] ECCC Draft Internal Rules, November 3, 2006, rule 27 (12)(b), available at http://www.cambodia.gov.kh/krt/internal_rules/ECCC_Draft-Internal-Rules.pdf.
[41][41] International Center for Transitional Justice, Comments on Draft Internal Rules for the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia 7 (November 17, 2006), available at http://www.ictj.org/images/content/6/0/601.pdf (“Awards to particular groups of victims as civil parties may be perceived as fragmenting the broader universe of victims of the Khmer Rouge regime, thereby diminishing the aggregate reparatory effect of the awards even if they are made collectively”); Amnesty International, Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia: Recommendations to address victims and witnesses issues in the internal rules effectively (January 1, 2007), available at http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGASA230012007?open&of=ENG-2S3 (“[C]learer terminology which (sic) should be used to clarify the extent of reparation which can be awarded by the Extraordinary Chambers.”).
[42][42] International Center for Transitional Justice, Comments on Draft Internal Rules, supra note 41, at 8; Amnesty International, Recommendations, supra note 41; Jaya Ramji-Nogales, DC-CAM Comments on the ECCC Draft Internal Rules (November 17, 2006), available at http://www.genocidewatch.org/CambodiaDCCAMCommentsOnTheECCCDraftInternalRules17Nov2006.htm.
[43][43] Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, Internal Rules, Rule 23(12) (June 12, 2007), available at http://www.eccc.gov.kh/english/internal_rules.aspx.
[44][44] See Amnesty International, Recommendations, supra note 41. The five forms are restitution, compensation, rehabilitation, satisfaction and guarantees of non-repetition. Id.
[45][45] Establishment Law, supra note 11, art. 1. Another example of the trend toward restrictive personal jurisdiction can be found in the statute of the Special Court for Sierra Leone which limits that court’s jurisdiction to “persons who bear the greatest responsibility” for the serious crimes at issue. Statute of the Special Court for Sierra Leone, art. 1, available at http://www.sc-sl.org/scsl-statute.html.
[46][46] See e.g., Jaya Ramji, Reclaiming Cambodian History, supra note 18 (arguing that trials of Khmer Rouge leaders should be supplemented by a truth commission or other investigative body); Taylor, supra note 10 (discussing a truth commission and reparations); McGrew, supra note 17(discussing various transitional justice mechanisms including a truth commission, reparations and vetting).
[47][47] United Nations General Assembly and Security Council, Identical Letters Dated 15 March 1999
from the Secretary-General to the President of the General Assembly and the President of the rity Council, United Nations, A/53/850, S/1999/231, March 16, 1999, 2.
[48][48] McGrew, supra note 17, at 143.
[49][49] Suzannah Linton, KR trials are vital, but won't solve everything, Phnom Penh Post, Dec. 20, 2002 - January 2, 2003, available at http://www.phnompenhpost.com/TXT/comments/kr.htm.
[50][50] Dr. John Hall, In the Shadow of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal: The Domestic Trials of Nuon Paet, Chhouk Rin & Sam Bith, and the Search for Judicial Legitimacy in Cambodia, 20 Colum. J. Asian L. 235 (2006).
[51][51] Id. at 295.
[52][52] See, e.g., discussion on website of International Center for Transitional Justice, available at http://www.ictj.org/en/where/region3/642.html.
.
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Going against the Cambodian conventional wisdom for the sake of real and lasting justice for the Cambodian people
(Please, read a set of emails relating to a project to convince the Cambodian-American community to back up the Khmer Rouge Trial orchestrated by the Hun Sen’s regime to make them look better in the eyes of the oveseas Cambodians, and especially those of the international communities. Following my own conscience as a free person and because I know enough about the main real reasons why Hun Sen is hijacking the whole trial process of the Khmer Rouge by demonizing the demons (Khmer Rouge) and by stalling as long as possible, so that he can consolidate his dictatorial power in Cambodia, I just had to refuse this invitation. A well-meaning but naive Cambodian-American, Ronnie Yimsut, has attempted to convince Cambodian-Americans to join him, under the name of peace and reconciliation, to support this sham trial.
Please, read a recent article (posted below, entitled 'A Tortuous Road to Nation-Building' ) by Barbara Croisstete, a famed journalist from the respectable 'New York Times' on how Hun Sen had hijacked the whole Khmer Rouge trial process. That is why I refused to join this proposed meeting with the ECCC (Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts of Cambodia) in New York whose real purpose is to basically legitimize the Hun Sen murderous and treacherous regime with the full support of Sihanouk. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. May 2, 2008)
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(Comments: this recent email from Mr. Yimsut that I posted below is another sign of an ego trip of this individual who thinks that he and he alone has the monopoly of suffering from the Khmer Rouge genocide regime, although there are more than two million of Cambodian men, women, and children who were slaughtered by the Khmer Rouge. He used his self indulged monopoly of suffering to justify his allegiance to Hun Sen and to thank the Vietnamese for 'liberating' Cambodia. Did Vietnam liberate Cambodia? Most Cambodians as a recent survey by 'Khmerization' showed that they believed that Vietnamese are invaders and not 'liberators' of Cambodia, as Yimsut wrongly believes.
So, Yimsut reveals himself to be a hypocrite and extremely selfish, when he wished me to have a peaceful sleep. The main difference between Yimsut and I, is the fact that I cannot and will not acceptHun Sen and the Vietnamese as liberators. I was also blamed for saying that Sihanouk has betrayed the Cambodian people by throwing his full support to the traitor Hun Sen and his CPP, while Yimsut is grateful to the Vietnamese for 'liberating' Cambodia. Yimsut has no moral standing, nor intellectual capability to judge me or anybody else. Fro instance, he has chosen to work with Hun Sen and his CPP because, simply that Hun Sen has all the power to oppress the Cambodian people. In other words, for Yimsut, if he cannot fight Hun Sen, it is better to join him. Yimsut, don't be pretentious to question my moral standing, and my honesty, when Yimsut is so deficient intellectually and morally.
As to Leakhana, we have already settled our misunderstanding. I do not put Leakhana in the same shameful ship that Yimsut finds himself now in.
If I am feeling guilty as Yimsut has suggested, I would not be able to be today at seventy five years old and I am still healthy (physically and mentally) enough to enjoy my life fully, everyday. My only worry is that Cambodia may not survive very long as long as there people like Yimsut who chose to betray the Cambodian people, while claiming to be wise and lover of justice.
All my life, I was brought up by my family to be honest, and to stand up for justice, and not to betray my people and country. I am respected by my peers and most important people in the international community, except by those who are defenders of the Vietnamese, like Yimsut. My professional accomplishments are available (See my page on my professional background page in this web site) to prove who I am and what I have been able to accomplish in mylife. I don't need Yimsut to wish me 'a good long life.' I am fortunate to already have gone through a long and productive life and I have nothing to hide, and nothing to be ashamed of. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. May 29, 2008)
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Dearest Dr. Tith,
I am speechless (not surprise). This is so twisted and uncalled for
though, especially against Prof. Leakhena Nou. It is not even come
close to reality (do a reality check lately?), let alone the truth.
I hope you can sleep well at night for what you are doing is not
right--based on what ever moral or legal code you live by. I am so
sorry for you, Dr. Tith.
I still respect your "opinion" and let's leave it as that.
Have a good long life, Dr. Tith.
STILL BEST WISHES to my elder.
PS: Please kindly make sure our recent brief e-mail exchanges are
actually posted on your website so that people don't misinformed by
such misinformation, which may be construed as a "propaganda."
Ronnie."
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May 1, 2008
Dear Ronnie:
Thank you for the email on the prospect for me to join a discussion on the Khmer rouge Trial, with ECCC representatives, and CPP representatives, namely H. Jarvis, Sean Visoth.
I never hold any personal grudge against anybody who has a different opinion from mine. I have been living in the free world most of my adult life to be otherwise, so I accept that people may have different opinion.
Having said that, I am very much open to anybody except Hun Sen and his CPP. So, in that framework of mind, I cannot accept to meet H.. Jarvis, and Sean Visoth.
Nice to hear from you and thank you for thinking of me in this project. I hope we can continue to communicate with each other again and soon. Best regards.
Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D..
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In a message dated 5/1/2008 10:52:32 A.M. Eastern Daylight Time, ryimsut@gmail.com writes:
Dear Dr. Tith,Pardon my intrusion (just this once for us Khmer sake). I have thusfar respected you wish of excommunication (against me). But your name(and that of WCC group) was specifically mentioned by ECCC reps, whowill be in NY/UN in two weeks.The ECCC, informally and unofficially, has recently asked me to helpbridge the communication gap between the ECCC and Khmer communitieshere in the US. They knew how effective we were in our previous KRTForum in PDX in reaching out to various communities in the US for acommon cause. The ECCC, both the UN and RGC side, wishes to engageKhmerican and have a dialogue with various Khmer communities andgroups here, such as WCC. You are a respected elder in WCC circle, ifI recall correctly (and I have no direct contact with Kal Man or SaronKhut in PDX).Please see e-mail threds below as fyi. Do let me know if I can helpset the stage and make the peace toward mutual understanding, respect,and benefit. Thanks.With all due respect,RonnieRonnie YimsutAuthor/Activist/Social Entrepreneurwww.projectenlighten.comAdvisor to CACOHi Nak,I lost touch with Dr. Tith. Here is his e-mail: "User344111@aol.com"
Hi Ronnie,CACO would love to host the representatives from Cambodia when theyare in Portland, Oregon! As with any public forum, extensive planningis required and we would love to start involving the representativesfor our upcoming, hopefully, Shared Suffering Shared Resilience PublicForum (2009) which will include an oral history project. All are atinitial planning stages and with ample planning we can continue themomentum you, Professor Leakhena, and a few others have sparked.Please let me know what the ECCC representatives prefer.Cheers,RithyaRithya S. TangPresidentCambodian-American Community of Oregonwww.CACOregon.orgUnite - Preserve - Empower503-730-5353----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Hi Ronnie,When can you arrange for the ECCC representatives to come to LB, CA …is it possible for the end of March/early June? I am in communicationwith one of our leaders to see if we can organize an informal meetingwith them, but we need time to do so. This is also the end of thesemester crunch for me and the time is a limiting factor.Fyi, I've been in discussion with the Open Society Justice Initiativein NYC to follow-up on what we had organized recently in CA … for thesame purpose you mentioned below. The only problem is time conflict.Communication is currently underway with Lowell and OR communities tohold a similar shared suffering shared resiliency forum in theserespective locations and others across the U.S., and perhaps overseas.Best wishes,LeakhenaPlease let me know ASAP!------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Leakhena Nou, Ph.D.Assistant Professor of SociologyCalifornia State University, Long BeachDepartment of Sociology, PSY-1431250 Bellflower Blvd.Long Beach, CA 90840-0906Direct Office #: (562) 985-7439Fax #: (562) 985-2090E-mail: lnou@csulb.eduNo, not yet.What ever happens to the survivors forum you guys proposed? Thiscould very well fits nicely and neatly into the scheme as both HelenJarvis and Sean Visoth are very eagered to share ECCC vision/missionand progress adn issues. They are willing to go out of their way andtake their very busy schedule in NY to come and meet with our variouscommunities here. We need to only coordinate the timming. It is thatimportant to them and they are willing to cough up the dough needed toget to where we may have a forum.What more can we ask for? Perfect question and answersession--before or after the sharing of survivors stories.Opportunity comes knocking...!PS: HE Sean Visoth mentioned WCC, specifically Dr. Tith's name astargeted audience for the exchange. If you have access to Kal Man andWCC (via Sharon Khut?) by all means, get them involved in this as theyare the loudest opposition to ECCC. BTW, HE Sean Visoth is a keypersonal advisor to Hun Sen and a very powerful figure in CPP, if youdon't know him. Reason why he was a "political appointee" to ECCC tocounter Michelle Lee (who is now being replaced). He was ratherdisappointed that we did not invite him, the RGC (Khmer) side of ECCC,to our previous KRTF. Sorely disappointed.On 4/28/08, Kilong Ung
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May 3, 2008
Dear Mr. Yimsut:
Thank you for your email and your generosity and 'open-mindedness.' I am sure with your wisdom and kindness, you and your friends, will solve all the problems that are now facing Cambodia. You have decided to be involved with the CPP, and you have decided to thank the Vietnamese for the 'liberation of Cambodia.' Our group does not share your opinion based on historical facts. I have provided ample scholarly written documents to prove that Hun Sen and his CPP are under Vietnam control and are taking over the destiny of Cambodia.
The Vietnamese are now committing genocide against our compatriots from Kampuchea Krom, as testified by Rebecca Sommer, a German United Nations consultant on human rights, in her video presentation entitled 'Eliminated without bleeding posted in one of my web sites;
(http://cambodiana.org/ARuggestedRoadmaptofreedomforCambodia.aspx)
The Vietnamese continue to send illegal immigrants to take over the land of the Khmers. Hun Sen is doing everything to please the Vietnamese government by even kidnapping the reverend Tim Sakhorn and delivered him to the Vietnamese authorities to be tried for what? For having dared to protest against the mistreatment of our brothers and sisters in Kampuchea Krom.
Hun Sen has been selling land to foreigners by dispossessing those poor Cambodians who live on the land (See an article on that in my web site;
(http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id23.html).
It is recognized by most independent observers and journalists that Hun Sen continued to do anything to keep the absolute power for himself and his CPP. He does not kill members of the opposition parties, as much as he used to, but this does not mean that he has renounce violence, because he can use the Cambodian judicial system to prosecute opposition leaders under trumped up charges, as in the Sam Rainsy, Ranariddh cases. Given this state of a highly politicized judicial system, how can any reasonable person expect that this system would be objective in the Khmer Rouge Trial. That is why members of our group have decided not to be engaged with those who are under Hun Sen control, such as Jarvis and Visoth.
We have agreed to disagree. Now just let me say that Cambodian destiny is in 'good hands,' yours and your friends, who are much brighter and much wiser than members of our group are.
Good Luck for the Cambodian people, while I continued to be suffering silently until the end of my days, as long as Hun Sen is controlling our country of birth..
You don't need to reply to this email.
Best regards.
Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D.
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In a message dated 5/3/2008 8:36:01 A.M. Eastern Daylight Time, ryimsut@gmail.com writes:
Thanks, Lauk Kal Man, Lauk Saron khut, and Dr. Tith for your
view/opinion. I respected it and it is certainly entiltled.
All I can say, as a reminder to US ALL, is that we should hold our
friends close and our enemies (perceived or not) even closer--by
directly engaging them--not by shy away and casually disregard them.
The worst thing that we can do is disrespected and FEAR them. Ask
them tough questions and follow up with even more tougher questions.
Pick them apart, if we to believe that they (ECCC) are not worthy the
"pocket changes" being spent--compare to other courts. I honestly
believe that engaging with ECCC (even the CPP) is better than simply
ignore them, in my humble view, and hope they would just go away. As
a survivor, I can never personally accept this.
The ECCC, as far as I am concerned--as a survivor--has already served
its purpose, if not yet meeting meeting its mandate. Five of 10 top
KR leaders are sitting pretty in ECCC's jail (I was there just
recently--engaging in MY OWN fact finding) and very, very well treated
and rightfully so. And for me personally a guilty or not guilty
verdict is of no consequences. The fact that there people, who were
feeling God's like being not too long ago, are actually sitting in
jail and going through the process, a judicial process accepted by the
UN and Int'l Com, already met my own personal goal and life long wish.
Such people will think twice before they do such a bad deeds again,
for sure. There is no pefection in this world--not evfen for me (or
us).
This is a great country, the free world, where we can have such
freedom of expression and be respected--if not accepted or appreciated
by everyone. Because each and everyone of us entitled to an opinion,
I valued and respected yours, for sure. Thanks.
is well.
Sincerely,
Ronnie Yimsut
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BRIEFING: A time for change in election season
The Washington Times
April 25, 2008
By Steve Hirsch
http://www.washingtontimes.com/article/20080425/FOREIGN/959987219/1003
(Comments: Most international observers still give credit to Hun Sen for stopping the killing of opposition parties’ members. This is far from the truth. In reality, there is a good reason for this so-called 'progress' in Hun Sen behavior, as appeared to be indicated by this article is the fact that Hun Sen, has been recently using the judicial system, which is under his total control to bring those who dare to oppose him to the court under totally fabricated charges. Since the judicial system is under his control, those who were sued by Hun Sen are certain to be found guilty and sent to jail, and fined. Alternatively, some those who were convicted chose to be exiled abroad, (like Ranariddh), therefore, no longer a threat to Hun Sen and his CPP. The fact that Hun Sen had not recently killed any political opponent, this does not mean that he had given up killing, but, because he did not need to do so. However, if Hun Sen feels that his absolute power is being threatened by any opponent, he would not hesitate to kill that person. This is what is now going on in Cambodia right now. I must add that Hun Sen could not have kept full control of the political system in Cambodia, if Sihanouk did not back him up 'one hundred percent,' as Sihanouk recently and publicly stated. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. April 30, 2008)
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Cambodian opposition leader Sam Rainsy this week predicted that the opposition will gain strength in planned national elections, even though the vote "will be manipulated."
The country is to hold national elections July 27, and they are widely expected to be won by Prime Minister Hun Sen and his ruling Cambodian People's Party.
The elections come against a background of a poor human rights record, runaway inflation and a slow-moving international genocide tribunal for Khmer Rouge leaders. An estimated 1.7 million people died during the brutal 1975-79 Khmer Rouge regime.
The State Department has described Cambodia's human rights record as "poor," citing reports of arbitrary arrests and prolonged detention, a weak judiciary, and government restriction of freedom of speech through defamation and disinformation suits.
According to the department's human rights report for last year, "corruption was endemic and extended throughout all segments of society, including the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government."
Sam Rainsy, who heads a party of the same name — the Sam Rainsy Party — in an interview with The Washington Times on Wednesday described the Cambodian government as "a facade of democracy" where all powers are concentrated in Hun Sen's hands.
He also cited "shady business deals" and said the country's most thriving industries are deforestation, land speculation, gambling and prostitution.
The July elections come as Cambodians are facing soaring inflation and food costs — with low-grade rice reportedly selling last month in Phnom Penh markets at about 50 cents a kilogram, compared with 30 cents a few months ago.
In the past six months, basic food items have more than doubled in price, Sam Rainsy said.
About 300 supporters of the Sam Rainsy Party rallied in Phnom Penh a few weeks ago to protest inflation and demand wage increases, and Sam Rainsy said there will be another protest May 1.
Sam Rainsy also said the poor are being pushed off their land in Phnom Penh as land prices rise, and their expulsion is being compared to the Khmer Rouge's forcible evacuation of cities in 1975 — although in this case, only the poor are being expelled.
He predicted that the election will be rigged and said large numbers of voters who do not support Hun Sen's CPP will be stripped from election rolls.
Human Rights Watch last month said politically motivated criminal charges against at least three opposition party officials were part of a CPP campaign to weaken political rivals.
"Politically motivated criminal charges have ... long been a weapon of choice of the CPP against its political foes," the organization said.
Brad Adams, the group's Asia director, said that for those who follow Cambodian politics, "this is deja vu."
Sam Rainsy said he needs to do his best to make sure this election won't be "as bad" as previous elections.
Outside observers have cited progress since the last National Assembly elections in 2003, pointing to a decrease in political violence in an example.
The State Department, discussing local elections last year, acknowledged there were problems, but said most observers agreed they "were the least violent and best organized elections ever held in the country."
The ruling CPP won 70.4 percent of the positions in that election, while the Sam Rainsy Party won 23.4 percent.
A U.N. Development Program report on those elections cited "a seeming general consensus among national and international observers that the elections were conducted in a peaceful atmosphere and were largely free and fair, particularly when compared to previous elections in Cambodia."
How well his party will do in the elections, Sam Rainsy said, depends on how transparent and honest the election turns out to be.
He is certain, though, the opposition "will get stronger."
"Our voice will be stronger, our influence will be stronger, and we will use them to push the Khmer Rouge tribunal to move forward," he said.
He said the party could gain substantial power if it were to prevent the CPP from maintaining a two-thirds majority in the National Assembly.
When asked whether most Cambodians believe democracy is a real possibility in the near future, he answered indirectly:
"In 1990, if you asked Russians ... is the Communist Party going to disintegrate, is the Soviet Union going to disintegrate ... most of them would say no."
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Country for sale
(Comments: this is the most recent and comprehensive assessment of Cambodia's economic, political, and social situation. It does not show a hopeful picture at all, of Cambodia and its people. Cambodia under Hun Sen, with 100 percent support from Sihanouk, is for sale to foreigners, except for the Vietnamese who were given free all the land and other natural resources, and to allow them to enter country freely, in repayment by Hun Sen to his Vietnamese 'protector' for having given him the power to loot Cambodia blind (Please, for more details on this issue, see the content of our letter to the US senators warning them of the final phase of Vietnamization process of Cambodia, posted above in this page).
From this very accurate and scholarly assessment by the 'Guardian' the future of Cambodia looks very bleak, indeed. Cambodia is fast approaching the end of its long but tortuous and violent history. For this debacle, don't just blame the Vietnamese alone. Cambodians are much to be blamed for the disintegration of their homeland and people.
As an example of such bad behavior of the leaders of the Cambodians living abroad, just look at the recent behavior of Cambodian-Americans in Long Beach related to the invitation of Sok An (One of Hun Sen extended family members, according to Global Witness) to come and preside over the 2008 Cambodian New Year parade in Long Beach, California, is a proof of such an amoral stand by those so-called leaders of the Cambodian Long Beach township, living in this free country.
If Cambodians who are living in the free environment like in the USA, still have no moral grounding, the Cambodian society which is rotten to the core, is practically without any hope for a better future, any time soon.
Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. April 26, 2008)
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Almost half of Cambodia has been sold to foreign speculators in the past 18 months - and hundreds of thousands who fled the Khmer Rouge are homeless once more. Adrian Levy and Cathy Scott-Clark report
By Adrian Levy and Cathy Scott-Clark
The Guardian, Saturday April 26 2008
About this article
This article appeared in the Guardian on Saturday April 26 2008 on p30 of the Features & comment section. It was last updated at 00:08 on April 26 2008.
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Sang Run, his hair stiff with sea salt, chugs out into the Gulf of Kompong Som in his weather-beaten turquoise boat, looking for blackling. He scours the shallow, blue water, waiting for a shoal to appear, before skimming his net across the water. He does the same every day, taking his catch to auction on Independence Beach in Cambodia's southern port city of Sihanoukville.
It looks like a scene Sang Run was born into. But 20 years ago the beach was deserted, and he was a schoolteacher in Mondulkiri, a forested province hundreds of miles away in the east of the country. Back then, he could talk all day about palm sugar and betel nuts. He was something of an amateur botanist, but had never seen the sea - nor had any of the group who today gather around his silvery haul flapping in the sand on Independence Beach. Former nurse Srey Pov, who runs a Khmer restaurant along the beach, also came from a province many miles away. She still cannot swim, she says, shrugging. Heads nod around her. Cambodia is a nation that would drown if their boat tipped over; it is also a country whose citizens mostly do not belong to the places where they have ended up.
The Khmer Rouge saw to that, eviscerating the kingdom after coming to power. It was a movement that drew inspiration from Mao's Cultural Revolution, collectivising all the land; but it grew to love terror more than ideology. The ferocity of the regime sent more than 300,000 rushing into exile. At least two million urban Cambodians were route-marched into the paddy fields to near certain death. Worst hit was the Eastern Zone, bordering Vietnam, where Sang Run came from. Its people were derided as "duck's arses with chicken's heads" as the Khmer Rouge grew to mistrust the Vietnamese and accused Mondulkiri people of being disloyal - too sympathetic to their neighbours across the border. Their names were added to those who were to be purged; the catalogue of "crimes" became so long, so general, that anyone could stand accused. The wave of random violence and retribution that scythed through the countryside for three years, eight months and 21 days killed one in five of the population.
Sang Run's family all vanished, but he survived, hiding in the forests, living off what he could pluck and hunt. When the Vietnamese invaded in 1978 - overthrowing the Khmer Rouge a year later - Sang Run found his way, like thousands of others, to Cambodia's 300-mile long shoreline. Stretching between Thailand and Vietnam, the region had been a Khmer Rouge stronghold, controlled by Pol Pot's notorious commander, Ta Mok, who was known as The Butcher. In the 80s, when the fishing shacks and noodle stores went up along the Sihanoukville coast, there was no development plan. There had never been a tradition of thriving fishing communities along the coast - few Cambodians lived there except in the old French colonial towns. The shoreline had been empty - miles of palm-fringed beach front interspersed with the few port towns, including Kep, Sihanoukville and Ream.
Survivors began to build new lives there, learning to love the sea. Some took boats to a nearby archipelago of 22 coral-fringed, uninhabited islands, building up clusters of villages on atolls with names such as Rabbit, Snake and Turtle. Within 10 years, the whole coastline had been patchily settled by newcomers, among them a former farmer, Soch Tith, a stocky man with corncob hands, who was sick every time he got in a boat, but still found his way to faraway Koh Rong, the largest of the islands - 7,800 hectares of jungle. There he cleared small patches to grow fruit.
By 2006, these communities had schools, political representation, and many householders even had papers, stamped by the Sihanoukville governor, Say Hak, which guaranteed them the permanent right to stay under the 2001 Cambodian Land Law. The central government in Phnom Penh had in the 90s designated the entire coast and its islands as State Public Land that could not be bartered or developed.
Then, during the past couple of years, a disturbing wave of rumours swept the coastal communities. Sang Run says that in September 2006 he heard that Snake Island, half a mile out to sea, had been secretly sold to Russians. He did not check. Cambodians ask little from their government; a wariness of authority is a legacy of years of blood-letting under Pol Pot. In any case, it was a familiar story. Shortly after Hun Sen, Cambodia's prime minister, came to power in 1985, frenzied landgrabbing began: influential political allies and wealthy business associates raced to claim land that the Khmer Rouge had seized, gobbling up such large chunks of the cities, forests and paddy fields that Cambodians used to say the rich were eating the country. By 2006, the World Bank estimated that 40,000 had been made homeless in Phnom Penh alone. But, until now, no one had bothered with the coast. Sang Run paid no particular attention to the Snake Island rumour. He should have - it signalled a radical new course for the Cambodian government.
Three months later, Sang Run was out in his boat at 7am when disaster struck his village. He arrived back at 11am to find bulldozers had flattened his home and those of the 229 families who lived beside him. He heard from neighbours that it had happened in an instant. Uniformed men, sent in by governor Say Hak, used electric batons to chase terrified residents from the burning ruins; three of Sang Run's neighbours were knocked unconscious. Village Number One - a mundane name that failed to capture the beauty of its uninterrupted sea views and vegetable gardens that ran to the beach - had been erased. Sang Run heard that a hotel was planned, although no information was given to the people evicted from their homes for a further 18 months.
Nurse-turned-restaurateur Srey Pov tells us that, by early 2007, rumours were buzzing around Sihanoukville's covered market that virtually every island in the region was up for sale. Over the following months, Koh Russei and Koh Ta Kiev, Koh Bong and Koh Ouen, Koh Preus, Koh Krabei and Koh Tres were all snapped up by foreigners, who then started negotiating for mainland sites, too, among them public beaches with names such as Serendipity, Occheuteal and Otres. In February, 47-year-old Srey Pov was evicted, too, her Independence Beach restaurant shut down to make way for another rumoured hotel. "All I've got left is the chairs and tables," she says - they're stacked up in the cramped living room of her Sihanoukville home. Former farmer Soch Tith, on Koh Rong, was the last to hear that last month his island had been sold, too, to a British developer.
What none of these people knew was that the troubled kingdom of Cambodia, a precarious debtor-nation underpinned by more than £500m of hand-outs from the international community, had suddenly found itself a refuge for cash and speculators fleeing paralysed western financial markets. As London and New York, overcome by the US sub-prime crisis, began grinding to a halt last year, many in the City had moved on, transferring liquid assets to the east.
Foreign fund managers had started pitching up in Phnom Penh wearing linen shirts and khaki drip-dry jungle wear, alerted by the country's unexpected boom in tourism that in 2006 had seen one-and-a-half million visitors overcome the west's collective memories of Cambodia's recent past to travel to the temples of Angkor Wat. Enticed also by indicators that suggested the feeble economy was turning a corner, super-rich, predominately British, French and Swiss speculators, fuelled by a high-risk machismo, came hunting for profits of 30% or more. Their interest was land speculation: buying up large sites in developing countries that they would then sit on in the hope that, with the influx of tourists, land values would soar.
Hun Sen and his ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP) have, in effect, put the country up for sale. Crucially, they permit investors to form 100% foreign-owned companies in Cambodia that can buy land and real estate outright - or at least on 99-year plus 99-year leases. No other country in the world countenances such a deal. Even in Thailand and Vietnam, where similar land speculation and profiteering are under way, foreigners can be only minority shareholders.
There were other inducements. Many foreign funds - hedge funds, property funds, private equity funds - operating on the outer margins of the financial world thrive on complexity, risk and maximising profit. In Phnom Penh, they found an ideal partner in the prime minister, who has created a unique business environment. Since the mid-90s, Hun Sen and the CPP have declined to enforce money-laundering legislation and have concerned themselves little with the probity of investors. Foreign businessmen were offered nine-year tax holidays, and were allowed to hold their cash in US dollars in banks outside the country.
"Only recently, no one would touch us," Brett Sciaroni, a Phnom Penh-based US lawyer who acts for many new western investors, tells us. "We were dirt. And suddenly we were gold." John Brinsden, a British banker, now vice chairman of Cambodia's national Acleda Bank, agrees: "In 2001, only 200 people came to the government's investment conference. At our most recent, we ran out of chairs."
In July 2007, Hun Sen, gambling on his people's tenuous connection with the land, changed the designation of the southern islands so they could be sold. The forests, lakes, beaches and reefs - and the lives of the thousands of residents - were quietly transferred into the hands of private western developers. Arguing that Cambodia could become a tourist magnet to challenge Thailand, the prime minister began a fire sale of mainland beaches. By March this year, virtually all Cambodia's accessible and sandy coast was in private hands, either Cambodian or foreign. Those who lived or worked there were turfed out - some jailed, others beaten, virtually all denied meaningful compensation. The deals went unannounced; no tenders or plans were ever officially published. All that was known was that more than £1,000m in foreign finance found its way into the country in 2007, a 1,500% increase over the previous four years. It was as if Alistair Darling, the British chancellor, had decided to raise some extra cash by trading the Isles of Wight, Man and the Hebrides, throwing in Formby Sands, the entire Cornish coastline and Brighton seafront - before trousering the proceeds.
It was abundantly clear to observers, including the World Bank and Amnesty International, that by making these private deals, Hun Sen was denying prosperity to most of his people, causing the country's social fabric to unwind like thread from a bobbin. Today, more than 150,000 people are threatened with eviction. Forty-five per cent of the country's entire landmass has been sold off - from the land ringing Angkor Wat to the colonial buildings of Phnom Penh to the south-western islands. Professor Yash Ghai, the UN human rights emissary to Cambodia, warned, "One does not need expertise in human rights to recognise that many policies of the government have... deprived people of their economic resources and means of livelihood, and denied them their dignity." He added, "I believe that the deliberate rejection of the concept of a state governed by the rule of law has been central to the ruling party's hold on power."
It was Hun Sen who, as early as 1989, realised the power of land. Rhodri Williams, a researcher for the Geneva-based Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions, points out that, as Hun Sen privatised the land, "he simultaneously cut off the rights of 360,000 exiled Cambodians, awarding prime slices to political allies and friends." The exiles were Cambodians who had fled the Khmer Rouge into Thailand and beyond in 1975; they had titles to the land, but this counted for nothing when they returned to claim it. Hun Sen said Cambodia should start again.
Although he bathes his speeches in socialist values, even his closest aides told us that Hun Sen was more often than not a pragmatist. He joined the Communist party in the 60s and enlisted in the Khmer Rouge in the 70s, before defecting to the Vietnamese-backed government in the 80s. In the 90s, he embraced the free market. Tourism was not a promising prospect in the early days - the remnants of Khmer Rouge, violently hostile to outsiders, were too much of a risk. When western travellers did begin to explore, they were taking their lives in their hands. In 1994, Briton Mark Slater, Frenchman Jean-Michel Braquet and Australian David Wilson were kidnapped while riding a train through Sihanoukville, and all of them executed. Two years later, Christopher Howes, a British de-mining expert, together with a Cambodian colleague, were murdered as they worked 10 miles north of Angkor Wat.
By 2006, the country seemed safer, and was finally becoming a tourist destination. That September, the CPP received its first foreign offer in the coastal area: a Russian investor living in Phnom Penh wanted to buy an island. This deal would become the template for every developer to come. Alexander Trofimov created a Cambodian shell company to buy Koh Puos, or Snake Island. With cash apparently no object, he proposed to stunned government officials that he would link the island to a mainland beach - known as Hawaii - with a 900-metre suspension bridge. "He also asked to buy Hawaii beach," the official who oversaw that meeting told us. "And we gave it to him." No figures were published. The official claimed he didn't know them.
Locals who used the beach and island were kept in the dark. No one quizzed Trofimov. He produced a book of cut-and-paste designs that he said would encompass a £150m resort consisting of 900 tightly packed villas, a dolphin aquarium, two hotels, a shopping centre and a marina - all crammed into an egg cup-sized island. It was enticing stuff for the CPP, although the project faltered when Trofimov was accused of having sex with underage girls, and jailed this year. However, two more Russian businessmen seamlessly emerged to take up the reins, representing a Cypriot-holding company that, it later transpired, had owned the Koh Puos project from the off.
Arnaud Darc was quick off the mark, too. A quietly spoken and likeable French businessman, Darc had arrived in Cambodia in the 90s, building a hotel and restaurant business in Phnom Penh. In 2006, after hearing from a French colleague working at Sihanoukville's provincial airport that the runway was likely to be extended, he identified two massive beach-front sites totalling more than 220 hectares that he liked the look of. He brought in Jean-Louis Charon, a Parisian real estate tycoon, whose Nexity company is the largest in France, and whose name brought in "40 French high-net worths", as Darc described them; they raised £12.5m to be held by City Star, a foreign-owned investment company. "The maths was easy, and the returns potentially fantastic," Darc said. City Star's land values quadrupled as soon as the Cambodian government confirmed the airport rumours, a spokesman for the Sihanoukville governor's office told us.
The investors could have sold up and come away rich. But this was development with a difference. City Star investors wanted more, but did not want to go to the trouble of constructing anything. They were speculating on the future value of the land, believing that by adding only modest infrastructure, perhaps attaching big-name hoteliers, they would reap vast profits in seven to 10 years. Darc's group continued buying, snapping up 333 hectares on Koh Russei and Koh Ta Kiev, two islands off Ream. Such was the appetite for easy money that City Star raised a further £30m in a matter of days from a second group of French high rollers last July, this time to buy in Phnom Penh.
Darc's model appealed to British investors behind LimeTree Capital, a Hong Kong-based private equity group that in 2007 bought up chunks of beach front near Ream; sites it planned to leave idle for many years until prices peaked. This spring, a third entrepreneur, Frenchman Alain Dupuis, through his Cambodian company LBL International, bought Koh Sramaoch. Soon after, Koh Tonsay, or Rabbit Island, was auctioned off to Chinese investors; 14 fishing families were evicted to make way for a casino and a golf course.
On the mainland, Sang Run returned to the beach to find his village in Sihanoukville destroyed to make way, supposedly, for a hotel. A few hotels have been built, but generally the sites remain empty. The Cambodian economy has grown by more than 24% over 18 months and land values have in some cases risen by more than 100%, so there are fortunes to be made from doing nothing but wait.
Australians Rory and Mel Hunter were the only investors who made an attempt to incorporate into their plans the people whose land they were buying. An advertising executive, Rory had come to Cambodia to work for an agency in Phnom Penh. During a week-long vacation in 2006, he and his wife, Mel, had set out on a diving trip around the Koh Rong archipelago and fell in love with the twin islands of Koh Bong and Koh Ouen, attached to one another by a coral reef and cupped in a shallow strait - they were known collectively as the Sweethearts. "We dreamed of a beautiful resort where people could immerse themselves in a new part of Asia," Mel said. They began negotiations with two village men to buy their houses and those owned by 60 other families. "They thought we were nuts," Rory said. "The two head guys wanted £7,500 each. We agreed and signed the contract in a boat out in the strait. We helped take down their tin shacks, and slowly relocated all the families and their homes to Koh Rong, across the strait." They worked for weeks to clear 20 years of debris, while beginning negotiations with the government to buy the islands themselves.
The Hunters drummed up backing from a handful of British speculators, including a currency broker who (preferring we didn't use his name) tells us why he leapt at the opportunity. "I loved the deal from the start. Let's be honest, who wants 6%? I wanted a deal that would wake me up in the night, sweating. We could make good money," he says over drinks in Phnom Penh, his City suit exchanged for shorts and a T-shirt. "There was a buzz about Cambodia you don't get elsewhere. It's Cambodia, the killing fields and all that stuff. Something different to show your mates back home. I show them the visa in my passport. I have something they don't."
But the Hunters' enterprise would soon be challenged by a cascade of deals involving neighbouring islands. While they worked on retraining local fishermen on neighbouring Koh Rong, British property developer Marty Kaye bought the ground from under their feet. Kaye, who had spent much of his career working on construction in Hong Kong, had spotted the island while planning an £800m luxury tourist development on a nearby Vietnamese island, Phu Quoc. He told us: "I was walking down the beach on Phu Quoc, seeing where we were going to put the golf course, and I spotted another island. No one knew what it was. We looked on Google Earth and it seemed to be Koh Rong, in adjacent Cambodia. I said, 'Let's see if we can get anywhere on Koh Rong, too.'"
Kaye, who runs Millennium property fund, began negotiating. "Here was a chance to buy an undeveloped island almost as long as Hong Kong," he said. "Nowhere else in the world could you create your own kingdom from scratch - unlike the car-crash planning of Thai islands like Koh Samui." The Cambodian government gave him 18 months to produce more details, and he worked on an outline plan whose initial development would cost £100m. When the government signed the deal, it made no mention of the census it had just carried out recording how many thousands of people (the government won't reveal the figures) live on the 7,800-hectare island.
Kaye is not worried: "Two guys and a lawyer will see everyone. But what most of them don't understand is that even if they have papers, they are not worth anything. All of them are registered only locally, not in Phnom Penh, so they will have absolutely no case. Others are just squatters with no papers at all." It helped that Kaye's Cambodian partner was tycoon Kith Meng, a multi-millionaire with interests in banking, mobile phones and real estate - and a close friend of the prime minister, Hun Sen.
"Kith Meng wants everything done yesterday," Kaye said. "We are going to move as fast as we can. It's fantastically exciting, the opportunity to zone the whole island, to see where the luxury exclusive villa plots will be, for the Brad Pitts, etc." It is an investment that gives the present residents of Koh Rong just over a year to make a solid case for keeping their homes or finding new ones.
If they are evicted, places in the area to make a new home are becoming scarce. With all the big islands sold, even smaller outcrops have gone, too, including a clump of rocks known as Nail Island, bought by Ukrainian entrepreneur Nickolai Doroshenko, who has transformed it into a James Bond-style lair, complete with a giant fibre-glass shark that soars over the fortress-like construction. He already owns Victory Beach, in Sihanoukville, a restaurant stuffed with live snakes and a bar that advertises "swimming girls".
The sale of the century continued with the mainland beaches. At the end of January, the Sokha Hotel Group, run by Sok Kong, a Cambodian oligarch and Hun Sen ally, was confirmed as the new owner of the lion's share of Occheuteal Beach, the largest and most popular public dune in the region, which was closed off to make way for a 1,000-room hotel and golf course. The deal was originally negotiated in June 2006 when, local fisherman told us, bulldozers and 10 trucks of armed men demolished 71 homes and 40 local restaurants.
Not wanting to be left out, Say Hak, Sihanoukville's governor, acquired a small island for himself, on which he built a villa and jetty; while Sbaung Sarath, the wife of his deputy, bought half of Sihanoukville's public Independence Beach in February 2008, evicting scores of families in the process. Among them was Srey Pov. She travelled to Phnom Penh with 27 other families to protest, but returned with nothing. "The developer issued a warning," she says. "They threatened to pay the city authorities to get rid of us. We knew what that meant." Independence Beach now languishes behind high fencing, as Srey Pov feared, waiting for the five-star tourists who will enjoy exclusive access to the powder-white sand.
Days later, Sbaung Sarath struck again, securing part of Sihanoukville's Otres Beach, one of the last public dunes, where Queenco, a London-listed casino company, also announced in February that it had bought 56 hectares. Queenco declined to comment on its Sihanoukville project, but it has already had consequences - 100 fishing families have been evicted. They have built a row of makeshift bamboo shacks, held together with plastic sheeting and whatever rubbish they could recycle, along a 200-yard stretch of a nearby main road. On the day we visited, they were drying out from an overnight storm that had filled their ramshackle homes with rainwater.
Aom Heat, 63, used to have a wonderful view over Otres beach and the gulf beyond. She was forced off her land last April. Now all she can see are the hubcaps and exhaust pipes of lorries that tear by. She and many of her neighbours had arrived on Otres Beach after fleeing the Khmer Rouge in the early 80s, building a fishing village they christened Spean Ches, or Burning Bridge. "When the eviction notices were served on us in September 2006, we were determined to fight," she says. She could not bear to lose everything again. "We lodged a complaint with the Senate Committee on Human Rights that ruled it was a matter for the courts." But the Sihanoukville governor's men did not wait for a court order. They turned up at the seaside village in April last year, Aom Heat says, and, "they burned down 26 houses and bulldozed 86 more, destroying all the pots and pans, clothes and food supplies. We were in a blind panic." Thirteen injured men were arrested and jailed, including one of Aom Heat's sons. Although made homeless, they were charged with "wrongful damage of property", and nine of them found guilty without witnesses or evidence produced. Despite having served their time while waiting for the case to be heard, the men were thrown back into jail pending an appeal from the prosecution, who complained they had been dealt with too leniently.
No one can agree what impact the foreign land sales will have on the Cambodian economy because so little information is made public. Although Cambodia is nominally a democracy that has held three general elections to date, and has a nominal opposition party, the CPP parliamentarians and cabinet are remote and dismissive of their people. They are not required to report on their interests or assets, making it impossible to deduce how much Hun Sen and his cabinet have personally benefited - although the World Bank reported last year that corruption, coupled with a lack of transparency, was "choking economic growth".
Since the land sell-offs, members of the government and its allies have been splashing huge sums around. A Korean developer told us that when he marketed Phnom Penh's first skyscraper, the 42-storey Gold Tower project in February, all two dozen £750,000 penthouse suites were bought within 24 hours by "an honour roll of the CPP and its friends in the military". There are other telltale signs, such as the canary yellow Hummers and hi-spec Range Rovers with blacked-out windows that rumble around Phnom Penh, in a country where the average annual income is less than £150.
Simon Taylor, the director of Global Witness, an international NGO that was forced to leave the country last year, having accused the CPP of running a logging racket, paints a depressing picture: "A shadow state has grown up, a government that misappropriates public assets, extorts from businesses and manages an extensive illicit economy. It is administered by senior ministers who are fluent in the jargon of good governance and sustainable development." One of Hun Sen's closest advisers, who requested anonymity, disagrees, telling us: "Hun Sen believes that liberal democracy is unsuited to a country whose skills have been drained and demographics wildly skewed by the Khmer Rouge."
Everything comes down to how much money you have in your pocket, according to Doug Clayton, from Leopard Asia, a fund of Swiss and British bankers that is about to invest £25m in Cambodia. "This kind of money opens any door," he says. How does Clayton pitch the Hun Sen brand back home? "Candidly? In investment circles, no one knows anything about this place. It's off the radar. In our pitch I talk up the new economic figures. I talk up stability." Clayton adds: "When the dust settles, the government here will probably end up looking something like the one in Singapore." There, Lee Kuan Yew served as prime minister from 1959 to 1990. Cambodian pollsters, looking to the general election that will run this July, predict a clear CPP victory, putting Hun Sen at the helm for many more years, too.
What will this mean for people such as Sang Run, who is now surviving in a makeshift home behind Independence Beach? Has the legacy of the Khmer Rouge been purged? Naly Pilorge, director of Licadho, a local human rights NGO, thinks not: "Everyone claims Cambodia has come through the period of barbarism, but the sadism is still bubbling beneath the surface. Extreme violence, greed and disregard for the most basic human rights - of giving people a place to live - are still with us daily. The methods of the past are being used to dictate our future."
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US court finds Cambodian rebel guilty of coup attempt
Written by AFP
Friday, 18 April 2008
(Comments: Is Chhun Yasith a hero or a villain? That is the question that I have been asking since the moment I heard of his attempt coup against Hun Sen, in 2000. After having carefully thought about it, I have decided that Chhun Yasith was an imposter. Having met him a few times, in Long Beach, I always found him to be manipulative and craving for notoriety. As reported by the Bangkok Post that time, (in 2000), Chhun Yasith was manipulated and used by Hun Sen to primarily silence the opposition. My name was illegally (I found out through a good friend of mine from Long Beach, only after I started a lawsuit against him, did he take my name off of his membership list) used by Chhun Yasith as one of his supporters to raise fund. It is clear that Chhun Yasith is not a hero but a villain. His personality and behavior is reprehensible and contrary to what a character that a hero needs and must have. Sadly, again and again, some Cambodians continued to be so thrilled by this fraudulent character and continue to treat him as a hero. Sad but true. Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D. Washington DC. April 20, 2008 )
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A Cambodian rebel leader was found guilty by a US jury on April 16 of fomenting a failed coup attempt in his native country in November 2000 and now faces a possible life sentence.
Chhun Yasith, 52, a California accountant who arrived in America in the 1980s after the collapse of the Khmer Rouge regime, was accused of drawing up plans for the overthrow of Prime Minister Hun Sen in Phnom Penh from his modest office in Long Beach, southwest of Los Angeles.
“The planning and fundraising happened right here in the United States,” prosecutor Lamar Baker told jurors earlier this month at the US District Court of Los Angeles. “It was like the labels say, ‘Made in the USA.’”
After a two-week trial, he was found guilty of conspiracy to use a weapon of mass destruction outside the United States and engaging in a military expedition against a nation with which the United States is at peace.
He was also found guilty of conspiracy to kill in a foreign country and conspiracy to damage or destroy property in a foreign country.
Chhun Yasith is scheduled to be sentenced on September 8.
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It was misguided and naive in its execution but it was not misguided and naive in its intent.
– Defense lawyer
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Prosecutors said Chhun Yasith founded a group known as the Cambodian Freedom Fighters (CFF) in 1998 and was elected president after traveling to Thailand to enlist the support former Cambodian military personnel.
The CFF planned a twin-pronged strategy to bring about revolution, prosecutors said. The group was ordered to carry out “popcorn” attacks on soft targets such as karaoke bars, nightclubs and coffee houses before launching an all-out assault to overthrow the government.
After one of the so-called “popcorn” attacks – the July 2000 bombing of a nightclub in Cambodia that left two people dead and many injured – Chhun Yasith sent a fax to members “bragging about hospitals filling up with victims,” Baker said.
Chhun Yasith selected a total of 291 targets for their ill-fated coup, codenamed “Operation Volcano.”
Despite being warned by senior CFF advisors that the rebel forces were not big enough to challenge the Cambodian army and police, Chhun Yasith – based in Thailand – pressed ahead with the coup attempt, which took place on November 24, 2000.
Dozens of armed men stormed into Phnom Penh firing AK-47 rifles and rockets at government buildings, leaving at least four people dead, before the rebellion was quelled.
More than 100 people were jailed for the attack, which left Hun Sen unscathed.
Chhun Yasith was tried in absentia in Phnom Penh in June 2001 and convicted of conspiracy, terrorism and membership of an illegal armed group.
During the US trial, Chhun Yasith’s attorney, Richard Callahan, argued that his client’s “only goal was to bring democracy to his homeland.”
“It was misguided and naive in its execution but it was not misguided and naive in its intent,” Callahan said, saying his client had launched a “noble effort to save Cambodia” from the “tyrannical regime of Hun Sen.”
Callahan said his client had founded the CFF after deciding that “speeches and diplomacy were not going to be enough” to unseat Hun Sen.
Chhun Yasith and his wife, Sras Pech, 42, face another trial on July on charges of running a fraudulent tax-preparation business in Long Beach. (AFP)
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Sam Rainsy calls for new FBI probe into bombing
Written by AFP
Friday, 04 April 2008
(Comments: After having asked Hun Sen for pardon on the grenade attack on his party in 1997 for having "wrongly"accused Hun Sen of committing the crime, Sam Rainsy is now backtracking again, and demanded that the FBI reopened the file on this criminal attack that killed more than a dozen peoples including a US citizen, Ron Abney. Sam Rainsy giration from one position to another is nothing new. It shows how unpredictable Sam Rainsy is. That is one of the reasons why so many of his top officials have recently left his party to join Hun Sen’s CPP. That is the tragedy of Cambodia. As long as there are no credible and honest opposition leaders, there is no possibility for any opposition parties to be successful in their challenge to the corrupt and traitor Hun Sen and his CPP, especially with Sihanouk throwing his support behind Hun Sen. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. April, 2008)
Opposition leader Sam Rainsy on March 30 called for the US Federal Bureau of Investigation to renew its probe into a grenade attack that killed at least 16 people more than a decade ago.
Sam Rainsy addressed supporters outside Cambodia’s parliament, where exactly 11 years ago four grenades were hurled into a crowd of anti-government protesters, wounding at least 120 people including a US citizen.
Despite the government’s insistence that the case is still open, no one has been arrested in connection with the bloody attack.
“I not only appeal to the FBI to renew their investigation but also appeal to the FBI to reveal the result of their past investigations,” Sam Rainsy said.
The FBI opened a probe into the attack but the investigation was hampered by uncooperative Cambodian government officials.
Rights groups have accused Prime Minister Hun Sen’s bodyguards of throwing the grenades.
New York-based Human Rights Watch on March 30 also urged the FBI to reveal what it said was “damning evidence” about Hun Sen’s connection to the bombing.
“Instead of trying to protect US relations with Cambodia, it should now finish what it started,” said Brad Adams, the group’s Asia director. (AFP)
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Tibet crisis: Chinese intellectuals speak upSheela Bhatt in New Delhi March 23, 2008 15:44 IST(
(Comments: In a recent exchange of emails between Mr. Meng Ly, a prominent Chinese Cambodian leader in New Zealand, who had done more than his share to make the case for Cambodia to remain free, had unfortunately advocated strongely in favor of China's savage oppression against the Tibetans' uprising led by the Dalai Lama to maintain the Tibetan identity within China. He and I have a totally different view on this matter.
I argued that if I do not support the Tibetans’ effort to preserve their identity, as so many people in the world had already done so, I could not possibly have argued, as I have been doing, against the Socialist Republic of Vietnam's whole oppression, of our Khmers Krom compatriots. One of the main differences between my friend Meng Ly and I, resides in the fact that he relied uniquely on the information provided by the Communist government of China, whereas I based my reasoning on world reliable sources of information, including some prominent Chinese scholars and intellectuals. Please, read the article pasted below for a beter understanding this horrible and inhuman treatment of the Tibetan by the Chinese government, from the stand point of some brave and prominent Chinese intellectuals and scholars. Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D. Washington DC. April 2, 2008)
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Leading Chinese intellectuals and writers have released a petition that suggests twelve ways to deal with the Tibet crisis. The petition, which indicates a major shift in the intellectual scene of China, has appeared on several websites.
According to a report, the petition states, "Chinese voices are being raised in China in response to the way Beijing [Images] has handled the protests that began on March 10."
The report added that the signatories include Chinese writers Wang Lixiong, Liu Xiaobo and Yu Jie, Professor Ding Zilin from the pressure group Tiananmen Mothers as well as other scholars, lawyers and artists.
The creative Chinese petition states that the language used by the Chinese government to describe the Dalai Lama is not "in keeping with the situation, nor is it beneficial to the Chinese government's image."
"As the Chinese government is committed to integrating into the international community, we maintain that it should display a style of governing that conforms to the standards of modern civilization," the petition adds.
The letter is signed by 29 signatories and displays courage on their part. It urges the Chinese government to "stop the violent suppression" in Tibet, and appeals to the Tibetan people not to engage in violent activities.
It also urges the Chinese government to end the propaganda and news blockade, saying: "The one-sided propaganda of the official Chinese media is having the effect of stirring up inter-ethnic animosity and aggravating an already tense situation. This is extremely detrimental to the long-term goal of safeguarding national unity."
The petition also points out that the current protests are widespread, unlike the protests that erupted in March 1989.
The writers say: "This deterioration indicates that there are serious mistakes in the work that has been done with regard to Tibet. The relevant government departments must conscientiously reflect upon this matter, examine their failures, and fundamentally change the failed nationality policies."
The Chinese intellectuals want the government to have a dialogue with the Dalai Lama to "eliminate animosity and bring about national reconciliation". They have also appealed for calm and reflection among Chinese people. The twelve suggestions for dealing with the Tibetan situation are as follows:
1. At present the one-sided propaganda of the official Chinese media is having the effect of stirring up inter-ethnic animosity and aggravating an already tense situation. This is extremely detrimental to the long-term goal of safeguarding national unity. We call for such propaganda to be stopped. 2. We support the Dalai Lama's [Images] appeal for peace, and hope that the ethnic conflict can be dealt with according to the principles of goodwill, peace, and non-violence. We condemn any violent act against innocent people, strongly urge the Chinese government to stop the violent suppression, and appeal to the Tibetan people likewise not to engage in violent activities. 3. The Chinese government claims, "There is sufficient evidence to prove this incident was organised, premeditated, and meticulously orchestrated by the Dalai clique." We hope that the government will show proof of this. In order to change the international community's negative view and distrustful attitude, we also suggest that the government invite the United Nation's Commission on Human Rights to carry out an independent investigation of the evidence, the course of the incident, the number of casualties, etc. 4. In our opinion, such Cultural-Revolution-like language as "the Dalai Lama is a jackal in Buddhist monk's robes and an evil spirit with a human face and the heart of a beast" used by the Chinese Communist Party leadership in the Tibet Autonomous Region is of no help in easing the situation, nor is it beneficial to the Chinese government's image. As the Chinese government is committed to integrating into the international community, we maintain that it should display a style of governing that conforms to the standards of modern civilization. 5. We note that on the very day violence erupted in Lhasa (March 14), the leaders of the Tibet Autonomous Region declared that "there is sufficient evidence to prove this incident was organized, premeditated, and meticulously orchestrated by the Dalai clique." This shows that the authorities in Tibet knew in advance that the riot would occur, yet did nothing effective to prevent the incident from happening or escalating. If there was a dereliction of duty, a serious investigation must be carried out to determine this and deal with it accordingly. 6. If in the end it cannot be proved that this was an organized, premeditated, and meticulously orchestrated event but was instead a popular revolt triggered by events, then the authorities should pursue those responsible for inciting the popular revolt and concocting false information to deceive the Central Government and the people; they should also seriously reflect on what can be learned from this event so as to avoid taking the same course in the future. 7. We strongly demand that the authorities not subject every Tibetan to political investigation or revenge. The trials of those who have been arrested must be carried out according to judicial procedures that are open, just, and transparent so as to ensure that all parties are satisfied. 8. We urge the Chinese government to allow credible national and international media to go into Tibetan areas to conduct independent interviews and news reports. In our view, the current news blockade cannot gain credit with the Chinese people or the international community, and is harmful to the credibility of the Chinese government. If the government grasps the true situation, it need not fear challenges. Only by adopting an open attitude can we turn around the international community's distrust of our government. 9. We appeal to the Chinese people and overseas Chinese to be calm and tolerant, and to reflect deeply on what is happening. Adopting a posture of aggressive nationalism will only invite antipathy from the international community and harm China's international image. 10. The disturbances in Tibet in the 1980s were limited to Lhasa, whereas this time they have spread to many Tibetan areas. This deterioration indicates that there are serious mistakes in the work that has been done with regard to Tibet. The relevant government departments must conscientiously reflect upon this matter, examine their failures, and fundamentally change the failed nationality policies. 11. In order to prevent similar incidents from happening in future, the government must abide by the freedom of religious belief and the freedom of speech explicitly enshrined in the Chinese Constitution, thereby allowing the Tibetan people fully to express their grievances and hopes, and permitting citizens of all nationalities freely to criticize and make suggestions regarding the government's nationality policies. 12. We hold that we must eliminate animosity and bring about national reconciliation, not continue to increase divisions between nationalities. A country that wishes to avoid the partition of its territory must first avoid divisions among its nationalities. Therefore, we appeal to the leaders of our country to hold direct dialogue with the Dalai Lama. We hope that the Chinese and Tibetan people will do away with the misunderstandings between them, develop their interactions with each other, and achieve unity. Government departments, as much as popular organizations and religious figures, should make great efforts toward this goal.
Signatories: Wang Lixiong (Beijing, Writer) Liu Xiaobo (Beijing, Freelance Writer) Zhang Zuhua (Beijing, scholar of constitutionalism) Sha Yexin (Shanghai, writer, Chinese Muslim) Yu Haocheng (Beijing, jurist) Ding Zilin (Beijing, professor) Jiang Peikun (Beijing, professor) Yu Jie (Beijing, writer) Sun Wenguang (Shangdong, professor) Ran Yunfei (Sichuan, editor, Tujia nationality) Pu Zhiqiang (Beijing, lawyer) Teng Biao (Beijing, lawyer and scholar) Liao Yiwu (Sichuan, writer) Wang Qisheng (Beijing, scholar) Zhang Xianling (Beijing, engineer) Xu Jue (Beijing, research fellow) Li Jun (Gansu, photographer) Gao Yu (Beijing, journalist) Wang Debang (Beijing, freelance writer) Zhao Dagong (Shenzhen, freelance writer) Jiang Danwen (Shanghai, writer) Liu Yi (Gansu, painter) Xu Hui (Beijing, writer) Wang Tiancheng (Beijing, scholar) Wen kejian (Hangzhou, freelance) Li Hai (Beijing, freelance writer) Tian Yongde (Inner Mongolia, folk human rights activists) Zan Aizong (Hangzhou, journalist) Liu Yiming (Hubei, freelance writer)
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Former King, Government support China’s policy on Tibet
The Mekong Times Daily
March 24, 2008
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(Comments: A recent Sihanouk's endorsement of China's harsh crackdown on the Tibetans is a reminder that Sihanouk is always for strong oppression of the common people, as he is doing now under Hun Sen, and before under Pol Pot's genocidal regime. If he is truly a Buddhist, as he often claims to be, then he should have supported the Dalai Lama and not Beijing. Why Beijing instead o the Dalai Lama? Because, he owes the Chinese a lot for his vacations in China, and the free health care received in China. Is this in the interest of Cambodia? Absolutely not! Please, read the two articles pasted below on this sad subject. Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D. Washington DC. March 26, 2008)
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Former King Sihanouk and the government have expressed support for the Chinese government’s controversial crackdown on pro-independence rallies last week, leading opposition lawmakers to accuse them of pandering to China’s interests at expense of Cambodia’s image on the world stage.
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Tibet's Tiananmen?
By Melvyn C. Goldstein
Foreign Affairs
February-March, 2008
On March 14, anti-Chinese riots erupted in Lhasa, Tibet. Chinese security forces suppressed crowds with teargas and bullets in what has become the most violent confrontation there in two decades. The Tibetan government-in-exile claimed Chinese forces killed over 100 people, while Beijing claims only 19 have died. Tibet's exiled leader, the Dalai Lama, urged his followers and the Chinese to refrain from violence while the Chinese government blamed him directly for fomenting the unrest. In a 1998 Foreign Affairs essay, Melvyn Goldstein argued that the Dalai Lama would have to acquiesce in violence by militants or compromise in order to preserve a Tibetan homeland. Goldstein predicted that the Dalai Lama would resist both options and urged the United States to facilitate negotiations. On March 24, U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice called for direct talks between Chinese leaders and the Dalai Lama as the only solution to the current impasse.
Summary: The Dalai Lama's international campaign against China has pushed Beijing to modernize Tibet, resulting in an influx of non-Tibetans seeking economic opportunity. If the Dalai Lama wants to preserve Tibet as a homeland, he must either acquiesce in violence by militants or compromise. He will resist either course, so the United States should facilitate negotiations. Full autonomy is out, but the Dalai Lama can obtain a greater emphasis on the Tibetan language and a larger number of positions for Tibetans in the administration.
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Melvyn C. Goldstein is John Reynolds Harkness Professor of Anthropology and Director of the Center for Research on Tibet at Case Western Reserve University. His most recent book is The Snow Lion and the Dragon: China, Tibet, and the Dalai Lama, from which this essay is adapted.
Defections rattle opposition parties
Written by The Phnom Penh Post
Friday, 21 March 2008
(Comments: Please see an article posted below on the demise of the opposition parties, especially of the SRP and NRP, before the forthcoming election in Cambodia. This is predictable, as I have always noted that there is no credible, and morally-base political opposition parties in Cambodia. And this lack of capable and hnest leaders combined with Hun Sen uncanning use of the judicial system to put pressure on the opposition parties not to challenge him and his CPP by trumping charges against them of some fabricated criminal acts against his rule, Hun Sen is able to retain all the power in his hands, especially with Sihanouk full backing. Sihanouk like his royal ancestors, is the main cause of the ongoing tragedy of the Cambodian people.
That is why, I have never surrendered to any threat from anybody in my life, and that is also why I want our small group to remain morally-based by insisting on high moral behavior among our members, to retain our credibility here and in Cambodia. It is not easy among Cambodians, because our moral base is practically non-existent. Please, also read another article posted below entitled 'One Way Defection' wrtitten by Ung Bun Ang, a former SRP senator and senior official. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. March 30, 2008)
TRACEY SHELTONSRP president Sam Rainsy has brushed off concerns over recent defections from his party by saying the exodus toward the ruling CPP allows his party to strengthen its ideological base, although others are asking why those who supposedly once shared the SRP's principles are now deciding to leave.
The NRP was quick to take advantage of defections from the SRP, arguing that it is only through the formation of a "united democratic front" that opposition parties can survive.
A reconciliatory tone has disappeared from February media coverage as political parties attempt to score points for this year’s general elections. The dominant story concerns defections of senior Sam Rainsy Party members to the CPP and Prince Ranariddh’s continuing search for a role in the elections. In this month’s media analysis, Kheang Un examines the politics surrounding these defections and looks at how different political parties reacted to these developments.
Defections from the SRP of its senior officers have raised many issues concerning the viability of the party as a sustainable opposition and its potential in this year’s national elections. Defectors claimed that their defections derived from structural problems within the SRP.
Despite the SRP’s rhetoric of following democratic principles, the party, defectors claimed, is characterized by autocracy, nepotism, corruption and incompetent leadership.
They alleged some SRP leaders, particularly Eng Chhay Eang, were incompetent. Eng Chhay Eang’s gambling addiction – which he claimed was no longer an issue – was raised by defectors as an impediment to his leadership.
Due to these problems within the SRP, defectors said they had not been able to contribute to the development of the country.
The ruling Cambodian People’s Party accepted the defectors with open arms. In gratitude and as a way to capitalize on the defectors “expertise and conscience,” Prime Minister Hun Sen offered the defectors high government portfolios as advisors to the Prime Minister or to the government with a rank equal to that of secretary of state or minister.
Opposition lawmaker Son Chhay charged that the Prime Minister’s decision not only wasted government revenue but was also illegal.
The Prime Minister brushed Son Chhay’s criticism aside, arguing that the government would benefit from these defectors for they had been outside of the government and thus were able to see the government’s shortcomings and offer constructive advice.
As expected, the SRP downplayed the impact of recent defections, stating that they would not affect the party. The party charged that these defectors “sold their conscience” and that their decisions were based on personal ambition and interests.
Their decision to defect at this critical time was to maximize their bargaining power, the party says.
The CPP was quick to capitalize on these opportunities to weaken the SRP.
Impact of defections
The SRP stated that it will be able to replace these defectors with idealist cadres who will put “national interests” above “personal interests.” This could be true. SRP members receive little benefit from their political activism and would not be able to stay with the Sam Rainsy Party if they were not idealistic or determined to change the status quo.
The SRP’s denial of the impact of these defections notwithstanding, a puzzling question arises in that these members have been idealistic and have been the vanguards of the SRP for almost a decade; so what has prompted them to become non-idealistic at this moment?
Pro-CPP newspapers opined that because of recent defections the SRP might face the fate suffered by Funcinpec and the Norodom Ranariddh Party (NRP) – party disintegration.
Rasmey Kampuchea Daily on March 12, 2008 ran the headline “SRP’s Blood Drips Prior to the Elections.” However, the recent defections can be seen as a cut but not a deep wound for the SRP for a few fundamental reasons.
Firstly, due to a lack of effort for grassroots mobilization, Funcinpec since the 1993 elections has been a top heavy party. Thus, defections of its senior members gravely affect the party.
On the contrary, the SRP, despite its reliance on Sam Rainsy’s popularity, has worked hard to build grassroots support. Taking advantage of decentralization, the SRP has extended its reach from urban to rural areas. As such, the defections of some of its senior members might not be as likely to destabilize the party.
Secondly, the gravity of the impact of the defections on SRP will depend on the scope of these defectors as “movers” and “shakers” within the SRP.
If these defectors have strong connections to and popularity among SRP grassroots supporters, then their defections will negatively affect the party.
Their accusations of “corruption, autocracy, and nepotism” within the SRP will affect the reputation of the SRP, which has built a niche within the Cambodian political arena based on the rhetoric of democracy and transparency. Under these conditions, defectors’ claims might prompt some voters to reconsider their trust in the SRP.
But if, to the contrary, these defectors were not very popular among grassroots SRP supporters, then the defections will have some but not significant psychological impact on the SRP.
A more grave concern for the SRP is a reported claim by recent defectors that there will be about 30 commune councilors leaving the party for the CPP. If this were to occur, it would be a severe blow for the SRP.
Unlike the defected senior party officers, these councilors are close to grassroots SRP supporters and serve as the party’s foot soldiers, devoting their energy and time to widen political local space and to mobilize villagers. However, the truth of this claim remains to be seen.
NRP on shaky ground
The NRP remains in a state of uncertainty due to the inability of its leader, Prince Norodom Ranariddh, to return to Cambodia.
Various venues have been employed by the NRP to secure the return of its leader. As its judicial appeal remains in limbo, the NRP with support from some NGOs appealed to the King for clemency, though no result has yet emerged.
As previous analyses have shown, the NRP has not been able to find a niche within the current political terrain.
Its core supporters are unidentifiable while its policy platforms are fluid. While they protested certain principles in abstract, such as land grabbing, workers’ wages and working conditions, they did not follow up these protests with any action.
SRP lawmakers, in contrast, made political statements followed by political activism such as boycotting the National Assembly session to protests against the eviction of residents of Dey Krahom commune and participating in protest organized by factory workers.
The NRP is persistent in its efforts to form a coalition with the SRP and Human Rights Party (HRP).
It was quick to take advantage of defections from the SRP, arguing that it is only through the formation of a “united democratic front” that opposition parties can survive.
Given its weak political capital, pro-SRP and pro-HRP newspapers label the NRP’s appeal for “unification of democrats” as an effort “to bake a cake without ingredients.”
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Kheang Un, PhD, is assistant director of the Center for Southeast Asian Studies and an adjunct professor in the Department of Political Science, Northern Illinois University, US.
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The Cambodia Development Resource Institute’s Conflict Prevention in Cambodian Election (COPCEL) project notes: This is an independent analysis on media monitoring extracted from 15 Cambodian newspapers. This is the seventh analysis of an ongoing series. The 15 newspapers chosen by COPCEL for monitoring are owned or sponsored by political parties, with the exception of the Cambodia Daily and the Phnom Penh Post which are foreign owned. Consequently, their reports and commentaries are biased toward a particular party. Although such biases are normal in any society, in the Cambodian context these are not based on clear policy agendas or ideologies but, more often than not, on poorly documented personal attacks. Bias notwithstanding, reports and commentaries by these newspapers do reflect the trends of Cambodia’s political developments.
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A tortuous road to nation-building
The International Herald Tribune
By Barbara Croissette
Thursday, March 20, 2008
PHNOM PENH:
When the U.S. State Department's voluminous global human rights report appears each year, as it did last week, the temptation is to dive into the sections on hot-topic nations such as China, Iraq or, lately, Pakistan. Not a lot of readers would turn first to Cambodia. Yet this poor and psychologically wounded country is a prime object lesson in the perilous, unending business of nation-building. With a national election coming in July, Cambodia needs some attention well in advance.
In 1992-1993, the United Nations led a multimillion dollar effort to remake this Southeast Asian nation, which in barely two decades had been whipsawed into the American war in Indochina, brutalized by the Khmer Rouge and ground down and isolated by a Vietnamese occupation.
Fifteen years later, the country is among the world's most badly governed and politically corrupt. The State Department's report summarized it concisely: "Corruption was considered endemic and extended throughout all segments of society, including the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government." It is made all the worse, the report added, by a "culture of impunity."
Corruption is not just money; it is a corrosive mentality that debases national life in a country still not sure of itself. It deters aid and investment except by people from predictable (mostly Asian) nations who don't care - or who benefit from pervasive graft. But in a broader sense, what corruption has done to Cambodia is create a culture of easy wealth and casual lawlessness, a sad example to young people born into a broken society that was stripped of its intellectual middle class and Buddhist leadership under the Khmer Rouge.
Even the quality of architecture, scholarship, literature and the Khmer language has eroded. A measure of success nowadays is a garage full of late model Lexus SUVs and Toyota Land Cruisers, most of them acquired by government officials or their cronies at public expense.
Life in the graceful capital, Phnom Penh, is good. There are French restaurants and fine hotels that cosset tourists. But the government of Prime Minister Hun Sen, a crafty and uncompromising leader who was able to corner political and military power in the 1990s, abetted by misguided UN decisions, has no coherent social policies.
People in the countryside live perennially on the edge of hunger. The World Food Program is still feeding about 1.8 million of the country's 14 million people. Health services in rural areas are all but non-existent; unqualified midwives cause the maternal mortality rate to rank among the worst in Asia.
Corruption also threatens the credibility and indeed the future of a UN-backed tribunal designed to bring to trial, finally, some of the remaining Khmer Rouge leaders who terrorized the country and reduced it to human and physical ruin from April 1975 to January 1979. In tribunal custody are four top former Khmer Rouge officials: Nuon Chea, Brother Number 2 to Pol Pot, who died in 1998; Khieu Samphan, the former head of state; Ieng Sary, the foreign minister, and his wife, Ieng Thirith, who held, bizarrely, the portfolio of social affairs. Also in jail is the Khmer Rouge chief torturer, Kaing Guek Eav, known as Duch, the commandant of the notorious Tuol Sleng interrogation center, which is now a tourist attraction.
The tribunal, at the insistence of Hun Sen and against the wishes of UN legal officials, was designed not to be independent but a hybrid called the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia. That has brought a corrupt judiciary and political patronage practices into a judicial process that distinguished and experienced international lawyers, prosecutors and judges struggle to keep on track.
The Cambodian government, reacting to outside reports detailing corrupt or questionable tribunal staffing, has refused to open an investigation of its own. Donors - most of all the United States, which pressed Kofi Annan, the former UN secretary general, to agree to a flawed tribunal - are withholding money needed to carry cases to their conclusion. Trials are expected to begin this year.
Many Cambodians distrust the tribunal, not only because they do not understand why any of those in custody deserve a day in court, but also because they suspect that political chicanery by the Hun Sen government, with its share of former Khmer Rouge figures, will see to it that the process is carefully controlled, or thwarted. Mindful of its own history, the government abjures the terms Khmer Rouge or Communist and labels the disaster that overtook the country simply the "Pol Pot regime" absolving itself of guilt.
The State Department noted in its current report that there do not appear to be any politically motivated killings or political prisoners in Cambodia. But the report does acknowledge, citing work by courageous Cambodian human rights groups, that abuses by the military and police, often in league with governing party officials, occur widely around the country. Journalists can attest to that. There is also vigilante justice in the absence of a judicial system that Cambodians can trust. The UN human rights office in Phnom Penh has documented brutal land seizures by the well connected that drive out thousands of poor farmers with no means of recourse. This is a major deterrent to rural development.
The corruption and violence in the countryside should be a warning. During the Khmer Rouge years, as discussion around the tribunal is making ever more evident, Cambodians suffered most at the hands of local zealots and barely thought about a national movement or knew its name. The level of horrors that killed about 1.7 million Cambodians - through slave labor, dislocation, disease, starvation and execution - varied from place to place. In the eyes of most Cambodians there was no central government then. There is little more now.
As the July election approaches, the governing Cambodian People's Party knows how to stage a vote that monitors will likely find reasonably fair. What visitors will not see is the maneuvering already under way to buy off potential opposition figures with government jobs or bring bogus charges against others, to sow dissent within and among what few independent political groups that survive, and to use the party's ubiquitous neighborhood committees to bring voters into line. This is not the democracy the world thought it had installed. Cambodia's nightmare is not over.
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Barbara Crossette, a former bureau chief of The New York Times in Southeast Asia, was in Cambodia in January and February helping local journalists
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Yash Ghai’s Report Slams Rule of Law, and Judicial Independence
By Neth Pheaktra
The Mekong Times, Daily, March 17, 2008
(Comments: A recent report on the political and social situation, especially on the rule of law and the independence of justice system in Cambodia by Mr. Yash Ghai has shown that Hun Sen and his CPP is still totally corrupt and the rule of law and independent justice system do not exist. Then why Sihanouk still openly gives his 100 percent endorsement to Hun Sen his CPP? (please, see an article on this issue posted just below) This only means that Sihanouk has always been a typical Asian despot and a Cambodian 'god-king,' who like his ancestors never cares about the well-being of his country and people. Sihanouk cares only about himself and immediate family, and is so influenced by flattery. This constant weaness in his flawed character had led him to ally himself with the Khmer Rouge, and now to Hun Sen, with disastrous and tragic consequences on Cambodia and its people. More tragic, it is sad to see that so many Cambodians still firmly believe that only Sihanouk can save Cambodia. Please, also see a companion article entitled 'Money, not Morality underpins Laws; Report.'
Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. March 19, 2008)
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Key components of democracy including – rule of law which is essential to July national elections, are not being respected, UN Special Representative on Human Rights in Cambodia, Yash Ghia’s latest reports claims.
The 25 page report focused on rule of law, ending impunity, the rights of assembly and movement and property rights. It will be officially release March 19, at the UN Human Rights’ Council session, in Geneva, Switzerland.
Yash Ghai blasted Cambodia’s judiciary and law enforcement, that the rule of law ‘is ‘most threatened by the government by corruption among public servants, and by judges or prosecutors who take orders from the government.’
After meeting with people from all levels in Cambodian society, and studying reports for national and international organizations, Ghai concluded he agreed with Lichado’s 2007 human rights report.
‘The Cambodian justice system has failed’ Ghai wrote, ‘despite the UNTAC interventions, and 15 years of aid to legal and judicial reform, in 2007 the primary functions of the courts continue to prosecute political opponents and other critics of the government, to perpetuate impunity for actors of the state and their associates, and to promote economic interests of the rich and the powerful.’
Ghai expressed dissatisfaction with the continued lack of progress on a robust framework for land registration and a law on peaceful demonstration. The unprincipled approach is behind numerous human rights violations, he added.
Visits to provinces led Ghai to conclude that laws are respected in some regions. In Kong Yu, Rattanakiri province, Ghai found that villagers were abused over a land dispute involving powerful figures. Ghai noted that around 100 families had been forcibly evicted in Spen Ches, Sihanoukville. He claimed that the courts have neither reviewed nor solved cases such as these, and alleged that property were frequently abused by powerful officials and private firms.
He upcoming election features prominently with Ghai saying that though violence has declined, the National Election Committee (NEC) is not independent and has failed to ensure all political parties have equal access to the media.
However, he lauded the Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts in Cambodia (ECCC) for its efforts to arrest and charge of former Khmer Rouge leaders. ‘The Khmer Rouge tribunal will be able to fulfill the fundamental laws with regard to the provision of laws on human rights and freedom of the constitution of Cambodia,’ Ghai wrote in his report. ‘Such developments will help end impunity for gross serious human violations,’ he added.
Government officials could not be reached for comments yesterday, although government spokeperson and minister of information, Khieu Kanharith said Saturday that Yash Ghai was ’the laziest UN staff.’
‘For example, when he mentioned the land disputes, he does not know how many cases there are, and how many cases have been solved,’ said Khieu Kanharith. ‘This means that he is not willing to work with the government. The government will not ask for a change in the UN Special Representative. But if the government sees that if it is not necessary, it can close the human rights office.
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Money, not morality underpins law: report
Written by Cat Barton
The Phnom Penh Post
FRIDAY, 21 MARCH 2008
UN Special Rapporteur Yash Ghai presented his latest report on the state of human rights in Cambodia to the UN human rights council in Geneva, saying that in Cambodia today “whether to obey the law ceases to be a moral question but one driven by opportunism.”
Ghai visited Cambodia from December 1-10 last year, on his fourth mission to the Kingdom. His report, entitled “Technical assistance and capacity building” – is centered on the theme of the rule of law.
Ghai’s previous offerings have drawn outraged denials from the Cambodian government who claim the UN envoy only focuses on the negative aspects of human rights.
This latest report looks set to be similarly infuriating for the government as it claims that in Cambodia “above all, people have been taught to fear the rulers, by their caprice and un-predictability and especially brute force.”
Ghai argues that in Cambodia there is no rule of law so “what a powerful individual or group cannot obtain by legal means, they try to obtain by force.”
Om Yentieng, president of the government-run Cambodian Human Rights Committee, issued a statement March 20 saying that, once again, the government has to express its “disappointment” as the report “ignored the progress and the efforts made by the government of Cambodia.”
Yentieng refuted Ghai’s assertion that “the Cambodian judiciary has failed” and that the rule of law is non existent in Cambodia by pointing to key elements of progress – such as the drafting of the civil and penal codes – in the field of legal and judicial reform.
“Obviously, no country can claim that it achieves full human rights,” Yentieng said. “However, it is an undeniable fact that Cambodia remains committed to human rights and the efforts must be acknowledged.”
Ghai’s latest report notes that “requests to meet Prime Minister Hun Sen or any ministers or senior public servants were rejected, frustrating any dialogue." _________________________________________________________________
King Father Sihanouk gives ‘100 percent’ endorsement to CPP and Hun Sen
The Mekong Times Daily; March 17, 2008
By Neth Pheaktra
(Comments: Sihanouk has recently given openly and publicly his '100 percent' endorsement to Hun Sen and his CPP. By doing so, Sihanouk has nullified all possibilities for any opposition parties to challenge the policy of total submission by Hun Sen and his CPP to their Vietnamese patrons. Sihanouk has unreservedly given the credit to Hun Sen as the pacifier and the unifier of the Cambodian nation and people, which is preposterous and contrary to historical facts. The pressure to eliminate all opposition parties can be seen in Sisowath Thomico's statement in the article posted below, to the effect that he will ask all opposition parties (SRP, HRP, NRP) to join in this so-called national unity movement under the leadership of Hun Sen and his CPP party, and endorsed by Sihanouk. As I have often said before, Cambodians are doing their best to give away their land to the Vietnamese, and enslave its people. So, please, don't blame the Vietnamese alone. Look at what the Cambodians are capable of doing to themselves, since the Angkor time, and now perpetrated by Pol Pot, Sihanouk, and Hun Sen, not to mention Sam Rainsy and Ranariddh.
Naranhkiri Tith Ph. D. Washington DC. March 17, 2008.)
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Former King Norodom Sihanouk had issued separate letters to Prince Sisowath Thomico Prime Minister Hun Sen expressing his thanks to both for their desire to rebuild the nation in the spirit of the Sangkum Reast Niyum (People’s Socialist Community) era of 1955 – 1970, also known as Cambodia’s ‘Golden Era.’ At the time, King Norodom Sihanouk abdicated to become prime minister, using only the title of ‘Prince’ in order to be able to govern the country in this era.
The letters sent March 13 to Sisowath Thomico, expressing thanks for his effort to seek justice for the Sangkum Reast Niyum (SRN), and offered Hun Sen ‘great thanks,’ and a‘100 percent’ endorsement of his Cambodian People’s Party (CPP).
The former king, currently in China undergoing medical check-up, made the statements after receiving a letter from the premier expressing his thanks in return.
‘In line with the example of SRN, Samdech Decho (Hun Sen) is capable of rebuilding and reconciling our nation and of uniting Cambodians with different political views to unite together in a new political party which is hope to rebuild Cambodia’s future and reputation with dignity,’ former king Sihanouk said in his letter to Hun Sen. ‘With this in mind I would like to express sincere support from the bottom of my heart for the national unification movement’ he added.
Hun Sen confirmed he is simulating former King Sihanouk’s SRN policies.
‘It is true that I have vowed to rebuild the nation by following the example of the SRN established by the hero king Norodom Sihanouk, the father of the Khmer Nation, who is showing ‘us’ the way to follow,’ the premier said in response to the king’s letter. I still have constant support for the Khmer monarch who brought prosperity and peace for all generations, and provide cool shade for his children and grand children to live in. The retired king for my policies gives me great boost to go ahead with my work in the framework of the CPP’s political path, which is open to patriots from everywhere (in Cambodia) to establish the nation and create national unity with disregard of their race, religion and past actions. ‘
Prince Sisowath Thomico said that the premier’s statement emphatically heralds a great unification movement to rebuild the nation, as established by the former king during the SRN. He said he would hold talks with the leaders of the Sam Rainsy Party, the Human Rights Party and the Norodom Ranariddh Party to ask for comments on the movement. He said that his intentions were not at supporting the CPP, but to assist Hun Sen leadership in avoiding any potential problems in Cambodia’s political climate.’
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Corruption survey finds little hope for change
BY TRACEY SHELTON AND VONG SOKHENG
The Phnom Penh Post, Issue 17 / 04, February 22 - March 6, 2008
(Comments: One thing which has remained unchanged in Cambodia is systemic corruption. Corruption is part and parcel of the Cambodian culture, since Angkor time. Unfortunately, corruption stemmed from the fact that only public service is highly admired and sought after by all Cambodians who want to have power and money. There is no other way fro Cambodians to get rich, but to be a high official and to get kickbacks from the rest of the members of the Cambodian society. This, in turn, had stiffened the pioneering and entrepreneurship spirit of the majority of Cambodians, except Sino-Cambodians. This Angkorian tradition continues to be practiced unabated, in present day Cambodia, with all the negative political and social consequences for the survival to the nation and its people. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. March 16, 2008)
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The chairman of the CPP’s finance and banking commission has challenged a new corruption survey by Transparency International (TI) that found Cambodians perceive their country to be highly corrupt.
The survey conducted last year and released on February 20 placed Cambodia in the highest corruption category based on the number of respondents claiming to have paid bribes.
Seventy-two percent of Cambodians interviewed in September 2007 by TI said they had bribed a public servant in the previous year, the second highest ranking behind Cameroon of 62 countries surveyed last year. Sixty-one percent of respondents said they did not expect to see a decrease in corruption within the next three years, with 42 percent saying they expect corruption to increase.
Cheam Yeap, chairman of the finance and banking commission for the ruling CPP, said Transparency International had every right to conduct the survey but releasing an assessment of corruption that is not accurate “would affect the honor of our country.”
“I think TI should provide evidence of its allegations,” he said. “I agree that there is corruption but it is an individual issue, not the whole country.”
The survey rated the judicial system and police department as the two most corrupt authorities. It said 45 percent of those who had dealings with the legal system and 62 percent of those who had contact with police within the past year admitting paying bribes for services.
The registry and permit department also rated high. TI surveyed 1016 people in four provinces – Battambang, Siem Reap, Kampong Cham and Sihanoukville – and Phnom Penh municipality.
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Ex Khmer Rouge official says 'no choice' to killings: report
The Straits Times
Feb 11, 2008
(Comments: Many Cambodians still do not believe that it was the Khmer Rouge who massacred its own people, They rather conveniently put the blame on the Vietnamese. No doubt, it was the Vietnamese who created and nurtured the Khmer Rouge. But, there is no question that it was Pol Pot and his gang who did the mass killing. Why did they do it? The answer is that Pol Pot wants to show to the world that Cambodia can reach the nirvana of Communism (Pure Communism) in the fastest time in the world. Of course, this is pure dementia and utopia. Because, Communism is purly and simply, a utopia. Wake up Cambodians. The sooner you face the reality, the better chance we will have to survive the Vietnamese onslaught with the help of Sihanouk and Hun Sen.
Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. March 16, 2008
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LONDON - A FORMER senior Khmer Rouge official said he had 'no alternative' when he oversaw the killing of thousands of Cambodians, in an interview with a British newspaper published on Monday.
The regime's prison chief Duch, who was arrested last July and has been charged with crimes against humanity, told the Independent daily how those who came to a camp he was in charge of had no way to avoid death.
'There was a widespread and tacit understanding. I and everyone else who worked in that place knew that anyone who entered had to be psychologically demolished, eliminated by steady work, given no way out,' he told the paper.
'No answer could avoid death. Nobody who came to us had any chance of saving himself,' added the former Khmer Rouge official, whose real name is Kaing Guek Eav.
Up to two million people died of starvation and overwork or were executed under the communist Khmer Rouge, which abolished religion, schools and currency during the regime's 1975-79 rule.
Duch, who is awaiting trial before a UN-backed tribunal, allegedly oversaw the torture and extermination of 16,000 men, women and children at the Khmer Rouge's Tuol Sleng prison, codenamed S-21.
He told the Independent that the torture centre, a former school, was set up in August 1975, four months after the Khmer Rouge entered Phnom Penh, and work began there two months later.
'When the work started at Tuol Sleng, I asked my bosses now and then, 'Do we really have to use all this violence?' Son Sen (defence minister) never answered. Nuon Chea, the No 2 Brother in the power structure, who was above him, told me: 'Don't think about these things.' 'I personally had no answer. Then with the passing of time, I understood.'
'It was Ta Mok who had ordered all the prisoners to be eliminated. We saw enemies, enemies, enemies everywhere.'
'I was cornered, like everyone in that machine, I had no alternative. Pol Pot, the No 1 Brother, said you always had to be suspicious, to fear something.'
'And thus the usual request came: interrogate them again, interrogate them better.'
Earlier this month, survivors of the Khmer Rouge publicly confronted the regime's 'Brother Number Two,' Nuon Chea, at a UN-backed genocide tribunal, marking the first time victims have faced a senior cadre in court. -- AFP
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ONE-WAY DEFECTIONS Sam Rainsy PartyAlternatives Watch – 10h08
(Comments: finally, the truth came out from one of his own ex-members of the Sam Rainsy Party. A few years ago, when I answered Mr. Ung Bun Ang's question as to why I am not an admirer of Sam Rainsy and not to be trusted. Ung Bun Ang was then in great admiration for his ex-party boss, not realizing that he was totally fooled by him. I told him that from my numerous contacts with Sam Rainsy, and from the opinion of several NGO observers, we all agreed that Sam Rainsy is very devious and self centered. These two combined characters do not make him a trustful, open, and honest leader. Now, Mr. Ung Bun Ang has just confirmed our insight of the once mistakingly concidered by these same NGOs, as the Nelson Mandela of Cambodia, from an insider what I had told him, a few years ago, about who exactly Sam Rainsy really was and is. Ung Bun Ang, I give you that much credit, you are an honest person, who was fooled by one of the most devious characters that I have ever met. And I can say with confidence that I have met a lot of world leaders during my career as a senior staff member of the IMF for more than twenty years in more than one hundred countries in the wolrd.
Naranhkiri Tith
Washington DC. February 15, 2008)
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The SRP president may feel better to observe within the context of Cambodian politics that, "before elections there are members of parliament and party dignitaries defecting from one party to another".
It is a general statement that is easy to understand and accept, especially among the party members and supporters.However, an interesting aspect of the current bout of high profile defections is that they are only in one direction favouring the CPP; it gains defectors from all parties without losing any of its own. The SRP is an overall loser, having lost in the last few months five of its members of parliament: three to the CPP and one each to Funcinpec Party and Human Right Party. The last time it welcome any prominent defection was four years ago. Funcinpec members and other "democrats" who used to look up to the SRP now flock instead to the CPP and elsewhere.There are a few explanations for the SRP predicament. One of the defecting MPs refers to internal problems and questions the future direction of the party. He claims if he remained with the SRP he would be re-elected in the forthcoming national elections, based on the outcomes of the recent commune elections in the province under his control. Another declares he is no longer satisfied with the party leadership. Neither of them, however, publicly elaborates the issues that drive their decision to leave.On the other hand, the SRP president points to an overwhelming self-interest of the defectors who make their move just before elections. This explanation may be simplistic, and open to further questions, especially when the president claims his members are motivated byideals, and not consumed by self-interest. First, it would be interesting to discover what has changed these defectors from being idealistic considering that they have been high ranking party members for up to more than ten years. Second, if the SRP's explanation that self-interest drives defection is sound, then the absence of notable defection from the CPP may suggest that this party is full of members who are not serving their self-interest.If the public rhetoric really reflects the thinking of the leadership, not just a public relations exercise to keep die-hard supporters motivated, the SRP is likely to bleed further. Its adamant refusal to acknowledge any impact of the continual defections on the party prevents it from addressing the problem. It may not realise that it has been very successful in turning its long-time members into its opponents, which makes its political struggle harder. It will be an irony of a gigantic proportion if the SRP joins the CPP as a junior coalition partner after the July 2008 elections; the current defectors will have been then vindicated.It is tough. No wonder the SRP president does sound tired and resigning when addressing the VOA listeners, "Yes, this [defection] is not the first time; it is the tenth... the twentieth time". It seems even the president also expects more of these no-impact defections.
Ung Bun Ang------------------------------------------------------------------------------
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March 20, 2008
Donald A. Manzullo (IL-16), Ranking Member
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
SUBCOMMITTEE ON ASIA, THE PACIFIC, AND THE GLOBAL ENVIRONMENT
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20515
Fax: 202 225 5284
(Comments: please, see my letter to Congressman Donald Manzullo, Ranking member of the Sub Committee of Asia and Pacific Affairs on his recent statement during a hearing on Cambodia, in which he criticized Hun Sen's corrupt government and its impact on the Cambodian people.
Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. March 20, 2008)
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Dear Congressman Manzullo:
My name is Naranhkiri Tith. I am a Cambodian-American and a resident of Washington DC. I was a former professor in International economics and Finance at the School of Advanced International Studies of the Johns Hopkins University as well a former senior official of the International Monetary Fund for over twenty years.
I just came across your remarkable opening statement, and I was profoundly touched by your very accurate, compassionate, and caring assessment of the current situation in Cambodia during a recent hearing on Cambodia entitled:
"An Overview of Cambodia and the Need for Debt Recycling: How can the U.S. be of Assistance?"
, which took place in your Sub Committee on February 14, 2008.
I especially commend you for raising the issue of systemic corruption under the Hun Sen (an ex-Khmer Rouge general) and his Cambodian People's Party (CPP), when you stated correctly that:
"Recent improvements in Cambodia hold a glimmer of hope that the domestic situation may finally be turning for the better. I note that a number of senior Administration officials have visited Phnom Penh to further our engagement. However, despite these improvements, some serious structural deficiencies still exist. Rampant corruption in the public sector is one of the most serious threats to Cambodia’s development. In fact, an eye opening report published by Global Witness, which is a highly respected organization, estimates public sector corruption in the timber trade at $100 million. If left unchallenged the possibility of even worse corruption in the future is very real. According to a Radio Free Asia article from March 2007, Cambodia stands to reap billions of dollars in new revenue from future oil and gas deals. If corruption takes hold in the extractive industries it will ensure that Cambodia remains locked in poverty for the foreseeable future. I submit for the Record both documents from Global Witness and Radio Free Asia."
In this context, I would to support your brave statement by pointing out that Hun Sen and his extended family continue to steal the wealth from the Cambodian people, the majority of which continues to live in abject poverty and hopelessness. May I also add that Hun Sen continues to block all efforts to bring to light the much-needed anti corruption law which has been languishing in the national assembly because of the obstruction from Hun Sen and his CPP. This lamentable situation in Cambodia is further exacerbated by lack of independence in the judicial system.
Hun Sen continues to use legal means under his control of the judicial system to threaten to jail all those who dare to challenge his power, whether from the political opposition parties leaders, or from NGO's. A recent survey on how corruption by an international NGO named 'Transparency international' has revealed that 70 percent of the Cambodian survey from all over Cambodia believes that the government under Hun Sen and his CPP is totally corrupt. (Please, the article on this issue pasted below, for your information).
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“Corruption survey finds little hope for change
BY TRACEY SHELTON AND VONG SOKHENG
Phnom Penh Post, Issue 17 / 04, February 22 - March 6, 2008
The chairman of the CPP’s finance and banking commission has challenged a new corruption survey by Transparency International (TI) that found Cambodians perceive their country to be highly corrupt.
The survey conducted last year and released on February 20 placed Cambodia in the highest corruption category based on the number of respondents claiming to have paid bribes.
Seventy-two percent of Cambodians interviewed in September 2007 by TI said they had bribed a public servant in the previous year, the second highest ranking behind Cameroon of 62 countries surveyed last year. Sixty-one percent of respondents said they did not expect to see a decrease in corruption within the next three years, with 42 percent saying they expect corruption to increase.
Cheam Yeap, chairman of the finance and banking commission for the ruling CPP, said Transparency International had every right to conduct the survey but releasing an assessment of corruption that is not accurate “would affect the honor of our country.”
“I think TI should provide evidence of its allegations,” he said. “I agree that there is corruption but it is an individual issue, not the whole country.”
The survey rated the judicial system and police department as the two most corrupt authorities. It said 45 percent of those who had dealings with the legal system and 62 percent of those who had contact with police within the past year admitting paying bribes for services.
The registry and permit department also rated high. TI surveyed 1016 people in four provinces – Battambang, Siem Reap, Kampong Cham and Sihanoukville – and Phnom Penh municipality.”
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Finally, I would like to note that although Mr. Mussomeli had been doing a good job in trying to work with the corrupt Hun Sen government, he sometimes went over board for having praised Hun Sen as no longer a dictator, which contrary to all those who have followed independently the situation in Cambodia, such Mr, Yash Ghai, the United Nations Special Representative on Human Rights in Cambodia who recently had written as follows on the dire condition of the Cambodian people under Hun Sen and his corrupt CPP:
"Key components of democracy including – rule of law which is essential to July national elections, are not being respected, UN Special Representative on Human Rights in Cambodia, Yash Ghia’s latest reports claims.
The 25 page report focused on rule of law, ending impunity, the rights of assembly and movement and property rights. It will be officially release March 19, at the UN Human Rights’ Council session, in Geneva, Switzerland.
Yash Ghai blasted Cambodia’s judiciary and law enforcement, that the rule of law ‘is ‘most threatened by the government by corruption among public servants, and by judges or prosecutors who take orders from the government.’
After meeting with people from all levels in Cambodian society, and studying reports for national and international organizations, Ghai concluded he agreed with Lichado’s 2007 human rights report.
‘The Cambodian justice system has failed’ Ghai wrote, ‘despite the UNTAC interventions, and 15 years of aid to legal and judicial reform, in 2007 the primary functions of the courts continue to prosecute political opponents and other critics of the government, to perpetuate impunity for actors of the state and their associates, and to promote economic interests of the rich and the powerful.’
Ghai expressed dissatisfaction with the continued lack of progress on a robust framework for land registration and a law on peaceful demonstration. The unprincipled approach is behind numerous human rights violations, he added.
Visits to provinces led Ghai to conclude that laws are respected in some regions. In Kong Yu, Rattanakiri province, Ghai found that villagers were abused over a land dispute involving powerful figures. Ghai noted that around 100 families had been forcibly evicted in Spen Ches, Sihanoukville. He claimed that the courts have neither reviewed nor solved cases such as these, and alleged that property were frequently abused by powerful officials and private firms. Source: the Mekong Times Daily, March 17, 2008"
In the future, if you hold another hearing on Cambodia, I would like very much to have the opportunity to offer my independent view on Cambodia's recent developments to your Sub Committee, as a Cambodian-American who had been very closely monitoring the situation in Cambodia in all its aspect, for the last thirty years, and as a senior member of the IMF and as a member of the faculty of the Johns Hopkins University. Thank you once again, Mr. Congressman, for your caring concern to the suffering Cambodian people.
For more background information on my career, please, visit this web page, pasted below:
http://mysite.verizon.net/vzeof03b/id28.html
Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D.
Former Professor, SAIS, The Johns Hopkins University
And former Senior Staff member of the IMF
Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D.
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For more details on this hearing please go to the links posted below:
Hearing on Cambodia by the Sub Committee on Asia and the Pacific on February 14, 2008
Statement by The Honorable Eni F.H. Faleomavaega , Chairman of the Sub Committee on Asia and the Pacific on Cambodia situation, February 14, 2008
http://laotze.blogspot.com/2007/12/barack-obama-and-truth.html
Statement by the Honorable Donald Manzullo Ranking member of the sub Committee on Asia and the Pacific on Cambodia on the hearing by the Sub committee of Asia and the pacific on February 14, 2008
http://www.internationalrelations.house.gov/110/man021408.htm
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Statement by Mr. Scot Marciel, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State on East Asian and the Pacific Affairs Bureau, US State Department, on Cambodia, at the Hearing by the Sub Committee on Asia and the Pacific on February 14, 2008
The United States and Cambodia: Bilateral Relations and Bilateral Debt
Scot Marciel,Deputy Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs;
Tesimony Before the Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific, and the Global Environment House Foreign Affairs Committee
Washington, DCFebruary 14, 2008
(Comments: A recently published report from the State Department depicting a rather optimistic picture of the present poetical, economic, social and international relations of Cambodia, especially its relations with the United States of America. Although, the report had to admit that there are many fundamental problems facing Cambodia, conveniently putting the blame on the Khmer Rouge era legacy, and not on the Hun Sen corrupt government under Vietnamese control. Despite this shortcoming and political expediency resulting from the Bush Administration new alliance with Vietnam to confront China rising power in Asia, the report still provides a good summary of the present general condition of Cambodia, which is not good due to pervasive corruption and lack of good and well-functioning legal anf judicial framework, and to a corrupt political system.
Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. March 16, 2008)
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Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Manzullo, and Members of the Subcommittee, thank you for inviting me here today to testify about the growing U.S.- Cambodia bilateral relationship and, in particular, Cambodia’s outstanding bilateral debt to the United States.
The bilateral relationship between the United States and Cambodia has been steadily improving, especially over the course of the past two years. Although Cambodia continues to undergo a difficult transition to democratic governance, we have seen positive developments in several key areas, including the strengthening of civil society and democratic processes, rapid economic growth, improvements in the fight against trafficking, support for democratic reforms in Burma, and increasing religious tolerance. While longstanding problems in the electoral process persist, which we are working to address through our democracy assistance programs, Cambodia’s April 2007 commune-level elections were peaceful and generally positive. National elections are scheduled for July 2008.
U.S. - Cambodia cooperation in a number of areas is growing and moving our bilateral relationship forward. In 2007, Cambodia hosted two U.S. Navy ships – the first to visit in over 30 years – and inaugurated a Peace Corps program. With U.S. encouragement and support, Cambodia has taken increasingly responsible positions on the world stage, including sending de-miners to participate in a UN peacekeeping mission to the Sudan and instituting a parliamentary caucus on Burma. We share good cooperation with the Cambodian military on counterterrorism and POW/MIA accounting.
Despite this progress, weak rule of law, rampant corruption, and weak institutions remain major challenges to Cambodia’s democratic development and sustained economic growth. While the political opposition plays a role in the country’s political affairs, the ruling party dominates all branches of the government. Cambodia’s leaders continue to occasionally use its weak and easily-influenced judiciary to pursue legal cases against critics and the political opposition. Land disputes and forced evictions, often accompanied by violence, continue to be a high-profile problem. Cambodia’s health and education system were largely decimated during the reign of the Khmer Rouge (1975 – 1979), and this legacy continues to hamper the country’s social and economic development.
In Cambodia’s efforts to deal with the legacy of the Khmer Rouge, the U.S. strongly supports bringing to justice senior leaders responsible for the atrocities committed under that regime. We applaud the progress made by the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), a Cambodian government and UN hybrid tribunal created in 2004 to try those individuals most responsible for the crimes committed under the Khmer Rouge regime in which nearly two million Cambodians were killed. The investigative phase of the tribunal is now underway and five former Khmer Rouge senior officials have been charged with war crimes and/or crimes against humanity. The U.S. has not in the past provided direct funding to the ECCC, due to congressional and Administration concerns about the tribunal’s quality, and in particular that the tribunal is not capable of meeting “international standards of justice.” However, in light of the Court’s progress during the past year, the Department is currently reviewing the tribunal and its operations, including whether or not it is capable of meeting international standards of justice, in order to make a decision regarding future funding.
Economy and Trade
Cambodia has taken a number of important policy measures recently to improve its business climate and promote economic growth. Cambodia joined the World Trade Organization in 2004 committing to implement global trading rules and opening its economy to foreign investment and trade. Implementation of these WTO commitments and other economic reforms have resulted in annual GDP growth rates in the 8 – 10 percent range over the past two years. Despite these impressive results, Cambodia remains a poor country: per capita income is only $590 per year; education levels are lower than in most neighboring countries; and infrastructure remains inadequate. Economic opportunity and competitiveness continue to be retarded by corruption and lack of legal protections for investors, and there are significant questions regarding the sustainability of recent high economic growth rates.
Cambodia’s largest trading partner is the United States. Garments dominate Cambodia’s exports, especially to the U.S., and accounted for over $2.6 billion in 2007. The garment industry employs roughly 350,000 workers, mostly women. Cambodia has developed a good labor record in the garment sector, built through close cooperation with the International Labor Organization and the U.S. Government, which has attracted socially conscious buyers in the United States. Since the end of the WTO’s Multi-Fiber Agreement in 2004, Cambodia has defied expectations that its garment industry would shrink significantly. In fact, exports have grown by nearly 20 percent, due in part to safeguards placed on imports of apparel from China. The U.S. safeguards on Chinese textiles will expire at the end of 2008, and under WTO rules cannot be renewed. The U.S. will continue to help accelerate economic opportunity and competitiveness in Cambodia by encouraging policy reform, implementing measures to reduce and eliminate corruption, and strengthening the legal framework for investors.
In July 2006, the U.S. and Cambodia signed a bilateral Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA), and the first round of discussions took place in Cambodia in February 2007. The on-going bilateral TIFA dialogue is focused on creating a cooperative mechanism to deepen and expand bilateral trade and investment ties, and supporting Cambodia’s efforts to implement its WTO commitments and other domestic economic reforms. Our engagement with Cambodia under this dialogue has been highly successful. In November 2007, Ambassador Susan Schwab led the bilateral dialogue, becoming the first U.S. Trade Representative to visit Cambodia.
U.S. Assistance to Cambodia
Cambodia is the third-largest recipient of U.S. foreign assistance in the East Asia and Pacific region. In 2007, Cambodia received $62 million to cover a broad array of important issues, including HIV/AIDS and maternal health, demining and professionalizing the military, strengthening good governance and human rights, and promoting economic development (see Appendix 1). U.S. assistance also supports programs to reverse the current culture of impunity, while strengthening civil society's ability to address legal and judicial reform, land tenure, rights of workers and children, and prevention of trafficking in persons. The U.S. also encourages expanded political participation by youth and women in elections and political processes. The USG provides assistance to improve the quality of and access to education, teacher training, assisting school directors to measure performance, and strengthening the leadership of the education system. We hope to increase the number of Cambodians studying in the United States under Fulbright and Humphrey Fellowship programs beyond the current twenty. U.S. assistance also helps preserve Cambodia’s rich natural resources, by building increased transparency in natural resources management.
From 1997 to 2007, legislative restrictions limited direct funding to the central government of Cambodia. Current assistance programs started since the restrictions were removed are carefully targeted to ensure funds are being used effectively to promote reform.
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Thailand-Cambodia:ALove-Hate Relationship
By: Charnvit Kasetsiri
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(Comments: the article posted below, is a very balanced and fair assessment of the history of Cambodian-Thai relationship, and explains how the Cambodians and Thai people are related to each other, and how this relationship is far better than the one that Cambodia has with Viettnam. To those who had criticized me, like Kenneth So, that I am too harsh on the Vietnamese, and too soft on the Thai. I ask So and his friends to provide me with such an article by a Vietnamese scholar who had written a balanced view on the relationship between Cambodia and Vietnam. The relationship between Cambodia and Thailand is one (To use the characterization by an American scholar) of a clash within the same civilization; while the one between Vietnam and Cambodia is a clash between two different civilizations, (Indinaized for Cambodia as opposed to Sinic for Vietnam).
The last type of relationship is deadly for Cambodia, while the one between Cambodia and Thailand can definitely be imporoved, especially as thailand is now moving towards a more open society, while Veitnam remains a staunch Communist regime.
Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington DC. February 14, 2008
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The violence, which culminated in the burning of the Royal Thai Embassy in Phnom Penh on January 29, 2003, was both shocking and unexpected. The rioting not only inflicted extensive damage to Thai-owned property (fortunately, no one was killed) but severely strained Thai-Cambodian relations. It also warrants study of the history of Thai-Cambodian relations to understand the deep-seated causes of what took place so that similar incidents can be avoided in the future.
Among the neighboring countries of Southeast Asia, none seems more similar to Thailand than Cambodia (perhaps not even excluding Laos and the “Tai” people scattered throughout such countries as Burma, Vietnam, and southern China). Both nations share similar customs, traditions, beliefs, and ways of life. This is especially true of royal customs, language, writing systems, vocabulary, literature, and the dramatic arts.
In light of these similarities, it seems surprising, therefore, that relations between Thailand and Cambodia should be characterized by deep-seated “ignorance, misunderstanding, and prejudice.” Indeed, the two countries have what can be termed “a love-hate relationship.”
This lack of understanding is reflected in the thinking of a considerable number of educated Thais and members of the ruling class, who distinguish between the Khom and the Khmer, considering them to be two separate ethnic groups. They assert that it was the Khom, not the Khmer, who built the majestic temple complexes at Angkor Wat and Angkor Thom and who founded one of the world’s truly magnificent ancient empires. They further claim that Khmer culture, for instance its various forms of masked dance drama, is merely a “derivative” of Thai culture. (This is despite the fact that the word “Khom” is derived from the old Thai “Khmer krom,” meaning “lowland Khmer.” In spoken Thai, “Khmer” was gradually dropped, leaving only “krom,” which over time became, first, “klom” or “kalom,” and then eventually “Khom.”)
The border between Thailand and Cambodia is approximately 800 kilometers long, stretching along the provinces of the lower Northeast from a point known as “Chong Bok” in Ubon Ratchathani (where the Thai, Laotian, and Cambodian borders meet and which some refer to as the “Emerald Triangle”) and ending in Had Lek sub-district of Klong Yai district, in Trat province.
This long border is symbolic of the long history of relations between the Thais and the Khom-Khmer, which date from before the founding of the Sukhothai kingdom in the thirteenth century, thus starting the “love-hate relationship.” A similar relationship exists between the Japanese and the Koreans. Much of what defines Japanese culture today has been influenced by and is part of the cultural heritage of Korea. Buddhism, silkmaking, lacquerware, architecture, and sculpture – the most refined aspects of culture which the Japanese identify with China – passed to them first through Korea. But because of Japan’s successful transformation into an industrial powerhouse, that country has overlooked its debt to Korea and, in fact, treats Korea as an inferior.
Those elements of Thai culture which are generally considered to have originated in India, such as Buddhism, architecture, artistic designs, and even a significant portion of the Thai lexicon, did not enter Thailand directly from India. Rather, they were all second-hand transmissions, so to speak, having first passed through the Sri Lankans (including the Tamil), the Mon, or the Khmer. Even the concept of divine kingship (devaraja) and much of the special vocabulary associated with the royal court were, as M.R. Kukrit Pramoj, a noted intellectual and former Thai prime minister, said, “derived from Cambodia.”
Thai leaders in the past were filled with tremendous admiration for anything Khom-Khmer. Khun Pha Muang, who ruled the city of Muang Rad, somewhere in present-day northern Thailand, and was instrumental in the founding of the Sukhothai kingdom, was given the title “Sri Intrabodintrathit” (before it was changed to “Sri Intrathit”). This is a name taken from the lord or phee fah of the city of “muang Sri Sothonpura.” Pha Muang’s royal regalia, known as “Pra Khan Jayasri,” the Jayasri sword, and his royal consort named “Sikara Maha Devi,” were all bestowed by the King of Angkor.
This is the message conveyed to us by a fourteenth-century stone inscription of Wat Srichum at Sukhothai (the authenticity of which has never been questioned, unlike that of the Ram Khamhaeng Inscription). The Thai term “phee fah” (referring to a king) and the term “Sri Sothonpura” are direct references to a Khom-Khmer king and his royal capital. The king in question was probably King Jayavarman VIII (1243-1295) and the royal capital of Sri Sothonpura is certainly Angkor Thom.
In other words, the earliest royal Thai titles – King Sri Intrabodintrathit, the Pra Khan Jayasri sword, and the consort Sikara Maha Devi – were derived from the Khmer, one of the most highly advanced civilizations in Southeast Asia at the time and a source of knowledge and inspiration to the Thai people. It is possible that Sikara Maha Devi was a daughter of King Jayavarman VIII and thus the Thai leader Khun Pha Muang, one of the founders of Sukhothai, was a son-in-law of the Khmer King.
The early history of the Lao Lan Xang kingdom in Luang Prabang shares distinct similarities. Fah Ngum, the founder of the kingdom, had sought refuge at Angkor, where he was given a sacred Buddha image (Phra Bang) and where he took a Khmer consort (Mahesi) before establishing his supremacy over all the Lao people (A.D. 1353).
This respect and admiration for anything Khmer also characterized the Ayutthaya period from the mid-fourteenth century onward. Interestingly, the flourishing of Khmer art and culture at the Thai court was the result of war, a war in which the victors adopted elements of the superior civilization of the losing side.
The glorious Khom-Khmer civilization ultimately sank into decline, as Sri Sothonpura (Angkor Thom or Sri Yasodharapura), seat of the kingdom, fell three times to invading armies – first to King U-Thong in 1369, second to King Ramesuan in 1388/9, and finally in 1431 to King Sam Phraya. The sacking of Sri Sothonpura can be compared to the fall of Ayutthaya in 1767, but Thai historians are reluctant to make this analogy as it casts Thais in the role of “villains,” a role more comfortably attributed to the Burmese.
However, the Thai conquest of Sri Sothonpura led to a burgeoning of Khmer art and culture in Ayutthaya, just as the Mongol conquest of China led to the Mongol adoption of Chinese customs and culture (the founding of the Yuan dynasty at Peking). As Professor David Wyatt of Cornell University once noted, in fact, “Ayutthaya is the successor of Angkor.”
Another example from the Ayutthaya period is the decision by King Prasat Thong (1630-1656) to build the principal prang at Wat Chaiyawatanaram in the Khmer style and to bestow on the Khmer-style palace he constructed on the banks of the Pasak River (located today in Nakhon Luang district of Ayutthaya province) the name “Nakhon Luang.” This is a name taken directly from Angkor Wat and Angkor Thom, as Thais at the time referred to the Khmer capital as (Phra) “Nakhon Luang” or in Pali-Sanskrit, Nagara, the City.
The admiration of the Thai ruling classes for things Khmer-Khom remained in evidence even into the Ratanakosin (Bangkok) period. King Rama IV, or King Mongkut (r.1851-1868), for instance, ordered a Khmer stone temple disassembled and reconstructed on Thai soil, but “Phra Suphanphisan, after a trip to the ancient Khmer capital at Angkor, informed the King that all the stone temples were too enormous to be taken apart and transported to Siam. Hearing this, the King ordered that Prasat Ta Prohm, a relatively smaller temple, be relocated instead. Four groups of 500 men each were dispatched…to deconstruct the prasat on the ninth day of the sixth lunar month.”
The account of this event, which appears in “The Royal Chronicles of King Rama IV” by Chao Phraya Thipakorawong, occurred in 1860, before the Siamese ceded “sovereignty” over Cambodia to the French in 1867.
It is unclear to us precisely why King Mongkut wished to have an enormous Khmer temple reconstructed in Siam at a time when the French were gradually extending their control over much of Indochina. What is interesting, however, is that the attempt to move the temple structure failed when “some 300 Khmers came out of the forest and attacked the men who had come to disassemble the temple, killing Phra Suphanphisan, Phra Wang and one of Phra Suphanphisan’s sons. Phra Mahatthai was stabbed, and Phra Yokkrabat was injured. The phrai commoners, however, escaped injury by fleeing into the forest.”
It was obvious that the Khmer were angered by the theft of their property and responded violently. The incident convinced King Mongkut to abandon the plan to “disassemble” the prasat and instead to construct a small model of the Angkor Wat temple complex. “Craftsmen constructed a model of Angkor Wat and installed it at Wat Phra Sri Ratanasasadaram (the Temple of the Emerald Buddha), where it remains to this very day.” (Prime Minister Hun Sen visited the model at the Temple of the Emerald Buddha in early 1990s during an official visit to Thailand for discussions with then-Prime Minister Chatichai Choonhavan.)
Despite the Thai love and admiration for anything Khmer, the Thais have also felt considerable hatred for the Khmer, as evidenced by a ritual called the phithi pathomkam. While Ayutthaya was busy fending off Burmese incursions, the Khmer King Satha (Chetta I, r.1576-1596) took the opportunity to attack Ayutthaya from the east. In revenge, so the chronicles say, King Naresuan ordered the capture of Khmer ruler to be beheaded and washed his feet with the blood.
The phithi pathomkam ritual re-enacts this story of revenge. However, Professor Kajorn Sukhapanich, a noted Thai historian, did not believe that the ritual, as recorded in the royal chronicles, ever really occurred. He claimed that Khmer King Satha fled and took refuge in Laos.
In general, present-day Thai view Khmer leaders and kings as traitors and ingrates. This idea was probably started by King Vajiravudh, or Rama VI (r.1910-1925), in his official nationalism campaign. It was handed down and developed by Field Marshal Phinbun and Luang Wichit in the 1930s-1940s when Thailand, with Japanese help, seized Siemreap and Battambang from French Indochina. It was also heightened by the dictatorship of Field Marshal Sarit when the International Court of Justice ruled that the great temple of Phra Viharn on the border belonged to Cambodia. The pro-Americanism of Thailand and the neutrality of Sihanouk Cambodia during the Cold War further encouraged mutual dislike between the two countries and peoples.
Thais are not particularly fond of Norodom Sihanouk, for example. A Thai riddle asks, “What color (si) do Thai people hate?” The answer is neither red (si daeng) nor black (si dam), but “Si-hanouk.”
This, of course, is the Thai perspective, but how do the Khmer view their kings, such as Satha and Sihanouk? Certainly as national heroes and saviors, as men who fought to preserve their country’s independence in the face of Thai aggressors intent on seizing control of Cambodia. Much the same could be said about King Anu of Laos, r.1805-1828, considered by Lao historians as a national hero, whereas to the Thais, he was a “rebel” against the Bangkok monarch King Rama III (r.1824-1851).
The history of Thailand and its neighbors, especially Cambodia, Laos, and Burma, is one with both positive and negative elements. Some events have bred hatred, for instance of the Burmese by the Thais; others have generated contempt and feelings of superiority or inferiority, as in the case of Thailand’s relations with Cambodia and Laos. These feelings have led to significant misunderstandings.
Clearly, then, there is a need for an earnest and systematic study of the history of relations between these countries. This study deserves support from national and regional organizations such as ASEAN. Unfortunately, however, once the smoke clears from the Thai Embassy in Phnom Penh, all that is likely to matter is the extent of the financial damage and how and when compensation will be paid.
Or if any analysis of the incident does take place, it is likely to reach the facile conclusion that the Khmers are “the villains” – they burned down Thai Embassy, after all – and the Thais are “the good guys” – we did not burn the Cambodian Embassy. It is convenient for Thais to forget that Ayutthaya rulers sacked Angkor three times. It would be far preferable, however, to examine the violent events of January 29 in order to draw lessons for solving the problems that continue to affect the neighboring countries of the Southeast Asian region.
Select Bibliography
The following texts shed some light for a better understanding of our Southeast Asian neighbors, especially Cambodia, its history, and the question of the Khmer legacy.
Her Royal Highness Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn. เขมรสามยก (Khamen sam yok / Cambodia: Three Times). 1993. A travel account of three trips made in 1992 and 1993, this book provides a day-by-day account of the Princess’s experiences in Cambodia, intending to give an understanding of the country and its customs. Filled with general information, the book is easy and pleasurable reading, and, importantly, contains beautiful photographs which help clarify the descriptions of modern day Cambodia (to 1992), as well as the historical sites at Angkor. 309 pages. 500 baht.
George Coedes. Angkor: An Introduction (translated into Thai by Pranee Wongthes as เมืองพระนคร นครวัด นครธม ). 1986. A popular book, currently in its seventh printing, written by an eminent French scholar from the Ecole Française d’Extrème Orient. Coedes once worked in Thailand and was the first man to read the Ramkhamhaeng Inscription Stone in its entirety. This text is a “must read” for anyone wishing to gain an understanding of the history of the ancient Khmer and the concept of divine kingship which informed the building of the great prasart. The book traces the development of the magnificent Khmer civilization and its eventual collapse. A smooth translation of the original, easy to read. 228 pages. 195 baht.
David Chandler. A History of Cambodia (translated into Thai by Phanngam Ngaothamasarn, Sodsai Khantiworapong, and Wongduen Narasajja as ประวัติศาสตร์กัมพูชา / Prawatsat Kamphucha). 1997 (second printing, 2000). Chandler, an eminent American scholar, is a former professor at Monash University, Australia. The book recounts the history of Cambodia, beginning from ancient times (before and after Angkor) and continuing to the present day (before and after the Khmer Rouge). It provides the “best background” to Cambodian history currently available in Thai. The book received an award for best translation of a work of non-fiction in 1999. A valuable reference book, suitable for reports, articles and advanced study. 412 pages. 250 baht.
Nikhom Musikakhama. ประวัติศาสตร์โบราณคดี กัมพูชา (Archeological History of Cambodia). 1993. A text published by the Fine Arts Department to mark the official opening of the National Museum at Phimai by Her Royal Highness Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn in 1993. The book is an attempt by the government to illustrate that: “Just as the two banks of the Mekhong River have not been able to separate the Thais from their Lao brothers and sisters, the Dongrak Hills have failed to separate Thailand from Cambodia.” This is a dense and fairly serious work, tracing the history of the Khmer people from before the founding of Angkor to the fall of the empire at the hands of Vietnamese and Thai invaders. The book serves as an excellent guide for determining what is “reliable” and what is “unreliable” in the study of historical “records.” Special attention should be paid to Chapter 5. 430 pages.
Jit Phumisak. ตำนานแห่งนครวัด (Prawatsat Borankhadi Kamphucha / The Legend of Angkor Wat). 1982 (second printing, 2002). This book, by an important Thai thinker and writer, is in the style of a cultural travel guide. It is an attempt to clear up misunderstandings and “overcome Thai prejudice and contempt for the Khmer.” Although it is somewhat romanticized, the book is full of insightful conversations between young men and women who ask questions and look for answers to the mystery of the rise and fall of the Khmer empire. First printing B.E. 2525 (1982), second printing B.E. 2545 (2002). Beautiful illustrations. 196+ pages. 175 baht.
Bernard Groslier. นี่ เสียมกุก (Syam Kuk). (Translated into English by Benedict Anderson from the French “Les Syam Kuk des bas-reliefs d’Angkor Vat” in Orients pour George-Condominas, Sud-est Asie/Privat, Paris, 1981; Thai version edited by Charnvit Kasetsiri). 2002. The book presents the debate over the identity of the figures known as “Syam” carved into the stone prasat at Angkor. “Were they Thai? Where they Siamese? Were they mercenaries? Were they primitive babarians? Precisely who were they?” The book also discusses a new theory which posits that these figures were none other than the Kuay or Kui, one of the oldest indigenous peoples of Southeast Asia, who are somewhat disparagingly referred to as the “Suay” in Thai or the “Kha”in Lao. These people inhabited remote areas between the Khmer and the ancient Champa kingdoms. (M. Groslier was the French curator who remained at Angkor until the very last moment during the Khmer Rouge period. He believed that the flourishing of the ancient Khmer civilization was due to its ability to harness waterpower. To him the Angkorian Empire was a hydraulic society.) 165 baht.
Sujit Wongthes, editor. พระนเรศวรตีเมืองละแวก แต่ไม่ได้ “ฆ่า” พระยาละแวก Phra Naresuan ti muang Lawaek dai tae maikai kha Phraya Lawaek / King Naresuan Captured the City of Lovek, But Did Not “Kill” its King). A history text consisting of dense but readable academic articles by Janchai Phakatimkom, Boonteun Srivorapong, and Santi Pakdeekham, which present new information, new perspectives, and new theories which contrast with long-standing readings of “historical records.” According to these articles, King Naresuan, in 1593, did in fact attack Lovek, the capital of the Khmer empire after the fall of Angkor, but he did not kill the Cambodian monarch, and the Pathomkam ritual, in which the blood of the Khmer king was used to wash King Naresuan’s feet, did not occur. These writers contend that the Khmer King of Lovek fled to Laos where he lived out the rest of his days. This book is recommended for the way in which it opens up new perspectives on the past and for its rejection of old-fashioned “fanatical nationalism.” (The editor is a national artist and cultural treasure; Janchai is a history professor at Ramkhamhaeng University, and Santi is an instructor at Srinakarintrawirot University – see his translation of the text on differences between Thai and Cambodian perspectives.) 184 pages. 155 baht.
Charnvit Kasetsiri. วิถีไทย (Withi Thai / The Thai Way). 1997. This is an historical and cultural guidebook intended to give Thai readers an understanding of and respect for their Southeast Asian neighbors. It takes the approach that by understanding “them,” we can better understand “ourselves.” The book attempts to break down the barriers imposed by borders, prejudice, and outdated nationalistic attitudes. For information on Cambodia, readers are directed to the chapters entitled “Across Cambodia from Atop Phra Viharn” and “Angkor Wat: Record of a Journey to the Celestial Palace of the Khom.” 321 pages. 230 baht.
Theeraphap Lohitakul. รัก ชื่น ขื่น ชัง อุษาคเนย์ (Rak, chun, khun, chang Usakhane / Love, Admiration, Resentment and Hatred in Southeast Asia). 2002. Written in a romantic style by one of the country’s most highly regarded travel writers, this book is a cultural guide to Southeast Asia with interesting historical asides. What is most noteworthy is the writer’s obvious respect and admiration for cultures and peoples different from the Thais. At the same time, however, the book’s title and chapter headings such as “Reassessing the Past: From Bang Rachan to Suranaree” and “To Whom Does Phra Viharn Belong? A Question We Should Perhaps Stop Asking” point to elements of love and hate in relations between neighboring countries in the region. Very easy to read, with beautiful illustrations, the book is an attack on ethnocentrism. 304 pages. 200 baht.
Apichart Kaweephokha. ปราสาทสด๊กก๊อกธม ประวัติศาสตร์และอารยธรรมขอม สระแก้ว บันเตีย เมียนจาย (Prasat Sdok Kok Thom prawatsat lae arayatham khom sra keo bantai mainchai / Prasat Sadok Kok Thom: Khom History and Civilization in Sra Kaew and Bantay Mian Jai). An admirable attempt to promote cross-cultural understanding at the local level. The book makes use of historical information, stone inscriptions, cultural travels, religious rituals, and other local activities to break down national barriers and promote cooperation between Sra Kaew province in Thailand (the location of the Prasat Sadok Kok Thom) and Bantia Mian Jai province in Cambodia (site of Prasat Bantay Chamar). The writer is the chief district officer in Khok Sung district, Sra Kaew. 190 pages. 100 baht.------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Thai historian Charnvit Kasetsiri is senior advisor to the Southeast Asia Studies Program at Thammasat University, Bangkok, Thailand. This article was translated by Michael Crabtree, with assistance from Somjit Jirananthiporn.
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